The Muslim NATO: A Step Too Far?: New Age Islam's Selection, 06 April 2017
New Age Islam Edit Bureau
06 April 2017
The Muslim NATO: A Step Too Far?
By Rameez Mela
Matters of Life and Death
By I.A. Rehman
Peace Attempt in Tatters
By Khadim Hussain
Freedom of Expression’s Shrinking
By Hafsa Khawaja
Challenges To Radd-Ul-Fasaad
By Reema Shaukat
The Neglected Crown Jewel
By Safiya Aftab
Compiled By New Age Islam Edit Bureau
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The Muslim NATO: A Step Too Far?
By Rameez Mela
April 5, 2017
We are at it again. As the government gives its final consent and General Raheel Sharif embarks on the great journey of an unknown, comments of extreme divergence are being witnessed on the social and electronic media. With some calling his move to lead the 39-nation Coalition as the “ beginning of the end” for the already delicate Sunni-Shia equilibrium, while others giving him the title of the modern day Salahuddin Ayubi who is destined to take the Muslim Ummah out of wilderness.
We as a nation have taken the notion, “lets agree to disagree” to a whole different level. Almost seven decades and we have not reached a consensus as to when we should celebrate Eid. So this comes as no surprise as we have once again successfully managed to divide the nation and push it into a state of limbo.
For starters, there are no holy cows here. We live in a world that thrives on the principle of “might is right”.
From Syria to Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan, Yemen, the list goes on, where the leaders of the free world, driven by their vested interest, have shown complete ignorance or gross incompetence that has resulted in the kind of massacre that will or should put human race to shame.
So first things first, will the newly formed Coalition bring the much-needed peace in the region engulfed with years of war? The answer is No. Will it make a difference? Maybe.
The dogged quest for perfection is futile and unrealistic; the rein of General Raheel Sharif naturally couldn’t have been perfect. But there is not an iota of doubt that the General was able to command enormous respect and love due to his sheer performance, both at a domestic and international level that few can fathom.
The devil lies in the detail. So far there is no indication of any sort of “boots on ground” phenomena by the Coalition. Though it is imperative to mention here that currently around 1600 Pakistan military personnel are stationed in Saudi Arabia.
Needless to say, we should sit tight and wait for the actual framework to unfold before passing any premature judgment. Currently, the information trickling through reveals that the primary objective of the Coalition is to facilitate the fight against terrorism and in the process provide a security blanket to the citizens of the Coalition countries with enhanced intelligence cooperation.
Surrounded by a war-torn Afghanistan, unpredictable Iran and the enemy who drives the entire propaganda bandwagon-India, Pakistan finds itself in a precarious position. It is convenient to sit on the sidelines and let the Muslim nations bomb each other to the stone age. It goes without saying that if General Raheel Sharif refuses, other contenders will be gleefully accepting the job. We have the option of either sitting on the observers’ desk or leading from the front.
The anti-Pakistan rhetoric that stretches from the domestic politics in Uttar Pradesh to the boycott of SAARC, the Modi-led BJP government is trying utmost to isolate Pakistan in every possible way. In this environment, a 39-nation Coalition headed by a famed Pakistani General is surely set to give Pakistan a soft diplomatic as well as a strategic edge that has been missing for some time now.
For years, we have rightly projected ourselves as victims of terrorism as our whole social fabric has been damaged by this war. However, we must plod on and get out of this victim mentality and counter the bull by the horns. General Raheel Sharif has had the honour of leading one of the most efficient Muslim armies and gaining substantial success both on and off the field. The acceptance of the command by the General not only gives the credibility that the Coalition longs for but will also boost Pakistan’s standing in the comity of nations. Additionally, our economy is likely to be impacted positively; it will also bring a sigh of relief to more than 2 million Pakistani diaspora living and working in the Middle East.
There is no doubt that relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran have deteriorated in the recent years, however, it must be remembered that two enjoyed a relatively peaceful decade not too long ago. As recently as 1999, Iranian President, Mohammad Khatami visited the Kingdom and both the countries signed a ‘security pact’ in 2001. Even in 2007, the Gulf countries led by Saudi Arabia invited Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the famous picture of him holding hands with King Abdullah went viral at the time.
Therefore the doom and gloom environment painted by certain pundits was not always a case and peace between the two may not be a far-fetched option after all.
Nevertheless, if by some miracle, Mr Sharif is able to bring the ‘opposing sides’ on the negotiating table and convince the two to put a tab on the financial assistance of the hardliners on either side of the border, there might well be light at the end of the tunnel.
In a world full of have and have not’s, I would rather see the glass as half full and have General Raheel Sharif in charge of the power corridors. The battle between good and evil is here to stay and in a world where perception is more important than reality, General Raheel Sharif may well be the wild card that brings some sort of sanity in the world hell bent in shaping it otherwise.
Source: en.dailypakistan.com.pk/opinion/the-muslim-nato-a-step-too-far/
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Matters of Life and Death
I.A. Rehman
April 6th, 2017
A SERIES of cases in which the Supreme Court has acquitted the accused whose death sentence had been upheld by the high courts have thrown up questions that need to be answered if innocent persons are to be saved from falling victim to the misplaced zeal for hanging people.
In nearly a dozen cases decided during the first three months of the current year, the apex court acquitted the accused, who had appealed against the high courts’ confirmation of their death sentence. The accused had spent eight to 20 years in prison. They were acquitted because their conviction was a result of inadequate evidence or collusion between the complainant and the police. In one case, the convict was found to have been a minor at the time of occurrence.
It is not necessary to ask why the high courts did not notice the flaws the SC relied upon to overrule their findings. At the moment, we are concerned with the possibilities of miscarriage of justice in matters of life and death.
The cases reported during January-March 2017 did not cause as much sensation as the earlier ones, in which two persons were acquitted after they had been executed or a person was found innocent after he had died, but they cause identical concerns. A critical issue is: what can be said about the death penalty verdicts that do not come before the SC? Can it be claimed that decisions in all such cases do not suffer from the flaws noticed in the cases that did reach the SC?
Quite clearly, it is possible for an accused to be deprived of his right to life on the basis of insufficient evidence and intrigue by the complainant and the prosecutors, the two major challenges in the criminal justice system repeatedly highlighted by the SC. The danger of miscarriage of justice brought into focus by these cases is one of the strongest arguments for abolition of the death penalty in Pakistan.
The danger of miscarriage of justice is one of the strongest arguments for abolition of the death penalty.
Unfortunately, this aspect of the matter does not seem to have received due attention while the military courts were being resurrected. Apart from the strains on the justice system caused by curtailment of due process in trials by the military courts, anyone accused of terrorism or acting against national security usually loses the right to an unbiased adjudication. The danger of miscarriage of justice in terrorism-related cases becomes doubly strong if the tribunal is in conflict with the universally accepted principles applicable to the courts.
The cases under reference again highlight the fact that a sound criminal justice system depends critically on an efficient prosecution agency.
The need to separate the prosecution service from the investigation branch of the police has been the subject of an intense debate for decades. Some steps in this direction have surely been taken over the years but whether the system now in force adequately answers the call for a prosecution branch duly qualified and independent enough to meet the requirements of a fair dispensation of justice is a question that should be answered only after a proper scrutiny of the current practice has taken place.
The urgency of a reappraisal of the working of the provincial prosecution agencies has recently been underscored by the incredibly horrible incident in Lahore in which a public prosecutor was accused of advising some non-Muslims facing trial on serious criminal charges to convert to Islam if they wanted to escape punishment.
Such blatant abuse of the law has never been reported in Pakistan’s history. The incident not only revealed an unforgivable betrayal of the trust reposed in law officers, it also constituted an unpardonable disservice to Islam. There is good reason to hold Punjab ’s law department, including the law minister, accountable for this sordid affair. The suggestion that anybody’s right to justice depends on the colour of his skin or the nature of his faith is utterly unacceptable and must be repelled with as much force as possible.
While discussing the factors that affect the criminal justice system it is impossible to ignore the mess that the police network has been turned into. Pakistan can hardly be proud of persisting with different police laws in the different provincial territories. The main point of variation is that in some areas the authorities cannot abandon their love for the colonial period Police Act of 1861 while in some other parts the Police Order of 2002 is worshipped minus its most significant provision — public accountability of the police force.
The clauses of the Police Order, adopted by Punjab, for instance, that envisaged the creation of public liaison and complaints mechanisms at all levels, federal to district, have never been sincerely implemented. Further, had the security of tenure guaranteed to the provincial police chiefs been respected, the kind of farce being staged in Sindh could have been avoided.
Unfortunately, the country’s political parties have stoutly resisted all initiatives aimed at depoliticisation of the police force. The reason is obvious. Many political leaders depend upon pliant police officers more than on the support of the citizenry. Thus it was left to some public-spirited, retired police officers to start a drive for proper implementation of the public oversight provisions of the Police Order 2002.
The nexus between a police force that can be politically manipulated and unfair practices in criminal trial cases should be evident to law experts and laymen alike. The collusion between litigants and the police investigators, against which the SC has spoken so often, might not be possible if the police officers have no political patronage.
It is time the need for uniformly efficient and service-oriented police laws for all parts of the country was dealt with by the Council of Common Interests and the task of ridding the subordinate judiciary of the infirmities pointed out by the SC was taken up by the Law and Justice Commission took up.
Source: dawn.com/news/1325123/matters-of-life-and-death
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Peace Attempt in Tatters
By Khadim Hussain
06-Apr-17
Pakistan has once again seen a rise in militant activities in the recent days. In the space of only three months, spectacles of terrorism have rocked Peshawar, Charsadda, Sehwan and Lahore among other cities across the country. The latest in the string of these deadly attacks struck a women’s mosque in Parachinar, Kurram Agency last week; claiming 24 lives while injuring around 70 others.
Given the geostrategic importance of Kurram Agency, especially with reference to the tribal belt and the Afghan provinces, the Parachinar tragedy might have several implications.
As was evident in this instance, its location renders it vulnerable to terrorist networks. While the region has borne the brunt of sectarian violence in the past, the recent attack holds particular significance because of its alleged perpetrator, Jamaat ul Ahraar (JuA). Soon after it split away from Tehreek-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in 2014, the group joined hands with the IS.
Having extensively deliberated upon extremist literature and audio lectures, the discourse pattern of militant outfits operating worldwide can be juxtaposed with great ease. Their narrative was found to be intricately woven around the central premise of a homogenised world view. Theirs is the world where all living species speak the same language, think the same way, and operate through a similar social and cultural organisation. Such categorisation strengthens their resolve to eliminate all forms of socio-cultural diversity as they embark upon a crusade to bring back history using concepts like ‘Khilafat’. Thus, both indigenous wisdom and modern human civilisation have quite unexpectedly become their first victims. This militant narrative, consequently, does away with every object related to the aesthetic pleasure, which, otherwise, is one of the hallmarks of human creativity.
This discourse uses Aristotelian deductive logic in which language is manipulated to sound esoteric. The figurative expression is usually employed to deny factuality of existence; resulting in a shift in religious authority. For example, Jihad has been decreed to be equal to Qital; propagated as the only way left for the struggle. The concept of Khilafat is nestled in the concept of Jihad while the concept of Jihad is, in turn, nestled in the concept of ‘Shahadat’. This triangle, coupled with ‘otherisation’, justifies a highly lethal approach in their war against the whole world. Militant organisations in Pakistan and elsewhere can, thus, be seen employing effective techniques to create ‘human bombs’ in the shape of suicide bombers.
Nevertheless, the IS still distinguishes itself for its severe sectarian bias, its proclivity to bring areas under its direct control and its substantial resourcefulness. JuA is said to be inspired by its tactics employed in Syria and Iraq. It should be a matter of grave concern for both Pakistan and Afghanistan that IS Khorasan and its affiliates hold the ability to launch lethal attacks to bring strategic areas like Kurram Agency under their control. The administrations should also consider the prevalent sectarian divide present in the Agency, which could be used in this regard.
It is quite unfortunate that Saudi Arabia and Iran continue to fight its proxy wars in this region. According to press reports, both countries have now started vying for their influence in South Asia. This competition should be looked upon in the light of their previous support for various private militias in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Though no credible evidence has yet been found to substantiate these claims, the history of rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia does, however, provide a solid basis for this assumption. Their rivalry is another fault line, which might be used by both local and international terrorist networks.
In 2015, Saudi Arabia cobbled 34 Muslim-majority countries together to fight terrorist outfits, especially the IS. Iran was kept out of this alliance. The recent governmental issuance of a No Objection Certificate (NOC) to a retired Pakistani army chief has, however, indulged the country in these power games. Iran has since then raised serious reservations on Pakistan’s decision.
To respond to such a precarious situation, both Afghanistan and Pakistan should form a strategic alliance. It is to be emphasised that sealed borders might create more distrust between the two republics. As history tells us, closing borders do not significantly help in their management. The closure of only 12 links across the Durand Line has adversely impacted people living on both sides; a situation that might be used by the terrorist networks to establish their support base. Both Afghanistan and Pakistan need to take confidence-building measures to develop a joint strategy against all types of terrorism, drug trafficking, kidnapping and human trafficking. Mutual trust can only be restored if both countries stop their soil from being used by networks, which perpetrate terrorism. The IS, Haqqani Network and Afghan Taliban might also be dealt by a joint strategy developed through dialogue between the two political leaderships. Other states of the region might soon follow suit.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/06-Apr-17/peace-attempt-in-tatters
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Freedom of Expression’s Shrinking
By Hafsa Khawaja
06-Apr-17
Pakistan seems to be caught in a constant movement of one step forward and two steps backwards.
Earlier this year, the disappearance of six prominent social activists and bloggers, who were critical of the state and establishment, sent shockwaves through the civil society. Their recovery was a cause of relief. However, the message of their disappearances to the rest of the activist community was hard to miss: quieten or be silenced.
Recently, activist and academic Dr Riaz Ahmed was arrested during a protest on the charges of possessing an illegal weapon, allegedly found in his vehicle. Regardless of the dubious charges, it is important to know that the paramilitary force officer on whose complaint the case was registered against Dr Riaz, did not fail to mention that the professor was also ”involved in advocating on Facebook for the release of ‘blasphemous’ bloggers reportedly picked up by law enforcement agencies recently.” The allegations of blasphemy have permanently jeopardised the lives of the recovered bloggers. Now, those who demanded and protested for their release are also being considered tainted, and their lives subsequently endangered.
In March, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s Holi address to the Hindu community in Karachi garnered praise from several sections of the society for whom it embodied the progressive acceptance, inclusivity, pluralism, and tolerance that should be at the heart of Pakistan.
While the PM’s speech may have ignited a flicker of hope regarding some modicum of a progressiveness in the government’s orientation, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar was swift to emerge as the moral crusader of the hour, second only to Justice Shaukat Siddiqui of the Islamabad High Court, to snuff it with the threat of blocking all social media sites in the country which host blasphemous content.
But relevant to this matter, and to the larger phenomenon of Pakistani political parties’ usual pandering, cavorting and patronizing of the religious right and extremist organisations, is the late Eqbal Ahmad’s incisive analysis in which he wrote: “Pakistan’s is an ideologically ambiguous polity; here, political paeans to Islam have served as the compensatory mechanism for the ruling elite’s corruption, consumerism and cow-towing to the west. As a consequence, the ideologically fervent Islamist minority keeps an ideological grip on the morally insecure and ill-formed power elite. It is this phenomenon that explains the continued political clout of the extremist religious minority even as the electorate has all but repudiated it. Yet, horrors escalate by the day, and neither their original sponsors nor the victims are doing much about it.”
However, Chaudhry Nisar’s reported statement in Dawn regarding the social media ban, that “no country can allow religious sentiments to be hurt or top state functionaries to be subjected to ridicule in the pretext of freedom of expression”, is telling of the other objectives the ban would clearly serve. That the “ridicule” of state and government officials can be swept by a ban ostensibly related to religion indicates the enduring convenience of religion as a useful prop for Pakistani politics and the state itself.
These threads of incidents and developments tie into the thriving reality of an increasingly and dangerously shrinking space for freedom of expression, criticism, dissent and protest in Pakistan. Activists, students, bloggers, artists, academics, journalists and members of the civil society are steadily being targeted by virulent campaigns or directly arrested on dubious and fictitious reasons.
The academic spaces in the country do not have brighter views to offer in this these days either. At Punjab University in Lahore, the Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba once again demonstrated their notorious thuggery on a Pashtun Cultural Day event resulting in clashes and violence. It was later revealed that in the wake of this incident, the Punjab University administration had decided to ban all student programmes and events within the University premises.
This beleaguering bodes well for no one.
With this march of terror, fear and suppression that draws strength from the standard repertoire of reasons such as religion, “national ideology” and “national security”, it has now become necessary for all concerned citizens to recognize this reality and organize to protect those who fight for our freedoms, and vigorously preserve the spaces and liberties we are entitled to.
The drive to homogenise Pakistan’s religious and cultural character, and to monopolise its narratives through exclusivist understandings and actual violence, has long been a project of regressive forces and the responsibility falls on ordinary citizens today to thwart its renewed attempts.
Further space and freedoms must not and cannot be conceded in the face of this rising tide of regression, repression and pressure, for there is only more beyond a surrender to them.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/06-Apr-17/freedom-of-expressions-shrinking
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Challenges to Radd-ul-Fasaad
By Reema Shaukat
April 6, 2017
PAKISTAN which has faced many ups and downs and challenges in war against terrorism was again hit by the new wave of violence at the beginning of year 2017. Lahore and Sehwan attacks led the leadership think about the security challenges and implementation of new strategies to counter anti state elements. Though operation Zarb-i-Azb was a huge success but the re-emergence of terrorist attacks have raised questions about the efficacy of NAP and other options for long lasting peace.
It is important to note that that Operation Radd-ul-Fasaad has been announced as a continuation of the National Action Plan (NAP). As part of the plan, military courts were established to fast-track terrorism cases. Intelligence-based operations across the country were initiated to disrupt and destroy terror networks in urban and rural areas. The plan had also laid an emphasis on curtailing terror financing. In NAP it was mentioned that a strict action will be taken against seminaries involved in militancy, but somehow government has vacillated on bringing them under control, apparently for fear of repercussions from religious parties as well as militants. The plan further envisioned countering hate speech and extremist material through the powers vested in the provincial police and other authorities. Pemra and other regulatory authorities were tasked with checking and banning glorification of terrorism and militant groups through print and electronic media.
The drafting of the Electronic Media Code of Conduct was also a positive step. The provinces were further instructed under NAP to raise a counter-terrorism force under a dedicated command structure. It is observed that not completely but to a great extent the government has proceeded in reducing cyber space to terrorist organizations and media adoration of their terrorist actions with effective cooperation of both print and electronic media. Strict actions are taken against misusers of social media for their nefarious activities. Therefore it is of utmost importance that the government and the security apparatus should commence a composed review of its policy framework and strategy to make it approachable and receptive to the threat which is not only real but forceful too.
Challenges for this new military operation are not new but need concrete and long lasting steps. Firstly we need a counter narrative and strategy to address the encounters at all level. People need education and information about takfeeri ideology. There is a need to clear perceptions about takfeer and jihad in society. Ulema can play a great role in this regard but before that all religious groups need to be on one page as rifts and splits among religious groups are one main cause that any of the follower from certain group claim his thoughts and beliefs as accurate and factual than others. This definitely adds fuel to fire of sectarian violence. De-radicalisation processes are needed to be speeded. Those ex militants who have surrendered must be trained to become effective and productive citizen and amalgamated in society and accepted so that they do not revert back. Surely financial support matters a lot as it was observed that apart from brain washing of those radical individuals, handsome amount offered to families is one of attractive techniques to buy any individual for militancy.
Madaris which are considered as essential school for learning religious education need wide scale reforms. Apart from their registration there is a need that government should keep check on their curriculum and other training methods. It was observed in previous military operations that local populace suffer most during such measures. We have seen that IDPs faced troubles but it is the responsibility of the government to make process of rehabilitation more speedy and feasible so that trust of people on government and military is maintained and they can ascertain themselves as compliant and accommodating. Military courts which are given extension for two years will definitely speed up their work but civil judiciary must also follow their footsteps for prompt justice to be provided to victims so that people’s trust is restored on them. Similarly police and LEAs must prove their efficiencies not in big happenings but minor incidents also so that normal citizen can look up to them in hour of need. The security apparatus must be upgraded with the innovations of technology to counter any kind of hostilities.
Recently in a high level meeting headed by Prime Minister actions in operation Radd-ul- Fasaad was overviewed. It was agreed that elimination of terrorism and extremism is imperative for sustainable peace in the country. The meeting vowed to accelerate the implementation of National Action Plan at federal and provincial levels. The meeting decided that the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) would be expedited and made more effective. Moreover the meeting also appraised recent initiatives made for boarder management along with Afghan Border in details. The civil and military leadership also lauded the sacrifices of the security personnel in the war against terrorism. Apart from all efforts which are carried out at national level we should keep in mind that this is our war and we have to finish it. Together with initiation of steps at all levels we can bring a positive change and long lasting peace in our country.
Source: pakobserver.net/challenges-to-radd-ul-fasaad/
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The Neglected Crown Jewel
By Safiya Aftab
06-Apr-17
Planning is a provincial function, and unless a provincial government knows how the economy is structured, it cannot make long-term decisions
On a recent trip to Karachi from Islamabad, some of us decided to go out on a sojourn in search of street food. In one hour, we did a round of three restaurants (taking in starters, a main meal, and dessert) on Burns Road, and emerged several pounds heavier, but satisfied that we had gotten our money’s worth — a feeling that we rarely experience on similar quests in Islamabad. Compared to other cities, Karachi is affordable, as it offers excellent quality food and more frequently features the concept of clustering wherein similar businesses tend to occupy adjacent spots. It has a big city feel that not even Lahore can boast, with truly a cosmopolitan outlook. Not to mention the city’s philanthropic tradition which truly does not have any parallels in the rest of the country.
Given that it is Pakistan’s largest city, financial hub, and a major contributor to the economy, Karachi’s derelict look and obviously poor infrastructure is an anomaly. Any discussion on its contribution to the national economy generates heat, with detractors pointing out that being the only major seaport in the country (Gwadar’s still in infancy), it is bound to generate revenue through customs receipts and transport if nothing else. The argument goes that the taxes paid in Karachi represent economic activity all over the country. This is true, but underplays the fact that Karachi’s contribution to direct taxes is also exceptional, with the city contributing over 60 percent of all direct taxes according to some estimates.
The reason ‘some estimates’ are stated here, rather than providing exact figures, is that the government is extremely wary of estimating and publishing sub-national GDP, and even information on tax collection city-wise is not easy to come by. Instead, we get press releases from the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) with aggregated information, like the much-touted figure that 83 percent of Pakistan’s direct tax collection comes from just three major cities; Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad.
The reluctance to compute sub-national GDP, or to emphasise one region’s economic activity compared to another stem from the historic rivalry between West and East Pakistan, wherein resource generation and sharing was the key bone of contention which led to dismemberment of the country. Post-1971, the government seems to have decided to err on the side of caution and simply not say anything about how one part of the country is doing compared to another. While this may stem accusations and recrimination to some extent, it also does not leave planners and policy makers with much to chew on.
Planning is a provincial function, and unless a provincial government knows how the economy is structured, it cannot make long-term decisions. Provincial governments have in the past attempted to do GDP estimates, with assistance from agencies such as the World Bank, but these efforts are based on extrapolation from national GDP figures and are top down rather than bottom up. In any event, with little or no support from federal data collection agencies, who collect the bulk of data on industrial output and services, the effort lacked credibility.
Karachi, in particular, suffers due to this reluctance to devolve data collection. No federal government in Pakistan wants to admit that up to a fifth of the country’s GDP may very well be generated from a city whose political leadership is continuously at odds with the powerbrokers in one way or the other. In fact, the lesson to be drawn from this would be the opposite — that the city has such a growth momentum, due to sheer size if nothing else, that it manages to generate economic activity despite poor leadership, neglect, and a political atmosphere that has allowed for the proliferation of all sorts of financial, sectarian and ethnic crimes.
A detailed, quantitative study on Karachi’s economy would provide fascinating insights on resilience, entrepreneurship inadverse circumstances, and the vagaries of doing business in a hostile political atmosphere, with minimum support from the public sector. It could be an excellent opportunity to learn some lessons on what has kept the Pakistani economy chugging along at an average 4 percent annual growth for almost two decades, despite mismanagement, security crises and a series of natural disasters. Authorities should be brave enough to consider doing such work, with the aim of expanding it to other key regions.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/06-Apr-17/the-neglected-crown-jewel
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URL: https://newageislam.com/pakistan-press/the-muslim-nato-step-too/d/110658