Husain Madani’s Inclusive and Democratic Brand of Islam Gaining Traction amid Debate over Taliban-Deoband Link
By
Kaniz Fatma, New Age Islam
2 October
2021
Examining
Dissimilarities between Taliban and Deoband Links in India
Main
Points:
1. Taliban are
diametrically opposed to The Model of Their Greatest Sheikh Husain Madani.
2. Husain
Madani advocated composite nationalism—a united India for Muslims and
non-Muslims.
3. Madani holds
that the basic spirit of the Quran is to promote peaceful coexistence in a
multi-cultural, multi-racial, and multi-religious society.
4. Though the
Taliban Admire Husain Madani, they reject his inclusive and democratised brand
of Islam.
5. Taliban are
unlikely to follow Madani’s model, but if they do not change their ways, they
will face considerable challenges.
6. Indian
Deobandi defender is advising the Taliban to revert to their most revered
Sheikh's teachings and reject fanaticism in favour of moderation and inclusion.
......
Husain Madani Deobandi
----
Since the
Taliban assumed control of Afghanistan, there have been disputes about
Deoband's relationship with the Taliban and their religious doctrine and ideas.
Different people speak in a variety of ways. The Taliban's affiliation with
Deoband is also being discussed in newspapers and electronic media. On what
basis do the Taliban regard Husain Ahmed Madani Deobandi as their leader? This
is a crucial question that must be answered in order to comprehend the
Taliban-Deoband connection. When you examine Husain Madani’s ideology, you will
notice that it is diametrically opposed to that of the current Taliban. Some
even propose that the Taliban could learn from their greatest Sheikh, Husain
Ahmad Madani Deobandi who is known for advocating composite nationalism—a
united India for Muslims and non-Muslims. What's the back-story to all of this?
Let's have a look at it in this article.
In answer
to a media question on the current situation in Afghanistan, the President of
Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind, Maulana Syed Arshad Madani, remarked recently in a lengthy
interview that some people are associating the Taliban with Deoband and Darul
Uloom, which he does not believe is correct. Arshad Madani claims that his
India-based seminary, Darul Ulum Deoband, has no present ties to the Taliban
because none of the Taliban’s commanders was educated there. He claims,
however, that the Taliban have historical roots in the Deoband Movement, whose
anti-British leaders founded an exiled Indian government in the second decade
of the twentieth century. The purpose of the Taliban was to free their homeland
from the British through an armed struggle in cooperation with the Ottoman
Empire, the Durrani Amir, and Pashtun tribes spanning the British
India-Afghanistan border.
Arshad
Madani’s father, Maulana Syed Husain Ahmad Madani was imprisoned along with his
teacher and prominent Deobandi cleric Maulana Mehmud Hasan, in Malta after the
conspiracy was discovered by the British in 1916. Later, Husain Madani joined
Gandhi and opposed the establishment of Pakistan as a homeland for Muslims in
South Asia, stating that nation-states could not be created solely on religious
grounds. “Today’s Deobandis are the offspring or grandchildren of those who
were connected with that movement and their exiled government there,” said
Arshad Madani.
During the
same interview, Maulana Arshad Madani stated that “we have no soft corner for
the Taliban and we have no opinion about anyone” and that “the future will tell
us what the Taliban’s and their country’s system is. How they are going to
implement Islamic law in their country will be known.” He also stated that the
essential foundation for the long-term viability of any government is the
establishment of national unity and fraternity, the creation of equality among
citizens, the elimination of discrimination between the minority and the
majority, and the prevention of sectarian animosity.
“We would
welcome the Taliban if they created a norm for minorities and majorities,
providing them with economic, educational, and other civil rights, as well as
ensuring peace and order in the country and the lives of all citizens. We will
praise and proclaim that this revolution is an Islamic revolution if they grant
equal rights to all citizens; if they do not follow this manner, there will be
opposition around the world and we too will oppose them”, said Arshad Madani.
In the
midst of the current controversy over the Taliban-Deoband relationship, I
recently read an article titled “Can the Taliban Learn from Their Greatest Sheikh?”
According to Ammar Anwer’s article, the Taliban regard Husain Madani as their
greatest Sheikh. Husain Madani, on the other side, is portrayed in the article
as a moderate, peace-loving man who promoted Hindu-Muslim friendship and
reconciliation.
The article
proves that there is a mismatch between the current Taliban’s ideology and
Husain Madani’s ideology by portraying the moderate face of Husain Madani. The
article appears to have called on the Taliban regime to accept Husain Madani's
moderate beliefs and ideologies and renounce their extremism and bigotry. The
following are a few summarised highlights from the article.
According
to the article, Husain Madani’s political action began with his participation
in the Indian nationalism struggle. He was a founding member of “the Gandhian
non-cooperation movement”, wearing the “hand-loomed cloth popularised by Gandhi
as a symbol of resistance”. He was arrested at least once every decade from
1916 till India's independence in 1947.
Despite
being a religious traditionalist, Husain Madani had a unique political
imagination. As Indian independence drew near, Madani vehemently opposed
Muslims who advocated for a separate nation for Muslims. Instead, he contended
that Muslims may live as devout Muslims in “a religiously plural society as
full citizens of an independent, secular India”.
According
to the article, Madani dismissed the idea of constructing a polity on Islamic
principles as impracticable. His singularity stems from his status as a
political activist as well as a prominent Islamic scholar who was able to
contextualise his support for modern territorial nationalism within Islamic
traditions. His support for territorial nationhood brought him into conflict
with other Islamic thinkers of the time, most notably Dr Mohammad Iqbal, the
poet and philosopher who was the chief ideologue of Muslim territorial autonomy
in the Subcontinent, and Syed Abul Ala Maududi, the then-emerging Islamist
scholar.
Husain
Madani, as we all know, penned Muttahida Qaumiyat Aur Islam (Composite
Nationalism and Islam) in 1938, advocating composite nationalism—a united India
for Muslims and non-Muslims. In the book which opposed India’s partition,
Madani pushed for the concept of a “composite nationalism” within a united
India, which he considered would be more favourable to the development and
prosperity of his people over the entire subcontinent than any religious split.
Madani stated in this book that a “Qaum” (nation) in the Prophet's
terminology could be made up of believers and nonbelievers working together for
a similar goal and that this would be the model for India’s “Qaum”
(nation).
Citing some
references from the book, Mr Ammar states that Husain Madani persuaded his
audience to support a multi-religious India by citing texts from the Qur'an and
demonstrating that the prophets shared the same territory with those who
rejected their message, but that this did not make them two separate nations.
Madani claims that the basic spirit of the Quran is to promote peaceful
coexistence in a multi-cultural, multi-racial, and multi-religious society. He
mentioned the charter of Medina, which was established by the Prophet Mohammad
(peace be upon him) upon his arrival in Medina, and in which he merged Muslims,
Jews, and Christians into a single nation. According to Madani, the Prophet of
Islam drafted a constitution that brought people of many faiths together as one
nation, declaring them to be one community ("Ummah") apart from those
outside the city.
According
to the citations in the article, Maududi disputed Madani’s doctrine of the
Median Charter, claiming that non-Muslims can only be treated as
"dhimmis" (protected citizens) in an Islamic state if they accept to
pay the annual protection tax known as "Jizya." Maududi also viewed
the entire concept of contemporary territorial nation-states to be alien to
Islam, and secularism to be the first step toward atheism. In response to
Maududi’s criticism, Madani stated that such a notion leads nowhere. “Falsafiyyat
(philosophy) does not settle Siyasiyyat (politics),” he added. The
anti-colonial and constitutional movement was the reality of the day for Madani.
The attempt of Maududi to propose "an Islamic order" was “both
abstract and unrealistic”. He went on to say that, given the lack of religious
unity among Muslims, what would the Islamic government entail? He listed the
various sects and orientations within Islam, noting that each “considers his
argument beyond that of Plato or Socrates.”
The article
goes on to suggest that Madani's opposition to Islamist politics was not solely
motivated by the fact that Muslims were a minority in India, making Islamic
governance impractical through democratic methods. In fact, he argued that even
in a largely Muslim state, there could be no unanimity on the specific
character of Islamic authority and that such action would inevitably exacerbate
religious tensions.
Madani,
according to the reports cited in the article, was also opposed to the idea
that Islamic “laws” existed in the sense of absolute universals that applied to
all times and places. Maududi must be living in a “fanciful world,” he claimed,
where he can simply ignore "the truths of India's mixed and heterogeneous
population.” “How could he imagine putting into practise the regulations he
drew from theoretical premises, such as the criminal sanctions (stoning,
prohibition, or monetary restitution for murder) that any ruler professing to
be governed by Islamic law would enact?” Such regulations are neither suitable
nor ethically obligatory in a society like India, Madani concluded.
When the
subcontinent was divided into Hindu-majority India and Muslim-majority Pakistan
in August 1947, Madani’s gallant efforts to prevent India's separation on
religious grounds were eventually failed. Madani urged Deobandi scholars who
had moved to Pakistan to remain loyal to their new home and wished for peaceful
coexistence between the two countries.
The article
holds that, unfortunately, Deoband scholars in Pakistan began campaigning for
Islamisation very early on and actively participated in the Afghan Jihad
against Soviet occupation in the 1970s and 1980s. As a result, their viewpoint
diverged significantly from that of the Indian Deoband, which continues to
strongly favour a secular structure. According to some academics, Pakistani
Deobandis became significantly infused with Wahhabism under the sponsorship of
the Pakistani military and Saudi Riyals, straying from the Classical Islam that
the Indian Deoband still adheres to.
According
to Mr Ammar, after the Iranian revolution in 1979, Saudi Arabia was concerned
that a Shia country — Iran — would come to rule the Muslim world. As a result,
they began sponsoring seminaries around the Muslim world including Pakistan for
promoting Wahhabi-style Islam. He stated that Wahhabi influence grew steadily
in Pakistan and Afghanistan during the 1980s when the CIA and Saudi Arabia both
provided supplies to Mujahideen guerrilla groups fighting the Soviet occupation
of Afghanistan during the Cold War. As a result, Deobandi Islam progressively
absorbed Wahhabi culture. “The Afghan Taliban also follows the Deobandi Islam,
and most of its leadership consists of graduates from Deobandi seminaries,
including in particular the famous (or infamous) seminary Dar al-Ulum Haqqania,
which is based in the town of Akora Khattak, in Northwestern Pakistan”, he
wrote.
Mr Ammar,
defending Indian Deoband, claims that the Taliban, like the majority of their
Pakistani allies, reject Husain Madani’s inclusive and democratised brand of
Islam. True, the Taliban still admire him, but their acts contradict the
message Madani worked so hard to spread. Although it seems unlikely that the
Taliban will follow Madani’s model, it is also true that if they do not change
their ways, they will face considerable challenges in acquiring Western
legitimacy, which might lead to a severe economic crisis in the country.
Mr Ammar
believes that because the Afghan public has been forced to unceasing conflict
for more than four decades and yearns for stability and internal religious and
ethnic unity, the Taliban should follow Husain Madani’s model proposed in the
1930s, which is both Islamic and modern. He rightfully concludes by advising
the Taliban to revert to their most revered Sheikh's teachings and honestly
demonstrate that they have evolved and rejected fanaticism in favour of
moderation and inclusion.
Referenced
Article: https://tribune.com.pk/article/97485/can-the-afghan-taliban-learn-from-their-greatest-sheikh
URL: https://www.newageislam.com/radical-islamism-jihad/husain-madani-taliban-afghanistan-/d/125493
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