Zarb-e-Azb: End of the Frenzy: New Age Islam's Selection, 2 February 2016
New Age Islam Edit Bureau
2 February 2016
• Zarb-E-Azb: End of the Frenzy
By Syed Rashid Munir
• Giving The General His Due: Is Operation Zarb-E Azb Enough?
By Hasnain Iqbal
• What Is The Karachi Turmoil?
By Shaukat Qadir
• Netherlands Fights Radicalisation
By Musa Khan Jalalzai
Compiled By New Age Islam Edit Bureau
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Zarb-e-Azb: End of the frenzy
By Syed Rashid Munir
February 02, 2016
Will he or won’t he? The question that has held the nation’s attention and plagued television screens in recent times to no end was finally laid to rest when the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) made public the army chief’s decision to not seek an extension of his term in office last week. General Raheel Sharif, the Chief of Army Staff (COAS), is due to retire in November this year when his constitutional three-year term ends and, if all goes according to plan, we will have a new commander at the helm of the Pakistani army at the end of this year.
The speculation frenzy that had surrounded the chief’s decision was unprecedented in both its magnitude and absurdity. In some respects, the speculation is understandable since General Sharif’s mark on the country’s foreign and domestic policy has been noticeable to many who crave a much more authoritative figure in charge of the country’s affairs, even though he has so far resisted the urge to usurp the ruling elected government. His decision to keep the army away from direct rule of the country is perhaps informed, in part, by the shadow of his two immediate predecessors, both of whom left the institution in worse shape than it had been at the start of their terms.
But his decision must also be influenced by the surrounding circumstances present within the country these days that have deemed it possible for the army to play a more indirect role in the running of the affairs without ceding too much control to the elected leadership. This, although undesirable from the perspective of the civilian leadership, is nonetheless a fine balance, one that many former army chiefs have been unable to maintain this deftly and for this long.
Now of course, we cannot discount the general’s instrumental role towards allocating energies and resources towards Operation Zarb-e-Azab as well, the military version of the counter-terrorism drive against domestic militants in the form of the National Action Plan (NAP), that has been a resounding military success so far, even though it has not achieved much in terms of eradicating the origins of the extremist mindset.
As a result of Zarb-e-Azab, the military, under the incisive command of the general, has regained control of a sizeable portion of territory in the tribal areas, thereby delivering a sharp blow to the militancy infrastructure. A direct result of the military gains made during the counter-terror operation has been the sharp decline in the number of terror-related attacks in various urban areas in the country but there is a lot that still remains to be done by the civilian leadership in order to apprehend and contain the perpetrators of hate in Pakistan.
In the wake of the recent surge in violent attacks, including the attack on Bacha Khan University in Charsadda a week ago, a heated debate has been initiated that is geared towards questioning the efficacy of the country’s counter-terrorism efforts. The reality is that the possibility of terror still remains and will remain for the foreseeable future. Resultantly, there is a sense of incompleteness when it comes to the counter-terror effort, which is precisely why the meek had been desirous of a little more time and effort from their saviour.
However, we must understand that if the objective behind Zarb-e-Azab is the complete eradication of extremism, then such a goal will always remain just out of reach, since without a concerted effort that overhauls the country’s educational, social and cultural fabric, achieving change will always remain a distant goal. On the other hand, the operation’s military gains, although remarkable, will remain insufficient as well since killing active combatants does precious little to dissuade the new recruits in a battle that is ideological as much as it is political.
Interestingly, however, the way the announcement was made public has also led some to speculate about further asymmetries within the civil-military imbalance in the country. Whereas the lopsided power balance is an open secret, the solo announcement confirms the military’s stronghold on the civilian leadership in recent times. Frustration over the implementation of the NAP has ruffled a lot of feathers within the military and the civilian leadership’s haphazard damage control policies towards containing extremism within Pakistani society remain a source of contention as well, thereby driving the two de facto power sources in the country further and further apart.
The announcement, moreover, comes at an interesting time because of the upcoming elections. If all goes well, 2018 will be the year of elections and when a new COAS arrives in December this year, the change will add a wild card within the ruling PML-N government’s calculus.
Historically, Prime Minister (PM) Sharif has had a tough time reconciling his own ambition with the realities of the Pakistani political setup. One way this trend has manifested itself is through his selection of, and later on his interactions with, the army leaders he has appointed to the post of COAS of the Pakistani army. Time after time, his appointees have left much to be desired from the politician’s perspective and he therefore remains wary and cautious of the khakis.
So, when the time comes for appointing the new chief, the PM will have to make calculations for his government’s future based on incomplete information and very little in the way of revealed preferences of the potential candidates for the job of the chief. It is highly likely, based on current trends that the PML-N will win another term in office in Punjab and at the Centre, so therefore keeping his seat at the helm will be of primary importance to Nawaz Sharif. You know it is a dangerous mix when you have a wary leader concerned about retaining his power, and we as Pakistanis are all too familiar with the disastrous results this recipe has generated over the past.
Of course, PM Sharif would have liked General Sharif to continue, with whom he has carved out an uncomfortable yet workable relationship. But much to his chagrin, the general has taken the initiative to announce his retirement way ahead of time, which actually could be a blessing or a curse for the PML-N supremo, based on how he conducts himself in the coming days. PM Sharif could take this time to orient himself to the changed landscape and prepare himself for the eventual changeover on the military front, so that there is no disruption caused by the transition. Alternatively though, he could indulge in his signature, equivocal meekness that is bound to leave him – as well as the country – unprepared and none the better for the foreseeable future. It will be interesting for astute political observers to see how things unfold in the coming days and how the players reveal their strategies gradually over time but the sobering reality is that such strategies will end up impacting the lives of ordinary Pakistanis.
Syed Rashid Munir is a freelance columnist with degrees in political science and international relations
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/02-Feb-2016/end-of-the-frenzy
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Giving The General His Due: Is Operation Zarb-E Azb Enough?
By Hasnain Iqbal
February 2, 2016
“Two roads diverged in a wood and I — I took the one less travelled by, and that has made all the difference,” waxed lyrical the iconic American poet, Robert Frost. He would often employ rustic settings in his poetry to examine complex social issues and his depictions of rural life were vivid, his mastery of relating the bucolic imagery to the mundane existence in the simplest of words unparalleled. General Raheel Sharif made a choice too and that has made all the difference. A deliberate choice or a compulsion imposed by circumstances, we can speculate endlessly. It, however, meant shaking off the encumbering, scared national security doctrine and going against the entrenched discourse. What we are absolutely sure of is that it was a courageous choice in good faith and has brought Pakistan back from the brink.
Ask the man on the street. The heave of relief is palpable and the adulation for the General unmistakable. I was in Karachi recently and made it a point to engage every taxi driver I met on the law and order situation and if the Rangers’ operation had made any difference. Each one of them lavished credit on Raheel Sharif. “I feel safer and even drive to areas where I would not dare before the operation,” a driver gushed. The Karachi operation in tandem with Operation Zarb-e-Azb has positively given the terrorised people of Pakistan a sense of security, a breather from suicide attacks, targeted killings and extortion. That said, there is the counter-perspective too. Babar Sattar in a recent article makes a powerful argument in questioning the thriving existence of the Jaish-e-Mohammad and the Jamaat ud Dawa of Hafiz Saeed. He is unequivocal in urging the establishment to sweep all non-state actors with the same broom, terming these organisations nurseries of terrorism. Couldn’t agree more. I seriously hope we have completely abandoned the non-state actors we lovingly nurtured over decades.
Is Operation Zarb-e Azb enough? No. The battle against extremism has to be waged on both the ground and in the hearts. This is where the National Action Plan (NAP) comes in. Let me first acknowledge the commendable role of the civilian government in owning the war against terrorism. The APS tragedy left Pakistan stunned, compelling Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to spell out a comprehensive action plan to rid the country of extremism. The NAP was born and every point in the plan made sense. The progress on it though remains a moot point. At a recent press conference, Chaudhry Nisar was dismissive when one of the journalists raised the issue of Abdul Aziz’s defiant hate speech and miffed when the pace of the implementation of the NAP was questioned. No denying that some of the points in the NAP have already been implemented, such as the establishment of military courts, the lifting of the moratorium on the death penalty and execution of terrorists. Guess that is about it. Regulation of madrasas, dissemination of the counter-narrative, Fata reforms, strengthening of Nacta, checking the re-emergence of proscribed outfits under different names and revamping the criminal justice system remain pipedreams. The Punjab government is running a fantastic programme overseen by the Punjab Information Technology Board called “Peaceful Pakistan”. It uses social media to promote a positive image of Pakistan, interfaith harmony and tolerance. Being run by a youthful and highly creative team, initiatives of this kind deserve to be expanded to all forms of media to increase outreach and impact.
A word about people who die in terrorist attacks. People who stand up to terrorists do not die in vain as some confused souls would have us believe. Let’s not trivialise their deaths by calling them unnecessary martyrs and let’s not use every terrorist incident to bash the army for its past sins. Civilians have been no less complicit. Pakistan is trying to turn over a new leaf and we must stand behind the armed forces and the government in this war of survival. And civilians must do their bit by pushing the counter-narrative through the media, mosques and madrasas. Professor Hamid Hussain and Aitzaz Hasan are rallying points to galvanise the nation against extremism. So are the deaths of the Jawans and policemen laying down their lives for us. Give the general his due. He opted for a route fraught with peril. His stock since then has risen phenomenally. That he needs to do more goes without saying. His linking of corruption and terrorism is not misplaced either. We tend to discount corruption as a lesser sin and not an existential threat like extremism. Wrong. Extremism scares more as it spills blood, violently tearing society apart. Corruption, on the other hand, slowly and quietly eats into the very value system, suffocating society to death.
Hasnain Iqbal works for the Punjab Information Technology Board. He is a graduate of the University of Warwick, UK
Source: tribune.com.pk/story/1038452/giving-the-general-his-due/
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What Is The Karachi Turmoil?
By Shaukat Qadir
February 02, 2016
The Karachi situation defies any simple explanation. The Chief Minister (CM) decided, for the first time, to do what should be done on each occasion but never is. He decided to take to the provincial assembly the question of whether to continue giving policing powers to the Rangers or not. In unseemly haste, the ruling party pushed through a motion to grant them curtailed powers for a year. The central government threatened governor’s rule, the CM advised them not to attempt such a venture and it seemed that something had to snap. It did. The Prime Minister (PM) did not need to go back to the assembly and granted the Rangers the same powers but for only two months. After two months, will he go to the assembly or will the CM act on his own? And what will who do and for how long next time?
Somewhere behind the scenes lurks the living spectre of the infamous Dr Asim Hussain. Rumour has it that he sang like a bird to the Rangers, naming all and sundry. If that is true, every single corrupt person of the Zardari era is under threat, almost all of them from the PPP. It seems that desperate efforts are underway and, if the Rangers are to be believed (going by performance record, there is no reason not to), these efforts are to ensure relief to Asim. In the few days that the Rangers’ policing powers ended and before these were restored, Asim was immediately transferred to the police and his prosecutor has been changed.
The Rangers have moved the courts against both decisions of the provincial government. They claim that the evidence against Asim is overwhelming and suspect the provincial government of trying to undermine the legal process, not an unprecedented accusation in this unfortunately benighted country. The Rangers seem to be doing a great job but, obviously, they have to step on toes. This time they have not only stepped on toes belonging to heavy-weights but also on so many heavy-weights that everybody who is anybody in the PPP political hierarchy is worried. Does that prove that there must be fire below the smoke? I leave it to the reader to judge.
The legal situation is perfectly clear. The Rangers are not a policing agency and, even though manned by officers from the army, is a provincial force, meant to guard borders. However, under Section Four of the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) 1997 they can be empowered to combat terrorism by the provincial government, with permission from the central government. Article 147 of the Constitution is not relevant here since it permits a provincial government to transfer any provincial function to the Centre, including policing, subject to a) acceptance by the central government and b) approval by the provincial assembly within 60 days.
What becomes evident from the foregoing is that policing powers, being a package, cannot be granted in portions by the provincial government; these are either granted or not granted. However, the solution offered by the central government is equally faulty. Under Section Four of the ATA, the central government’s blessings are mandatory for the provincial government to grant policing powers to the Rangers but the authority of granting these remains with the provincial, not central, government. Obviously, therefore, the difference of opinion is constitutional and between the central and provincial governments, and not the army. However, in any political dispute on matters of security, in Pakistan the army cannot be totally out of the scene.
So where does the army stand? One thing is crystal clear: corruption thrives solely on injustice. In fact, injustice is the only prerequisite that supports corruption. And when corruption is rampant, the only result is rampant inequality in the distribution of everything - wealth, public services, opportunities, even education. All of the above are what give birth to revolutions. And what else are our insurgents, or Afghanistan’s, or Syria’s, or anywhere else offering but a revolution? The only difference is that they offer an Islamic revolution and, each group, al Qaeda or Islamic State (IS) touts itself as the only truly Islamic one. Ergo, corruption breeds revolutions, including extremism.
That is the conclusion that the American journalist, Sarah Chayes, arrives at in her recent book, Thieves of State. It is a conclusion I cannot fault and merely wish I had been the first to make the connection. It seems that, due to some gifted foresight, the GHQ comprehended the link between corruption and religious extremism. And, having done so, decided to couple eradication of corruption with its anti-terrorism campaign. Karachi was where they started this experiment.
The Sharif-led government might have allied itself to the GHQ’s perspective reluctantly but I get the impression that, while being committed partners with General Sharif in this war, they are content to let him lead. I hope you have not forgotten Dr Asim. And Uzair Baloch’s capture has increased the one man list to two. The problem is that, as borne out by recent local bodies’ elections also, the PPP might rule Sindh but Karachi is the domain of the MQM. If the judicial process is to be suborned, and the pair rescued, at any stage from investigation to prosecution, it cannot be without help from the rulers of Karachi.
The farce presently being played out before us seeks to solve this last puzzle. The CM Sindh, while warning the central government about the imposition of governor rule, quietly and subtly made mention of the only outcry that could unite the rulers of Sindh and Karachi: a threat to provincial autonomy.
Shaukat Qadir is a retired brigadier. He is also former vice president and founder of the Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI)
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/02-Feb-2016/what-is-the-karachi-turmoil
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Netherlands Fights Radicalisation
By Musa Khan Jalalzai
February 02, 2016
While we look at the changing picture of intelligence and policing priorities in the Netherlands, it appears that the country has become embroiled in a deep security crisis as its war on radicalisation is causing the social and political alienation of minorities. Like in Romania, Poland, Malaysia, India and Pakistan, intelligence and security sector reforms received little attention from the successive governments in the past. With the changing intelligence and security picture in Europe, the development, coordination and articulation of national security policies of countries have become critically important. The Dutch police system has been under pressure from communities and outlaw elements since the 2000s, therefore, critical debates have often pointed towards the need for deep reforms. Insecurity and administrative problems for the Dutch police are too irksome. The recent police reforms in the country are characterised by one-sided centralisation of policing policy, while the local dimension has been left out of reforms. From outside the Netherlands policing reforms look strong with a professional arrangement but if we look inside the organisation, it is quite weak. Moreover, the Netherlands’ Country Police Act does not provide much information about local policing or what kind of policing is needed.
After the Cold War era, the Netherlands’ national security apparatus experienced a changing reorganisation process. Many law enforcement and security policies were framed to tackle the menace of political Islam and emerging cyber security threats but these policies proved ineffective in intercepting Arab extremists dancing in the streets of Amsterdam, Hague and Rotterdam from 2004 to 2015. With these evolving national security threats, the principles of traditional law enforcement and intelligence information gathering also changed. After 9/11 and the emergence of political Islam in the Netherlands, extremism and radicalisation further transformed the culture of law enforcement and the intelligence mechanism. The recent killings in France left diverse impact on social stratification while the trend of racism rose again and discrimination took root in mainstream society with uncontrollable speed.
On November 27, 2015, the government submitted four bills to parliament on the integrated approach towards tackle jihadism, combating violent groups and managing the prevailing radicalisation in the country. The plan contained strong preventive measures important for law enforcement authorities, which set the countering terrorism strategy as a first priority. Under the second bill: “The passport and identity of anyone who is subject to a travel ban imposed by the minister of security and justice will be cancelled automatically with immediate effect.” This bill is not so different from the travel ban in the UK. This is meant to prevent jihadists from travelling to Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Pakistan, Yemen and other violence affected states.
As the country faces the precarious threat of cyber terrorism, another bill was also introduced in parliament to counter financial and economic terrorism with an effective cyber security strategy. In 2011, the Netherlands’ government published its first cyber security strategy to counter the prevailing culture of hacking important data from state institutions. In 2013, the strategy was reviewed and published to easily identify cyber terrorists and professional criminals. Digital fraud and theft of information became common while financial terrorism continued to target banks and local industry. As digital espionage remained a violent threat in the country, on November 17, 2015, the government published an updated version of its Cyber Security Assessment. However, in view of the exacerbating threat of cyber terrorism and hacking in the country, the government also submitted the first cyber security bill to the house of parliament.
In Netherlands, jihadism has spread across the country into a complex and dynamic movement, which poses a precarious challenge to the national security of the country. A recent report of Dutch intelligence, AIVD, is a stern warning to the law enforcement authorities and to the government in power that terrorist networks pose serious security threats. Wars in Afghanistan, Syria and Yemen provoked violent forces in the country. Home-grown extremism has also forced the government and law enforcement agencies to introduce laws and reorganise preventive measures.
On November 9, 2015, police seized an offensive cartoon of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) during a protest rally against Islamisation in the Netherlands. Dutch news reported that the police arrested 32 protestors. However, Militant Islam Monitor also reported that a Dutch Air Force Sergeant, a 26-year-old Moroccan-Dutch joined Islamic State (IS) in Syria. According to a Dutch newspaper (De Telegraaf), the air force sergeant had access to secret information. Police across the country have kept 350 extremist Muslims under secret surveillance, of which 130 live in Hague. The involvement of a growing number of Dutch jihadists in sectarian conflicts in the Middle East and Persian Gulf regions causes pain to the state’s security agencies. Police and intelligence agencies have so far not succeeded in preventing jihadists from going to war zones in Syria, Iraq and Yemen. Though the government claims that 38 measures within the Integrated Approach to Jihadism Action Programme is the answer to jihadist threat but, in a true sense, many things are not going in the right direction as the police have failed to closely monitor sleeper cells across the country. In 2013, the interior ministry confiscated 150 passports of those who had intended to leave the country for jihad and more than 90 social benefits paid to jihadists were cancelled but no improvement occurred in addressing this issue.
This way of addressing jihadism has been severely criticised in intellectual circles and by local media outlets. The network of IS is spreading across the country with uncontrollable speed as the government has entered an unending war with it. “IS is our enemy and that is why we are at war,” the Dutch prime minister said. On October 5, 2015, on the occasion of updating the 38th edition of the Terrorist Threat Assessment, the minister of security and justice announced that the threat of terror attack was real. Threats to the security of the Netherlands are consecutively changing and are becoming increasingly intertwined. Though the Dutch intelligence is competent in countering radicalisation in the country, a clear picture of preventive measures is still bleak.
Musa Khan Jalalzai is author of The Prospect of Nuclear Jihad in Pakistan
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/02-Feb-2016/netherlands-fights-radicalisation
URL: https://newageislam.com/pakistan-press/zarb-e-azb-end-frenzy/d/106193