Pakistan Press on Vaccine to Activate Patriotism, Jinnah’s Islamic Agenda and Afghan Peace: New Age Islam's Selection, 18 March 2021

By New Age Islam Edit Desk

18 March 2021

• Jab of a Vaccine to Activate My Patriotism

By F.S. Aijazuddin

• Jinnah’s Islamic Agenda and New UFD Motto

By Jamil Mogul

• Pakistan’s Acquisition of an Advanced Missile Technology

By Syed Qamar Afzal Rizvi

• Afghan Peace Deal – Securing the Future of Regional Peace

By Sabah Aslam

• The Letter, the Proposal and Afghan Peace

By Inam Ul Haque

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Jab of a Vaccine to Activate My Patriotism

By F.S. Aijazuddin

March 18, 2021

I NEVER thought I would need the jab of a vaccine to activate my patriotism.

Since news of the availability of anti-Covid-19 vaccines has been regurgitated by the press, I have suffered anxiety about whether or not I should allow myself to be vaccinated. Which one, though? AstraZeneca? The Pfizer-BioNTech? Moderna? Or the single dose Johnson & Johnson? Why not the Russian Sputnik V, even though it might be a cousin to the secret weapon developed by Vladimir Putin to disable defectors?

What pushed me over the edge was not my vulnerability. Everyone in contact with Pakistan accepts that while life is in the hands of God, death can come from the unwashed infected hands of fellow man. What precipitated me into action was the advice by a young Brit-Pak doctor who has spent the last year treating Covid-19 patients at a London hospital, where incidentally Boris Johnson was also a patient. According to that medic: “The vaccine will not prevent you from catching the virus; it will however reduce the chances of it degenerating into something lethal.”

Government announcements have urged elderly Pakistanis over the age of 65 to register on an official number 1166. I did, and then waited for the call. It took some weeks and an unsubtle prompt for 1166 to respond. It informed me that I should present myself with my CNIC at the Expo Centre in Lahore’s Johar Town. I did, last Sunday. It is the same cavernous complex that has been the venue for commercial exhibitions, annual book fairs, and most recently (after an almost overnight conversion) into an emergency hospital for Covid-19 patients.

Those in my family over the age of 65 accompanied me on the off-chance that, even though none of us had an appointment, we might secure a jab. I steeled myself for the institutionalised in hospitality one endures at government managed dis-organisations. That sunny spring afternoon was different.

Lahore’s geriatric and ageing residents debouched onto the tarmac of the Expo’s parking lot. An ants-line of wheelchairs ferried the incapacitated to the receiving area. The crowd massed there defied every injunction about safe social distancing. But then, the promised protection lay on the other side of the massive steel doors. We filled out a form each, and were ushered into an inner waiting area. There, after no more than three minutes on chairs spaced for safety, we were invited row by row into the vaccination hall.

The remnants of its previous modification as a Covid-19 emergency centre were still visible — rows of hospital beds, two per cubicle, each fitted with electrical outlets for equipment. A relay of nurses examined patients, noting their temperature, pulse, and blood pressure.

At the next station, a few yards away, doctors sat, each dipping into a cooler containing cartons of the dose. A lady doctor gave me a jab, noted the time ‘2:57’ and passed me to an orderly who invited me to spend the next 15 minutes on a chair or bed (my choice) just in case I might suffer an allergic reaction. After the observation time was over, a doctor obligingly initialled my form and I was ushered out, with a reminder that I should have my next vaccination after 21 days.

It had taken all of 30 painless minutes, including the post-jab wait. No industrial assembly line could have operated with smoother efficiency. I felt the dead virus vaccine and an invigorated patriotism course through my being.

To whom should one give credit for this conveyor belt of social thoughtfulness? The federal government, the Punjab government, the nurses, the doctors, the welcoming staff, the attentive orderlies, the police who shepherded the aged with soft-pawed courtesy? My compliments to all of them and to everyone else responsible for this seamless exercise. Such humanity does not need a political mannequin upon which to hang a medal.

Expo Centre may not be a place of worship, but emerging from it — punctured but otherwise unscathed — verses from the Holy Bible came to my mind. In the Book of Isaiah, Hezekiah pleads: “My eyes grew weak as I looked to the heavens. / I am being threatened; Lord, come to my aid!” God hears Hezekiah and grants him an extension of life — 15 more years. In gratitude, Hezekiah vows: “I will walk humbly all my years because of this anguish of my soul.”

A momentous occasion deserves a memento. I took away a small empty carton of the vaccine. It was the SARs-Cv2 (Inactivated), manufactured on Dec 29, 2020 and distributed by the Beijing Institute of Biological Products Co. Ltd. All the other information about the vaccine was in Chinese.

Could someone translate it for me — ­preferably someone not from Wuhan?

https://www.dawn.com/news/1613169/new-lease-of-life

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Jinnah’s Islamic Agenda and New UFD Motto

By Jamil Mogul

March 18, 2021

As indicated in Part II of this article, Jinnah, during a broadcast talk to the people of the United States on Pakistan recorded February 1948, said, “…I do not know what the ultimate shape of this constitution is going to be, but I am sure that it will be of a democratic type, embodying the essential principle of Islam. Today, they are as applicable in actual life as they were 1,300 years ago. Islam and its idealism have taught us democracy…” This indicates that he undoubtedly had an Islamic agenda, which he portrayed differently so as to be accepted by the American people.

The fact is that the early Islamic state was a theocratic state that is based on belief of being a slave or submissive to Allah and that is also based on the Allah-and-Prophet-made laws from the Quran/Hadiths. But this Islamic state was not a democratic state that is normally based on personal freedoms of all kinds and founded on a man-made constitution and/or laws of the government of the people, by the people, and for the people all of whom are treated equally regardless of their religions and/or ethnicities. Democracy is a Western concept started by the Greeks (Athenians) in circa 594 BCE, which indicates that it is the Greeks that taught us democracy. So, neither Islam nor its idealism seems to have ever taught democracy to Muslims. Also, Islam (per the Quran) never treats Muslims and non-Muslims equally and the Quran even forbids Muslims to befriend, or ally with, Jews and/or Christians.

Also, during his broadcast talk, Jinnah seems to have appeased the American people just like his hero Sir Syed Ahmad Khan did when he once said this while referring to the British rulers who were Christians: “…God has given us the light of religion and the Quran is present for our guidance, which has ordained them and us to be friends. Now God has made them rulers over us. Therefore, we should cultivate friendship with them…”. But as indicated above, the Quran forbids Muslims to befriend Christians. So, one can conclude that both past leaders who are revered by many Pakistani Muslims occasionally had a similar mindset.

2—Jinnah said the following in 1948, in an address to Sibi Darbar: “I have one underlying principle in mind: the principle of Muslim democracy. It is my belief that our salvation lies in following the golden rules of conduct set for us by our great lawgiver, the Prophet of Islam.”

As explained above, in Islam, there is no such thing as a Muslim democracy. The laws given by the “great lawgiver”, which laws are or have been used, for examples, by the Taliban, Al-Qaeda, or ISIS, are as follows: cutting the hands of thieves, lashing the fornicators, stoning the adulterers, two female witnesses equal one male witness, a sister gets half the inheritance that the brother gets, a woman is a property (like a domestic animal) of a man (father, older brother or husband), halala (forcing a divorced woman to marry another man and get a divorce again before she could re-marry her ex-husband), and other laws of Islamic Sharia, many of which have been found to contravene the modern ethics.

3—Jinnah said the following during an address to Karachi Bar Association on 25 January 1948: “I cannot understand the logic of those who have been deliberately and mischievously propagating that the Constitution of Pakistan will not be based on Islamic Sharia. Islamic principles today are as much applicable to life as they were 1300 years ago.”

Jinnah, here, seems to want Islamic Sharia that is reportedly also the main demand of the Taliban, Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and other Islamist organizations, which contains those and many other laws that are mentioned above, and which they want to see imposed in all Islamic countries. Many Islamic Sharia laws, as indicated above, contravene the modern ethics or modern values.

4—A year after founding country Pakistan, Jinnah said the following in a message to the Nation on the first Anniversary of Pakistan on 14 August 1948: “I have full faith in my people that they will rise to every occasion worthy of our’ past Islamic history, glory and traditions”.

Here Jinnah seems to be agitating Pakistani Muslims–essentially giving them a pep-talk like an Islamist leader, by saying “rise to every occasion” while simultaneously referring to the Islamic history which is full of brutal, barbaric, bloody acts committed in over a thousand years of Islamic expansion during which time estimated 80 million Hindus and other non-Muslims were killed/massacred just in the Indian subcontinent alone, It is no wonder why these days Hindu hardliners like Modi and his cronies who seem to have been suddenly awakened to the Islamic history are often in a retaliatory mode against Muslims whose ancestors committed murderous acts in India for many centuries.

5—Jinnah said the following in his reply to an address of the Welcome Note presented by the Parsi Community of Sindh, Karachi on February 3, 1948: “As you may be aware, the Government has been making genuine efforts to allay the fears and the suspicions of the minorities and if their (Hindu minority’s) exodus from Sindh still continues, it is Not because they are not wanted here, but because they are more prone to listen to people across the border who are interested in pulling them out. I am sorry for those misguided people for nothing, but disillusionment awaits them in their ‘PROMISED LAND’.”

Here, Jinnah whose Islamic agenda seemingly is to impose Islamic Sharia, which treats religious minorities separately and which might have justifiably frightened them, calls them out for listening to others across the border and mentions the secular India by sarcastically calling it “PROMISED LAND'” for the apprehensive religious minorities (non-Muslims) in Pakistan. Also, by doing so, he instigates an anti-India sentiment, which, thanks to him and other likes of him these days, is still prevalent in Pakistan. Incidentally, it is worth mentioning that to redress the persecution of the religious minorities of its neighboring Islamic countries, especially Pakistan, the Indian government headed by Modi and his party’s hardliner Hindus has passed the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 which grants a citizenship to all non-Muslims seeking a refuge in India from the neighboring Islamic countries.

The 5 examples after the founding of Pakistan and other examples prior to the creation of Pakistan (as detailed in Part I of this article) overwhelmingly show that Jinnah had an Islamic agenda all along and envisioned Pakistan to be an Islamic country with a constitution strictly based on the Islamic Sharia laws, in other words, a theocratic state. Additionally, from these examples, he seemed to have demonstrated to be essentially an Islamist figure just like the Islamist poet Iqbal, the Islamic Pakistan’s dreamer.

So, it is a massive myth that Jinnah was a modern-thinking, secular person who envisioned Pakistan to be a secular state that would have a separation of religions and the state matters.

Further, these examples give credence to mainly a Western viewpoint that not only devout Muslims resist the modernity or modern civilization, but also nominal Muslims who, no matter how highly educated or Westernized they are, can revert to the real Islam—the Quran/Hadiths at any time in their life if they still carry the flame of Islam in their heart, can potentially impede the modernity and/or modern civilization. …To be continued to Part IV.

https://dailytimes.com.pk/735544/jinnahs-islamic-agenda-and-new-ufd-motto-part-iii/

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Pakistan’s Acquisition of an Advanced Missile Technology

By Syed Qamar Afzal Rizvi

MARCH 18, 2021

India’s acquisition of missile technology (transferred to it by the Western countries) and other high-profile defence equipment is well beyond her legitimate defence requirements. It poses a valid and active threat to Pakistan’s security. To counterpoise India’s cold start doctrine and to prevent the Indian nuclear threat/foreign aggression, Islamabad has adopted an astute security trajectory via revitalizing its missile technology, which, under a professional command of the SPD is being systematically developed and upgraded in two forms of our missile technology advancement: one is the short- range missile program while the other is the long- range missile program.

In the modern defence concept, the missile system is the most essential element. In fact, it is now the core of any viable defence structure and the cutting edge of an adequate defence capability of any nation. It cannot therefore be ignored by the defence planners. Missile-based threats are becoming an ever-increasing element of the strategic landscape in South Asia. Pakistan has diversified but integrated missile command and authority system. It has vast spectrum of both ballistic and cruise missiles for nuclear weapon delivery. The significance of Pakistan’s missile technology, resulting in the test-firing of its cruise and ballistic missile system— now seems to be a sheet-anchor of our national defence system.

Pakistan is likely to remain focused on developing and improving short-range ballistic missiles and cruise missiles to deter India’s conventional military superiority despite the second successful test of India’s long-range, nuclear-capable Agni-5 missile, experts said in recent interviews. Pakistan recently declared that it had successfully test-fired a medium-range ballistic missile into the Arabian Sea, aimed at “revalidating” the weapon’s operational and technical parameters.

On Feb 11, Pakistan conducted a successful training launch of a surface-to-surface cruise missile which can strike targets up to 450 kilometres, the Army said, the country’s third missile test in three weeks. The Babar missile ‘is capable of engaging targets at land and sea with high precision,” the Army said in a statement, adding that the missile was launched from a state-of-the-art multi-tube launch vehicle. On February 3, Pakistan Army successfully test-fired a nuclear-capable surface-to-surface ballistic missile which can strike targets up to 290 kilometres.

The launch of Ghaznavi missile was ‘culmination of Annual Field Training Exercise of Army Strategic Forces Command. The Shaheen III surface-to-surface missile, which the country first fired in 2015, can carry nuclear and conventional warheads up to 2,750 kilometers. The range, analysts said, enables the solid-fueled, multistage rocket to reach targets anywhere neighboring India, Pakistan’s archrival, and in parts of the Middle East. The range, analysts said, enables the solid-fueled, multistage rocket to reach targets anywhere in neighboring India, Pakistan’s archrival, and in parts of the Middle East.

Seen in its historical perspective, it goes without saying that the testing of Hatf V (Ghauri) missile is the result of the dedication, hard work and single- minded devotion to a cause displayed by our scientists and engineers working on the research and development of missile technology. Initially Hatf I was developed with a range of 80 kilometers and a payload of 500 kgs. Efforts continued to improve its performance, resulting in Hatf II with an enhanced range of 250 kms and the same payload of 500 kgs. Both were free flight missiles with inertial guidance systems following a ballistic trajectory. Hatf II was produced in 1989 and displayed in the Pakistan Day parade on March 23, 1990 and 1991.

Despite the fact that both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers, which should have introduced a degree of deterrent certainty, the ground reality has not changed much. The malicious introduction of the Cold Start Doctrine, i.e. a limited war under a nuclear overhang, by the Indian Army, has had the effect of negatively escalating the fragile balance between the two nuclear-armed states. Ironically, this strategy has gained a fair degree of currency in academic circles, bordering on the possibility of strategy’s applicability. In April 2011, Pakistan declared that it had tested a short-range battlefield nuclear missile, the Nasr.1 Since then, prominent purveyors of Pakistani nuclear doctrine, including Lieutenant General (Retd) Khalid Kidwai have portrayed the Nasr missile as a counter to India’s “Cold Start” war doctrine.

Today, Pakistan has vast spectrum of both ballistic and cruise missiles for nuclear weapon delivery. Its nuclear-capable ballistic missiles include the Hatf-1 (range 100 km); the Hatf-2 (the Abdali, range 200 km); the Ghaznavi (Hatf-3, range 290 km); the Shaheen-I (Hatf-4, range 750 km); the Ghauri (Hatf-5, range 1,500 km); the Shaheen-II (Hatf-6, range 2,000 km); the Shaheen-III (an upgraded Hatf-4, range 2,750 km); and the Nasr (Hatf-9, range 60 km), a short-range missile with the stated capability to “add deterrence value at shorter ranges.

The testing of Hatf III in July last year was a major breakthrough in missile development in Pakistan. It has a range of 600 kms with a payload of 500 kgs and a proper terminal guidance system giving it an accuracy of 0.1 per cent, as the circular error probability (CEP) at 600 kms, similar to the Indian Prithvi surface to surface ballistic missile at 250 kms. This meant that Hatf III was to be controlled by an on-board computer for accuracy and was not to follow a purely ballistic trajectory.

The main features of Hatf III missile are its two-stage rocket ability for war-head separation, a terminal guidance system and five different types of warheads. The most difficult part of the missile was the guidance system which was developed entirely by Pakistani engineers and scientists. By successfully test-firing Hatf V (Ghauri) missile overland within Pakistan territory, our engineers and scientists have amply demonstrated their own technical skills and accuracy of the missile. India on the other hand tests her missiles from the missile range at Chandipur-on-Sea on the Orissa coast, and these are fired into the Bay of Bengal.

Veritably, in the given South Asian strategic landscape, both India and Pakistan induct missiles into military units and push the performance envelope of missile capabilities, it is important to assess ways to limit the threats posed by these missiles. Regional stability with respect to missiles has both political and technical components. From a deterrence standpoint, striving to maintain some parity in capabilities could be a politically stabilizing factor in reducing the likelihood of conflict. The Introduction of missiles might serve to correct imbalances in nuclear or conventional capabilities. In order to achieve its strategic balance, Pakistan’s missile program under the supervision, of the Strategic Plans Division (SPD) is rapidly evolving, achieving greater accuracy, payload capacity, and range.

https://dailytimes.com.pk/735557/pakistans-acquisition-of-an-advanced-missile-technology/

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Afghan Peace Deal – Securing the Future of Regional Peace

By Sabah Aslam

March 18, 2021

The Afghan peace puzzle has been stalled once again due to the Biden administration new Afghan policy regarding peace talk and withdrawal of troops. The US-Afghan agreement once again reached to an impasse on the peace negotiations. The day to day changing attitudes pushed the regional states to play an active role and hence come to forefront for the future of regional peace and stability. One such step is being taken by the Russian Administration by offering its assistance to Afghan Government for the peace process.

In addition, Russian proactive approach of gathering all the stakeholders regarding the stalled peace process that would not only include Afghan Government and Taliban but also members of Afghanistan High Council for National Reconciliation (HCNR), and representatives from U.S., China, and Pakistan, is an indication that the key regional players are interested in the successful conclusion of peace process.

The regional stability and security is depended on the peaceful settlement of the Afghan issue. All the SCO states are on the same page and consider it as a vital element too. One of the impetus of SCO states’ active assistance is post-foreign forces withdrawal rehabilitation of Afghanistan for better intra-regional connectivity. After decades long war, Afghanistan’s come back would not be easy without economic viability through regional trade connectivity & cooperation. Afghanistan at the cross-roads of three regions makes it geographically blessed and could be regional future transport hub for economic activities.

Developing the underdeveloped sectors of Afghanistan by engaging in high-quality regional connectivity projects for instance energy, trade, and infrastructure projects would also lessen the sense of insecurity which is quite visible in Afghan government’s approach. These developmental projects could be a key to enhance the capacity to achieve collective regional prosperity and strengthening the regional connectivity. Thus, a better regional image of SCO countries would eventually be projected.

Furthermore, for attaining the said outcomes of collaboration and cooperation, peace and stability in Afghanistan is vital. For that, one cannot overlook the efforts made by Pakistan as one of the key regional player. Pakistan’s stance on intra-Afghan peace process supports “an inclusive political settlement” and that is the key to bring all the stakeholders on board and eventually moving towards ceasefire.

In addition, Taliban’s growing aspiration of governing Afghanistan and being more powerful and influential makes them important player too, one cannot ignore their existence. The only viable option left with all the international decision makers is to give Taliban the due respect and through this can make them agree for less violence. Taliban and the leadership attitude has been changed over the years and being aspirant of the power, they evolved and adopted the contemporary decision making. Amity and reintegration of Taliban means bringing in the Taliban support system into those of the Afghan government, economic, and Afghan security institutions.

However, Taliban’s reluctance over nationwide ceasefire is making the peace process a little dubious. The upcoming meetings in Russia and Istanbul seems to be as a future peace path setting regarding inclusive government in Afghanistan.

Furthermore, the reservations of the neighbouring countries including Russia, China and Central Asian states regarding the theological crisis in the region coupled with radical ideology, terrorism and narcotics amid the delayed peace process is an important element of their concern. And to avoid that, the neighbouring states are in full support of Intra-Afghan Dialogue.

SCO states interest in the Afghanistan peace process is a worrisome factor for the Americans as well. Hence, the announcement made by Biden’s office regarding a residual force for intelligence gathering and counterterrorism tasks in Afghanistan is another side. Complete withdrawal of foreign forces is a condition in peace agreement signed between U.S. and Taliban. Intra-Afghan Dialogue is another condition of the peace agreement, but it can be spoiled due to weak central Afghan government stricken by ethnic, sectarian, and tribal variances; and other unseen players. Intra-Afghan Dialogue is not only unpredictable but also fragile. One wrong move by either Afghan Government or U.S. would be enough to puncture the already radicalized social fabric of Afghanistan.

Hence, the successful conclusion of the Intra-Afghan peace agreement is a big challenge for not only Afghan government and U.S. but also for the regional states. All the regional players are in favor of reintegration of Taliban in the society for a democratic state system. As, governance in Afghanistan after the intra-Afghan dialogue would be a support-driven process.

Sabah Aslam is international relations analyst. She is Founder and Executive Director of Islamabad Institute of Conflict Resolution (IICR). She has served as visiting lecturer at School of Politics and International Relations (SPIR), Quaid-i-Azam University, abd Department of Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS), NUML. She is EUVP Alumni.

https://dailytimes.com.pk/735545/afghan-peace-deal-securing-the-future-of-regional-peace/

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The Letter, the Proposal and Afghan Peace

By Inam Ul Haque

March 18, 2021

During the first week of March 2021, the United States Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, wrote to President Ashraf Ghani and Mr Abdullah Abdullah, outlining the Biden administration’s “initial conclusion” about the Afghan peace. This was in the backdrop of Pakistan’s advice to negotiate directly with the Taliban and Zalmay Khalilzad meeting the Taliban in Doha.

Emphasising the need to “accelerate peace talks and to bring all parties into compliance with their commitments […in Doha agreement]”, the letter outlines a four-point plan towards “a settlement and a permanent and comprehensive ceasefire” in consonance with “regional countries and the UN”.

First, the US intends to “convene foreign ministers and envoys from Russia, China, Pakistan, Iran, India and the US” to discuss a “unified approach to supporting peace in Afghanistan.” The US believes the countries listed have an “abiding common interest in a stable Afghanistan.”

Second, Ambassador Khalilzad, retaining his job, will discuss with the Afghan government and the Taliban “written proposals aimed at accelerating discussions on a negotiated settlement and ceasefire”. These proposals — the letter explains — would draw upon ideas that Hamdullah Mohib, the Afghan National Security Adviser and former Afghan ambassador to the US (2015-2018), discussed with Ross Wilson, the current US ambassador in Kabul.

This input, ostensibly will not be dictation to either the Afghan government and to the Taliban, but would aim at laying; (a) a foundation to guide “future constitutional and governing arrangements”; (b) a roadmap to a “new and inclusive government”; (c) and terms for a “permanent and comprehensive ceasefire”. Ghani has been urged to “develop constructive positions” for discussion with Khalilzad.

Third, the US in “coming weeks” will ask Turkey to host a senior-level meeting of parties to “finalise a peace agreement”. Ghani or his “authoritative designees” have been asked to join the Taliban in this meeting. Turkey has proposed the moot in April.

Lastly, Blinken reiterates “every effort” towards a “revised proposal for a 90-day reduction in violence” to forestall the Taliban Spring Offensive and support the intended political settlement between the parties. Ghani has been again urged to “positively consider the proposal”.

Ghani has been advised to “broaden” the quartet comprising the Ghani-Abdullah-Karzai-Sayyaf peace initiative to include the Taliban making it “inclusive and credible” for the common Afghans. The quartet is to negotiate with the Taliban “about governance, power-sharing, and essential supporting principles” and “public messaging” demonstrating “unity of purpose and effort”.

The letter ends by warning Ghani that the US option of complete troop withdrawal by May 1, 2021 remains on the table. Blinken warns Ghani that in such an eventuality, despite the US financial support to the Afghan government forces, the Taliban will be militarily ascendant. He ominously asks Ghani to “understand the urgency of my [Blinken’s] tone”.

The Biden administration takes all the wind out of the sails of the Afghan scene’s pseudo-analysts. The letter more than obliquely charges Ghani and his cabal for spoiling the peace… given the frequent urgings to remain positive. It asks him of “urgent leadership”. Team Biden retains Khalilzad as the point man, rather than re-inventing the wheel — and it does not consider the side issues of the Afghan Constitution, minorities and women’s rights, etc. as urgent at this stage, compared to the more urgent issues of ceasefire and power-sharing.

The spirit of the letter and the presumed “review” of the peace deal does not abrogate the February 29, 2020 agreement with the Taliban. The intended focus is on adherence-monitoring by all sides, fine-tuning implementation and jump starting the stalled intra-Afghan dialogue, in a changed setting with behind-the-scene NATO facilitation. True to Biden’s internationalist credentials, the scope has been enlarged.

Seeking Turkish interlocution as an extension of Qatari mediation, the Biden administration probably defers to the role of NATO. Reference to the UN role and US support during and after the settlement remains in line with the Part Three of the Doha agreement as covered by me in “Peace Agreement and American Options in Afghanistan”, published on February 25, 2021.

India’s inclusion is ostensibly an inducement to mainstream side-lined India, which by default drifted to the disruptive Ghani camp as a spoiler, in quest for its hegemonic regional relevance and its anti-Pakistan machinations. Indian place on the table would force it to remain constructive for a settlement. Similarly, bringing in Russia, China and Iran would dilute the environment of competition, ensuring a synergetic approach to pressure the stakeholders to move towards peace. The exclusion of the Arab camp especially Saudi Arabia, reinforces Biden’s not-so-hidden disregard for the kingdom. The Turkey-Qatar bonhomie facilitates a shift towards Ankara as an ‘extension’ of the Doha parleys, as stated by the Turkish Foreign Minister on March 12.

The US has realised the futility of the situation militarily and aims at cutting down unnecessary expense in the bottomless pit that Afghanistan has become, under a corona-depressed US economy. Domestically, Biden is fulfilling one of his campaign promises. President Biden has refrained from “picking violence” as an option, avoiding the reinforcement of a failed strategy, and has stayed the course by keeping alive the option of total withdrawal by the May deadline. The buzzword remains “negotiated settlement”.

Ambassador Khalilzad, has requested Pakistan’s interlocution with the Taliban for instituting a transitional peace government to conduct Afghan elections.

Meanwhile in an apparent convergence of interest, Moscow has invited a moot on Afghanistan (inviting Pakistan, China, Iran, the Afghan government, the US and Taliban) commencing on March 18, to restart the stalled intra-Afghan dialogue. Moscow hosted a similar meeting in 2018 with the Afghan Taliban; the US attended as an observer.

Russia also supports an interim government including the Afghan Taliban and others and backs the Taliban’s claim of “flawlessly” implementing the Doha deal. Russia had supported the Taliban iterations in their open letter in February this year. Pakistan recognises Russia’s importance and role towards a peace settlement. Ironically, President Ghani has balked at the interim government proposal, citing a five-year mandate for his administration. His government has, however, agreed to participate in both conferences.

With renewed and converging impetus; and the Taliban’s possible willingness to manage a 90-day ceasefire without compromising their military capability, there is some light at the end of a long tunnel. However, the composition of an interim government would be a major impediment. For reasons explained in my writings, the Taliban cannot and would not concede to anything less than a major share in the future political dispensation. Let’s hope they are understood.

https://tribune.com.pk/story/2289956/the-letter-the-proposal-and-afghan-peace

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