Pakistan and Afghanistan — The Way Forward: New Age Islam's Selection, 13 May 2016
New Age
Islam Edit Bureau
13 May 2016
• Pakistan and Afghanistan — The Way Forward
By Tahir Khan
• The Death of Aftab Ahmed
By Syed Kamran Hashmi
• Women for Women
By Paromita Bardoloi
• Balochistan beneath the Cloud of Corruption
By Noor Ahmed Baloch
• Reason versus Power Players
By Asha’ar Rehman
• What Is LSBE?
By Zubeida Mustafa
• After The F-16 Saga
By Farhan Bokhari
• Lessons from the Panama Scandal
By Gulmina Bilal Ahmad
• Playing with People’s Hearts
By Aine Moorad
Compiled By New Age Islam Edit Bureau
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Pakistan and Afghanistan — the Way Forward
By Tahir Khan
May 12, 2016
The deadly Taliban attack in Kabul on April 19 caused a serious blow to renewed efforts for peace negotiations for a second time in less than a year. As key Taliban political negotiators from the Qatar office touched down in Pakistan recently to discuss prospects for peace negotiations, President Ashraf Ghani, in a major shift of his policy to pursue reconciliation, prioritised war with the Taliban in his emotional address to the joint session of the Afghan parliament on April 25.
The new policy of the beleaguered Afghan president, who is currently involved in political wrangling with his Chief Executive Dr Abdullah Abdullah, was contradictory of his election pledge. He apparently surrendered to pressure by some of his top advisers, political opponents, former Mujahideen leaders and certain elements averse to reconciliation with the Taliban.
The Taliban’s Qatar office confirmed their political leaders’ visit to Pakistan; however, the political spokesman of the group did not mention what was on the agenda during talks with the Pakistani officials. Just for the sake of face-saving in the wake of President Ghani calling the Taliban “fools, illiterate and misguided puppets” in his parliamentary speech, the Taliban statement said that their representatives will discuss with the Pakistani government issues “regarding Afghan refugees, some problems about frontier areas” and the release of their prisoners, with there being no mention of the reconciliation process. The Taliban visit prompted strong condemnation in Afghanistan and a presidential spokesman questioned as to how Pakistan is hosting a “terrorist organisation” and discussing issues that are related to the two governments.
The Taliban political negotiators’ visit was important as the Qatar office, mandated for peace negotiations, had distanced itself from the Murree peace process. Kabul missed that chance for reconciliation and this time the spoilers are both the Taliban attack and warmongers in Afghanistan, whose mounting pressure influenced President Ghani to abandon the peace process. On its part, Pakistan’s top diplomat, Aizaz Chaudhry, did not confirm the Taliban visit when he was asked about it by journalists, apparently to avoid embarrassment in the wake of Kabul’s aggressive posture. The longstanding policy of denial and secrecy by Pakistani diplomats and all those who deal with Afghanistan must change. If the Taliban, who are masters of secrecy, can publicly confirm the visit, it is naive of Pakistan to deal with key issues in a non-serious manner. It seems that the foreign ministry has lost direction in respect to Afghanistan and the time is ripe to review its Afghan policy.
Pakistan’s other dilemma is the limited role of the political leadership over the Afghan policy. This needs to change, otherwise Pakistan will face embarrassment at international forums. Pakistan should also not insist on having a role in the reconciliation process with the Taliban if Afghan leaders do not want it to have one. We should respect President Ghani’s decision, who has publicly closed, at least for now, the chapter of Pakistan’s role in reconciliation in his war-shattered country. His frustration is genuine. The Taliban’s increased violence has led him to lose his appetite for peace talks. The recent attack has spoilt the environment for the talks, as no one would sit at the table with them at a time when nearly 70 families were mourning the deaths of their loved ones. But the Afghan leadership must also realise that they cannot win this senseless war which 160,000 US and NATO troops weren’t able to win in 14 years. At the same time, the Taliban must also understand the consequences of their senseless armed struggle as their attacks now mostly kill civilians.
Saner voices in Afghanistan and its Western allies may not agree with President Ghani’s aggressive approach. His tough stance was followed by a series of anti-Pakistan statements by senior government advisers. Dr Abdullah Abdullah, shortly after the Kabul attack, postponed his visit to Pakistan, scheduled for May 2-3 because of the “initial evidence” of the attack. Similarly, presidential spokesperson Dawa Khan Menapal’s statement that Kabul will launch a diplomatic campaign to isolate Pakistan at international and regional levels was also ill-advised. The blame game has badly affected bilateral relations. It is time now to bury the hatchet and address each other’s concerns.
Source: tribune.com.pk/story/1102479/pakistan-and-afghanistan-the-way-forward/
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The Death of Aftab Ahmed
By Syed Kamran Hashmi
13-May-16
Through a private video taken after his death, Aftab Ahmed, a close aide of Farooq Sattar, the parliamentary leader of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), makes his first appearance on national television. As a dead man, he is not saying anything in the short clip. But his exposed body tells us a long story, a story describing in minute details what happened to him before he passed away: bruises of various sizes patched over his torso and limbs, a small hole drilled into his elbow.
Looking at his discoloured skin, his swollen arms and legs, it seemed as if he was treated by the paramilitary Rangers like an enemy agent holding state secrets, a terrorist who was going to blow himself up, not as a political worker or a public figure, and definitely not as a respectable human being. What was his crime to deserve that treatment? That he belonged to a political party? By saying that, I do not wish to exonerate the MQM of any wrongdoing. Anyone who has committed a crime should be investigated, prosecuted and punished. But, the severity of trauma indicates much more than investigation. It shows hatred and disgust.
If the video had not been leaked, the cause of his death would have been limited to a ‘heart attack’ without the mention of torture. Hidden somewhere on the back page of a newspaper, the news item would not have gained much public attention. After the leaked pictures of his tortured body in media, Director General of Paramilitary Force, Bilal Akbar, was not left with much of a choice except to admit that the political worker was mistreated during the custody, but he insisted that Ahmed died of a heart attack.
As it became apparent that the story could not be suppressed or twisted, an inquiry commission upon the directive of Chief of the Army Staff General Raheel Sharif was formulated, investigation started and officials involved in the case suspended. So far so good, but based on our past experience of such commissions and intradepartmental inquiries we can draw certain conclusions ahead of time.
First, the scope of such an investigation will be limited even if it is conducted by a third party like the judiciary or members of parliament. In addition, the compliance of ‘high level’ military officers with a civilian authority will always be questionable. In general, the ‘officers of great importance’ approach any query by judicial bodies with a grain of salt, as to them both patriotism and intentions of non-uniformed investigators are untrustworthy. Being drenched in the holy water of self-righteousness, they feel scornful about the idea of being questioned by a corrupt politician, an elected representative or a judge.
Their standard knee jerk response, therefore, is to evade the whole process, in particular making a personal appearance. If somehow their excuses fail and they can’t escape coming to a court for testimony, they focus not on trying to prove their innocence but on establishing an entirely different principle: that the rules of business of military are no-go-areas for civilians who must confine themselves to their boundaries.
Second, the report of the investigation will never be made public. Reason? It can lead to a demand of another commission and further investigation, which would involve more probing, more questions. Why bother with the process if it can be avoided?
Third, the officials involved will get minimum penalty like the ones found guilty of corruption: no time in jail and continuation of their pension and health care benefits. Fourth, the agency will find the junior-most personnel, preferably a non-commissioned officer, to pin down as a sacrificial lamb. Commissioned officers are guarded, and the higher you sit on the chain of command, the more security you receive, to the point that anyone with a star on the shoulder stands almost untouchable. Fifth, once the news settles down, and media gets diverted back to politics, the defendants will be sent to comfortable places away from the camera.
Would that satisfy the people of Karachi? Or would it lead to further resentment against the security personnel? The people of Karachi, since the current operation started, fear that though on surface the action is targeted to eradicate terrorism and bring peace back to the city, but in reality it is aimed at the MQM and the political will of the Urdu-speaking community. Torturing a political worker thus does not surprise them. People knew all along that whoever gets ‘arrested ’would undergo the same inhuman‘investigative processes as Aftab Ahmed did, a process that is both illegal and immoral.
In other words, they do not believe that the death of the activist is an ‘anomaly’; rather, they consider it a routine matter, an institutional problem, the only way known to the law enforcing agencies through which they can extract ‘reliable’ information despite overwhelming literature suggesting against it. According to research, people under distress would confess to any crime and would give out any information — notwithstanding its validity — to get rid of pain and suffering. Yet the practice continues. How much false information is obtained and then acted upon through these procedures? No one knows. And how many innocent people are captured, tortured or killed after that? No details are available about that either. The whole process regarding the treatment of prisoners is as dark as a black hole where information can enter but cannot come out. No one can ask a question and no one would respond. The laws fail to exist, the lawmakers fear to interfere. We are quiet as if we are the dead Aftab Ahmed.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/13-May-16/the-death-of-aftab-ahmed
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Women for Women
By Paromita Bardoloi
13-May-16
This was almost 15 years ago. It was about 1am, and I was woken up by the sound of women screaming my mother’s name. Maa walked out of the house. There were a lot of women from our community, and one looked dishevelled. Her husband had thrown her out of the house, because he believed in a rumour that she was having an affair with someone. No proof, just a rumour. She had approached some women demanding justice. As Maa was much respected in the community, they all came to our house seeking help. Next morning, the husband appeared, and after counselling, he took her back home. In fact, they are still together, with grown up children.
One summer afternoon, I was sitting in the veranda. A woman came and told Maa something. We were facing financial difficulties back then. Maa hurriedly took out a 500-rupee note and gave it to her. I had forgotten all about it, until recently the same woman came to our house. I discovered that the woman, back when my mother helped her, had lost her husband and was in a deep financial crisis. Her son’s school fee was unpaid and the authorities were about to strike off her son’s name. That was when that 500-rupee had saved her son. Now he is a grade one government officer.
In a community where women are strongly bonded and have the power to make choices, changes come easily. I come from a small town in Assam. In fact, where I come from, we do not have a town committee, there is a Panchayat (local council). But due to the flourishing tea business, my hometown is quite developed as compared to other remote areas in India. I do not say we have reached absolute gender parity, but yes, compared to ‘modern Indian society’, it is a far better place for women to live.
I lost my father when I was young. In many parts of India, my mother would have lost her social status after that. But not in our town. I have grown up seeing people flocking into the house — men, women and children. Mostly, people came for advice. Maa would sit with each one and talk to them. She still does. Ranging from college admission to marriage, there would always be someone needing something or the other. Only when I came to Delhi and heard about the Khap Panchayats, I saw how it was considered wrong for men to even take advice from a woman. Even a boy talking to a girl was considered wrong. This was my first lesson in Delhi. The world has crazy rules, I thought.
In my part of the world, men listened with rapt attention when Maa spoke. There was no shame but utmost respect. I only internalised it and thought this is how one lives as a woman — with respect and reverence. Other ways are simply not acceptable. So, what exactly happens when women have a strong bond and are powerful? No, a crusade against men does not begin. A safer and powerful society emerges. In a community where women share a deep bond, violence goes down. People breathe easy. Every child is a product of the community. What a child sees, it becomes. When you come from powerful mothers, you automatically become sensitive about gender. No school or college can teach you what your community can.
In our community it is natural to see women meet, sing, dance and celebrate. During Rangali Bihu in April, a lot of functions are held. Dancing and singing competitions for married women are also held. And there is no objection from anyone. There are always three categories for women: girls below 15, above 15 and married. Even husories, which is when people from the community come to sing and dance to bless every home, women feature here as well. In dances and blessings, our women are given equal spaces. That’s what makes it a safe society.
One of my aunts is a nurse and she returns from work at 10pm. I instinctively asked her, “Who drops you home?” She matter-of-factly replied that the boys too return from the factory at that time, so it’s safe to walk back alone. She has been doing this for the last 10 years every day. In my village, the post office is run by women. In other parts of India, textbooks have poems about postmen, we were always taught about the post woman. I have seen the post woman coming to deliver our mail during her pregnancy. It’s been years since she has been posted in our town and never has there been an instance of sexual violence. Imagine the same scenario in Delhi, India’s capital. With so many laws and CCTV cameras, Delhi is still the ‘rape capital’.
When the women community is united, tragedies become easier to handle because there is always a ‘sister’ coming out to help. This is one thing I learnt as a young girl that you may not like another woman, you may disagree with her, but there is no ‘other woman’. You never ever shame another woman by making her the ‘other’, because when a woman is shamed, her children grow up with shame and it brings violence.
When women have strong support from their own gender, they feel validated, and that is the basis for a strong and safe society. In a community where mothers are equally heard and their strength is acknowledged, children grow up courageous. Young boys become sensitive men and girls develop into powerful women. A society is first created at home. What children see, they become.
Give us a world where mothers are powerful and heard. I will give you an equal, non-violent world.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/13-May-16/women-for-women
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Balochistan beneath the Cloud of Corruption
By Noor Ahmed Baloch
13-May-16
“Corruption is a greater threat than terrorism in the province [Balochistan].” This statement was made by the then chief minister of Balochistan, Dr Malik Baloch, last year in a seminar organised by the National Accountability Bureau (NAB). Last Friday, the NAB recovered more than 730 million rupees worth of currency and bonds from the residence of Balochistan Secretary of Finance Mushtaq Ahmed Raisani. The finance secretary has been accused of embezzling billions of rupees from local government funds. Media reports showed that money was hidden in various places at his residence, and even in bumpers of his cars.
Figuring out the connection between the above-mentioned two opposite — a vigilant statement and an unscrupulous action is not easy. Despite the fact that Raisani was posted during Baloch’s tenure, after the raid on Raisani, Baloch assured of his ignorance of the former’s corrupt practices. Khalid Langvo, finance adviser, resigned from his post given the pressure of the scandal of this huge misappropriation of government funds. Nonetheless, tales of corruption appear to be nothing new or surprising, but bringing the culprits to justice would surprise the public, as that is contrary to expectations.
The NAB also arrested the former chairman Balochistan Public Service Commission (BPSC) Ashraf Magsi over charges of corruption, misuse of funds worth millions of rupees and recruiting incompetent officers above grade 17.
Corruption in any form does not reflect anything good. The BPSC case has been no less than a block in the way of recruiting officers in the light of rules and regulations of the organisation giving importance to merit and capability. To many talented aspirants with no political affiliation, the BPSC remains one of the ways to become employees of government. Given certain corrupt practices, the number of unemployed young people in the province has increased in an alarming manner. It can be gauged from the fact that for a few hundred posts thousands of forms are filled, and for a thousand posts, hundreds of thousands of aspirants apply. That is how the number of unemployed is increasing, and there seems to be no solution to this issue that affects lives of millions of people in Balochistan.
The budget of Balochistan for the fiscal year 2015-2016 was 230 billion rupees, and the total amount for development was 54 billion rupees. The prevailing state of affairs further shrinks the outlay. Given records of corruption as an all-time disease countrywide, it is obvious many stories are yet to come on surface. In 2009, the card of the 7th National Finance Commission (NFC) Award was played. Even that fell prey to corruption, as a number of jobs are yet to be announced under that NFC Award. Needless to say it had a great deal to do with political gains. According to reports, 300 million rupees were embezzled by government of Nawab Aslam Raisani, from 2008 to 2013. Had there been transparency and accountability in the provision, economic situation might — to some extent — have been different. Nonetheless, a province that has already been tainted with political highs and downs, corruption has led it to a murkier ground.
Corruption within government takes place quite systematically. Most politicians, during their five-year tenure in government, try to embezzle as much money as possible. It does not matter to them if those government funds are for education, health or social welfare.
What can’t be ignored here is that bureaucratic structure has longer tenures than that of politicians. The subject of corruption and manipulation is probably not applicable to every bureaucrat servicing in the province, but a great number does indulge in these practices. Bureaucrats under ministerial or political thumb, in most cases, remain a supporting hand in embezzling ‘percentage’ of government funds. On the other hand, those who refuse to become part of illegal or immoral activities face harassment in various forms: posting in far-flung areas, late promotions, endowment of less perks etc., to mention a few. Under abysmal circumstances remaining silent becomes the easy option.
In the phenomenon of corruption, there exists a supporting chain that links politicians and government functionaries. Paralysing the line of chain will mitigate the mishandling that happens on a regular basis. From lower level to higher-ups, their contribution in plundering of government money destroys the government structure. With the view to making it stop, ensuring accountability at all spheres and a no-compromise step such as the one NAB is taking at the moment is the need of the hour.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/13-May-16/balochistan-beneath-the-cloud-of-corruption
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Reason versus Power Players
By Asha’ar Rehman
May 13th, 2016
THE opposition may have reason, logic and moral ground. The prime minister has the right actors on his side. The show in parliament on Monday is not likely to yield any decisive outcome. After all the emphasis on Mr Nawaz Sharif offering his replies to a set of questions thrown at him in parliament, the battle will continue at varying levels of intensity on the streets, with little signs of a resolution anytime soon. There is absolutely no mechanism available that would satisfy the query raised by the opposition.
The reason in itself cannot clinch in favour of the supposed PTI-PPP-other parties’ combine right now. The signs do not quite indicate what they once used to. Observers may place all the emphasis and more on an army chief sternly telling a prime minster to sort out the Panama leaks. The so-called snub may provide all of us a reason to shout slogans aimed at stirring up the chief executive of the country and fighting for his honour. But that’s about all the fun that can be had from the exercise. There is stalemate after a reprimand.
There was a time when a prime minister in his first term was sufficiently embarrassed by the pressure exerted by his mediating army chief and president to leave midway in a huff, with a reference to victimisation. That easy solution to tough situations is no more available in this country, to the utter consternation of all those not favourably disposed towards long, complicated but mandatory routes a country must go through at various times in its history.
The absence of easy solutions like those available in the past can create quite a lot of frustration unless everyone takes part in this activity right now with the aim of exploring and setting up a system which can hold the rulers accountable. At present, that system, in fact, the very framework for that system eludes Pakistan and the more sober among the country’s well-wishers will be happy with having established some principles for the accountability of those in power.
Others, such as Imran Khan, will continue, well within their rights, to pursue avenues leading to immediate or early relief. There is no doubt, however, that the governmental ploy of counter-accusations has taken some steam out of the PTI’s moral call. Having been exposed as maintaining offshore companies of their own, some PTI leaders have been heard offering the PML-N leader’s challenges that are so obviously bereft of substance that they can actually prove counterproductive.
For instance, one PTI politician tells Mr Nawaz Sharif that he was prepared to sell his offshore companies and bring the money to Pakistan provided the prime minister’s family was prepared to do the same. There could not have been a bigger acknowledgement of ‘equality’ between the PTI and PML-N, which is something that the latter has been vying to establish ever since the initial leakage of the Panama Papers last month.
It suits the PML-N most if this offshore business is looked upon as a Pakistani affair and not a matter confined to a party. Towards this end, the party has been strongly, and at times unabashedly, aided by large and powerful sections of the media and some other major actors, such as the lawyers who have been quite insistent about the loopholes in the opposition’s terms of reference for the Panama probe under the Supreme Court.
These lawyers may have all the plausible causes to point out the weaknesses, but quite often the tone and the angle some of them adopt indicate the same kind of frustration that is these days associated with hard-core PML-N workers.
Quite routinely the legal advice is rounded off with what amounts to ridiculing the point of view of the opposition, especially the PTI. This, along with the bashing of the PTI — and to an extent the PPP — in the media, brings out the polarisation or a loud unqualified preference for the PML-N in the more learned sections.
What’s more serious, the partisan positioning of the media and lawyers leaves them in a less-than-ideal position to facilitate this country’s search for some kind of a workable efficient system. The system is urgently needed so that it can every now and then hold some in power accountable for their deeds and the secrecy which surrounds some of these actions. Without this system, let’s reiterate, democracy in this day and age will remain incomplete. In order for it to survive, democracy must from time to time be allowed to throw up the corrupt for lynching by the people.
The Panama Papers promised to start the search for a more transparent regime that could ensure that a steady supply of the corrupt is punished for public satisfaction. But among other things, the leaks have failed to help some of us overcome our dislike, or contempt, for the main character(s) behind the push.
The clear ‘good’ and ‘bad’ tags that we attach to those in power and to those in opposition are the reason why it has failed to become a people’s issue more than it being Imran Khan’s problem. It is quite revealing when the disclosures about the PTI politicians’ links with offshore companies do not lead to calls for the accountability of all but, instead, are used to justify the offshore secret business of the Sharif family and their associates.
The lack of general backing from the knowledgeable — the media, the lawyers and the NGO think tanks etc, of course the military for the time being — would suggest that Aitzaz Ahsan & co can hope little more than winning the declamation contest against the prime minister in parliament, however ingenious their questionnaire. It does not as yet have the appearance of a people’s cause and nobody actually knows what it will take to turn it into one.
Source: dawn.com/news/1258000/reason-versus-power-players
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What is LSBE?
By Zubeida Mustafa
May 13th, 2016
I WAS first introduced to the term ‘life skills-based education’ at a forum of the Indus Resource Centre a few weeks ago. The term was used freely but it was not elucidated sufficiently, at least not for novices like me.
The IRC, which is doing very good work by promoting education in Sindh, had just completed its Reproductive Health through Girls’ Education project and we had gathered for an independent assessment. This was basically a population venture funded by the David and Lucile Packard Foundation but fitted into IRC’s agenda since it sought to change the mindset of girls vis-à-vis reproductive health issues. This was expected to impact on the galloping population growth rate of the country — one of the most serious concerns of the day.
Now it is widely acknowledged that key questions of demography such as family size, the spacing of pregnancies, the age of marriage and the status of women should be integrated into the national population programme to make it effective.
In societies such as ours, strong inhibitions prevent an open discourse on sex education and family planning, at least with young girls and boys in their adolescence. Hence, these sensitive questions have to be camouflaged and presented as a package containing many ‘acceptable’ subjects that can be talked about openly.
It is significant that these supposedly peripheral issues have a profound bearing on every aspect of human life. They include interpersonal relations, the art of communication and human rights especially the empowerment of women. Experts have come to realise that talking about such matters can bring about subtle changes in people’s thinking on many vital social issues.
The IRC claimed that its LSBE approach has had a far-reaching impact on adolescents. Though there were no conventional tools available to measure this impact, some changes, according to the IRC, have been pretty visible.
It is in this social context that LSBE has been found to be relevant. It seeks to create awareness in boys and girls in their teens about health and hygiene, drug addiction, violence, interpersonal relationships, the importance of recognising and expressing one’s feelings, reinforcing one’s self-esteem and handling peer pressure. While going through the literature used by the IRC and given to me by its executive director, Sadiqa Salahuddin, on my request, I was struck by the diversity of subjects addressed,
What fascinated me was the opportunity LSBE offered to the youth to improve their lives and acquire skills which would enable them to achieve fulfilment.
In this age of communication, the person who can manage this area of his life well is the one who succeeds. In the community school where I volunteer some hours of teaching, I feel that LSBE would help the children. Since I encourage them to participate in the dialogue we have in the classroom, I foresaw no difficulty in getting them to talk about themselves. It came as a surprise to me when to my question of whether he ever thought about himself — his emotions, his desires and relationships — 14-year-old Jibran flatly replied ‘no’.
Initially, he was not even sure what I wanted to know. As I prompted him making suggestions, he seemed to understand what the entire exercise was all about. As we proceeded, he started anticipating my questions and in the next stage his replies became more expansive and cohesive.
To the best of my knowledge, our schools are generally not focusing on LSBE by any name though it should be an essential and integral part of education. All children, which includes those of the affluent going to upscale schools, should be encouraged to learn these skills. Many need to be taught how to communicate and negotiate their way out of a difficult situation. They should know how to recognise their own emotions and develop an understanding of their positive and negative traits to be able to cope with them.
If this is not being done in our schools, it is primarily because our classrooms do not encourage a dialogue and the participation of students in the process of education. What we generally witness in classrooms is a one-way communication with ‘knowledge’ flowing from the teacher to the students with no flow in the other direction.
The IRC cites the case of Shabana Rajput, a teacher in a government high school in Kot Diji. Shabana is highly enthusiastic about LSBE and has inspired her students to learn these skills. More importantly, she interacts with the mothers to create an interest in them about their daughters as she believes that education should not be limited to book learning but lead to some self-introspection, analysis and critical thinking.
The only system that gives an insight to teachers into children’s emotional development is the one based on Maria Montessori’s philosophy. In The Absorbent Mind, Dr Montessori describes the four planes of development of a child as a “series of rebirths” and insists that all of these need to be understood.
Source: dawn.com/news/1257998/what-is-lsbe
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After The F-16 Saga
By Farhan Bokhari
May 13th, 2016
A PREVAILING sense of déjà vu across Islamabad’s ruling circles following the US threat of withdrawing funds for eight new F-16 fighters may well suggest that Pakistan is missing the point. It’s easy to say ‘we have seen it all before’. But it’s much harder to figure out the lessons learnt from the past that could be usefully applied to shape future policies in Pakistan’s best interest.
Beyond another chapter in a history of ups and downs surrounding Pakistan’s relations with the world’s lone superpower lies a failure by Pakistan to carve out the road to preserve and protect its interests. And beyond matters linked to just foreign policy lies a series of internal trends that have weakened Pakistan and enhanced its vulnerability to outside pressures.
The jury may still be out on the final outcome of this saga, given the noise from parts of the US administration seeking close ties with Islamabad. The bottom line is indeed a familiar one. Now that US interests in the Pak-Afghan region have shrunk following the December 2014 withdrawal of the bulk of US troops from Afghanistan, Washington’s need for a ‘tight’ alliance with next-door Pakistan has been diluted.
One key lesson from a bird’s eye view of the history of US-Pakistan relations suggests a key gap. In seeking to pursue close ties with the US, Pakistan has historically relied on a personality-driven approach between key decision-makers on both sides rather than a sustainable relationship based on broad-based and long-term interests.
The ‘personal’ relationship between former president Gen Pervez Musharraf and former US president George W. Bush presents a telling case in point. The former, Pakistan’s military ruler, and the latter, the post 9/11 US president, found it mutually convenient to embrace one another in the battle against Al Qaeda and the Taliban.
For Musharraf, valuable US military and economic aid helped to bolster a regime that lacked global legitimacy, while Bush found it convenient to embrace Pakistan as a key ally for the US war in Afghanistan.
From Pakistan’s vantage point, little appears to have been achieved by way of either organising the country’s migrant community in the US to work in the interest of their motherland, or indeed a diversification of ties beyond the military dimension.
Though US officials point towards a series of past economic interventions to Pakistan’s benefit, the point becomes debatable on the streets of Pakistan. For ordinary Pakistanis, US assistance has helped more to bolster one regime after another in spite of credibility gaps, rather than to benefit ordinary folk.
Arguably, past US assistance in fact took Pakistan away from the ideal of self-reliance in key areas that would allow the country to fend for itself. Going forward, the cause of national security needs to be built as much with new weapon systems including fighter planes as the matter of fixing Pakistan’s out-of-sync bookkeeping.
In contrast to its status as the newest member of the world’s exclusive nuclear club, Pakistan suffers from continued lethargy surrounding its ability to begin paying its own bills. The failure to fix national tax revenues which have chronically remained behind target is indeed directly linked to such national choices as the purchase of modern military hardware.
The opponents of Pakistan in Washington, who have stalled the deal and tied a resolution to matters like the release of Dr Shakil Afridi, realised the tool of Pakistan’s economic vulnerability working to their advantage. With the country’s national revenues lagging behind target, it’s difficult to imagine exactly how Pakistan can comfortably afford to ditch one fighter aircraft option with a subsidy in place, in favour of another at the full market price. Dependence on precious foreign assistance rather than national resources lies at the heart of the challenge.
Going forward, the issue is not necessarily one of a lack of choices. Noises in recent months from the community of global arms dealers have suggested that Russia may be ready to sell a batch of its SU-35 fighter planes to Pakistan, following a well-publicised deal of the same between Moscow and Beijing.
And the strides made by China’s own fighter aircraft production facilities in recent years along with the close collaboration with Pakistan, offers yet another opportunity to be pursued if needed. Though US technology may be more advanced by comparison to some of the other systems available to Pakistan but that must not necessarily work as a disincentive.
The set of US sanctions under the much-publicised Pressler Amendment in 1990 worked to withhold a batch of F-16s signed by Washington for sale to Pakistan. Though the F-16 supply line was resumed more than a decade later, Pakistan in partnership with China successfully began manufacturing the JF-17. The ultimate question is just one: can Pakistan learn to stand on its feet with or without resolving the latest F-16 riddle with the US.
Source: dawn.com/news/1257997/after-the-f-16-saga
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Lessons from the Panama Scandal
By Gulmina Bilal Ahmad
13-May-16
Talk to the man on the street or the top-rated talk show anchor, the gist is the same: the Panama Papers leaks is a political bombshell with high targets and collateral damage. I am not interested to see if that is going to happen or not. What I am interested in is the lessons of changing market dynamics of Pakistan that the Panama Paper leaks have revealed.
The first lesson: it pays to be operating under the radar. The ongoing debate on the Panama leaks is about holding accountable all those prominent political figures whose names appeared in the Panama Papers for establishing offshore companies, allegedly with taxpayers’ money. Pinpointing the family of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif who owns five of the offshore companies mentioned in the Panama leaks is merely one side of the story. However, there is more to that story. It is the story of the Panama leaks that reveals 455 companies established offshore by Pakistani citizens. It is yet to be established whether the individuals listed for registering offshore companies were taxpayers or tax defaulters.
The second lesson: the time duration is interesting as it spans democratic, dictatorship and ‘enlightened moderate dictatorship’ eras. The understanding of the Panama leaks for a common man is that a wealthy segment of our society is wealthy enough to run offshore companies giving no gain to Pakistan’s economy. In this context the Panama Papers provide a clue that can help us connect dots to trace the actions of this wealthy segment. The Panama Papers list offshore companies that were registered in 1988, and the process continues to 2015. During the initial six years there are 54 ‘pioneer’ offshore companies registered by Pakistani citizens, among which seven companies are owned by three females. Is that women empowerment or only lip service? But I digress.
The third lesson: the changing commercial face of Pakistan. The Panama Papers disclose that 203 registered offshore companies are owned by individuals who are from Pakistan’s commercial hub, Karachi. Considering commercial significance among the listed offshore companies, 23 belong to individuals of Lahore, nine from Gujranwala and four are registered by residents of Faisalabad, followed by three companies from Gujrat. Faisalabad, known to us as Manchester of Pakistan, shows a low number of offshore companies registered by its individuals, and that could be because of lack of opportunity. Speaking of this lack of opportunity, Panama leaks show that Sialkot that has been in race with Karachi, Lahore, Gujranwala and Faisalabad in commercial terms does not have any representation in the Panama Papers.
Another revealing aspect of the Panama leaks reflects that the second highest number of offshore companies, 96, is registered under names of individuals of the capital city, Islamabad, not leaving behind its twin city, which has 10 offshore companies registered in the names of individuals of Rawalpindi. These figures reveal that the highest number of wealthy individuals who have established offshore companies is not found in commercially prosperous areas like Faisalabad and Sialkot but in Islamabad and Rawalpindi.
The surprising findings from the second list of the Panama Papers puts Peshawar, a provincial capital, and Chenab Nagar, a city of the district Chiniot of the Punjab province, at the same level. There are seven offshore companies registered in name of individuals from Peshawar and Chenab Nagar. All of this reveals the level of distrust that many people have while investing and generating assets within Pakistan. Chenab Nagar being a small city, instead of investing in bigger commercial areas within Pakistan, prefers to transfer its assets offshore.
Where commercially significant cities like Sialkot show no sign of offshore companies in the Panama leaks, there is an offshore company each registered from Muridke and Malakand. Moreover, among the offshore companies two owned by individuals of the Khyber agency of the troubled Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) also made it to the Panama Papers. Balochistan is not represented in the Panama leaks. Perhaps, those with money they don’t wish to reveal prefer keeping their cash under mattresses and/or in milk cartons!
The Panama Papers do not tell us about geographical facts of the owners of 85 offshore companies that were registered before or by 2015. The areas that are, to our surprise, missing from the Panama Papers are either among these 85 offshore companies or are also owned by the wealthy segment of Karachi, Islamabad and Lahore.
Speaking of female representation, we know that Pakistan is a country where as a cultural norm many women are denied the right of owning property. Women are often found giving away their share to their brothers as a ‘gesture of goodwill’, without having the same gesture reciprocated by their brothers. On the other side, it is also witnessed that female members are brought forward in political arena when male political figures are not given a ticket by their party for one reason or the other. Similar level of trust in women is observed at the professional level, and that is visible in the Panama Papers. In the second list revealing ownership of offshore companies there are 133 companies registered in names of 92 women. The extent of ownership of these offshore companies is not known, whether these women are actually empowered, or it is token representation like in the political arena.
The World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report 2014-2015 states that Pakistan has been ranked at 129 out of 144 economies around the world. The picture of Pakistan that we see at international level is that both the state and citizens are bankrupt. However, the data revealed by the Panama Papers presents a different picture. We find names of our prominent political figures listed among those who have established offshore companies, and media is demanding that we hold them accountable. Besides political figures there are other Pakistani citizens listed in the Panama Papers who transfer their assets offshore either being a taxpayer or a tax defaulter. I am not going to join the chorus of ‘across-the-board’ accountability, but I will say one thing: the Panama Papers have indicated that perhaps Pakistan has a face other than the traditional, urban, commercial one that is known to us.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/13-May-16/lessons-from-the-panama-scandal
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Playing with People’s Hearts
By Aine Moorad
May 12, 2016
A few days ago, the horrific murder of 17-year-old Sumera in Karachi’s Orangi Town sent shockwaves around the globe. The act was committed by the victim’s brother Hayat in the name of honour. The accused claimed that his sister was conversing with a boy at the doorstep of their home. This infuriated him, compelling him to stab her multiple times.
Raw footage captured by an onlooker revealed Sumera writhing in pain outside her home, as the perpetrator sat beside her, playing with his cell phone — waiting for his sister to die a painful and horrid death. And onlookers didn’t do much either. They just watched.
Though honour killings are rampant in Pakistan, what struck me about this incident was that there was not an ounce of remorse or guilt on Hayat’s face. More disturbing was when other family members were interviewed, none of them exhibited any signs of sorrow either. Not a tear. Not a shred of compassion in memory of Sumera. Even the brutality of the manner in which she was murdered was sanctioned by Sumera’s family. In fact, they supported the boy’s act — some went as far as saying they would have killed her too.
Shocking. Baffling. Heartbreaking. These are just some words that come to mind. The tragedy raises many questions, one being: what is causing people like Hayat and his family members to feel no sorrow at the death of a family member? Even animals feel remorse when their loved ones die. Though laws are intact so perpetrators like Hayat face punitive criminal sentences, the question that authorities need to ask themselves is: what can we do to deter such men from committing acts of brutality in the first place? How can we instil values of integrity, responsibility, fairness and compassion in society? How can we develop, guide and sustain the moral compass of individuals like Hayat? Ethics and character development education could be the answer.
Jim Kestner, a US-based character development specialist, once said: “Ethical values represent a recognition of the importance of service to others, responsibility to self, and an understanding of the importance of respecting others and disciplining ourselves to do things that may not always be pleasant, for the good of all.” The outcome of character education is just that. To inculcate values in students in the hope that they learn the difference between right and wrong, just and unjust behaviour, equality and discrimination.
Gaining prominence worldwide, this type of education has reportedly reduced violence, lowered disciplinary issues and improved academic performance in students, among other benefits. The focus of our education system should be on producing good human beings because that is essentially what will help our society bind and build as a nation.
This tragedy also reflects the value of women in mainstream Pakistan, and the patriarchal nature of society. Many women are merely treated as objects who are confined to the home, and restricted in their daily activities. Besides introducing character education in all facets of the curriculum, the government must also consider dispersing outreach workers in low-income communities, where such incidents are more rampant, so they can conduct civic education and human rights training for adults and teens.
It’s about time the government dealt head on with this national crisis. Clearly, all other ways, have yet to prove their worth.
Source: tribune.com.pk/story/1102340/playing-with-peoples-hearts/
URL: https://newageislam.com/pakistan-press/pakistan-afghanistan-—-way-forward/d/107280