Finding Common Ground in Afghanistan By Prof D. Suba Chandran: New Age Islam's Selection, 24 June 2017
New
Age Islam Edit Bureau
24 June 2017
• Finding Common Ground in Afghanistan
By Prof D. Suba Chandran
• The Resurgence of Daesh
By Akbar Jan Marwat
• Reinventing A Gender-Fair Curriculum In Pakistan
By Farhana Shahzad
• The Future Of Democracy
By Touqir Hussain
• Ramazan’s Significance in Pakistan's Destiny
By S M Hali
• What Does Pakistan Want In Afghanistan — III
By Marvi Sirmed
• Saudi Arabia: A Kingdom in Transition
By Abbas Nasir
Compiled By New Age Islam Edit Bureau
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Finding Common Ground in Afghanistan
By Prof D. Suba Chandran
24-Jun-17
Are there new developments in Afghanistan and the surrounding region which demand a new push, with Kabul as the pivot? Is there an Afghan common ground cutting across South and Central Asia today?
There have been numerous efforts and initiatives in recent years to find a common ground in Afghanistan – both at the bilateral and multilateral levels. The results, however, do not do justice to the multitude of reforms and initiatives on peace in Afghanistan. Perhaps, the issues and problems surrounding Afghanistan are more complex, or the initiatives to resolve them are not intensive or comprehensive enough.
A lack of success in these reforms does not suggest there is no scope of improvement. A conflict environment such as Afghanistan demands continuity in resolution processes and new attempts to bring actors to the negotiating table. States have to keep trying; civil society, especially the academic community and media share a responsibility to project alternative and innovative ideas.
Five sets of recent developments call for a renewed approach to find a common ground in Afghanistan. First, increased violence within Afghanistan in recent weeks. While the Afghan security forces are attempting to cope with increased violence, it does affect the morale of the government. The protest in Kabul against the government in early June, following the disastrous attack in the diplomatic enclave highlights the growing frustration amidst the population.
Second, one is not sure how the Trump administration is likely to respond to Afghanistan in the near future. Clearly, Afghanistan is a work in progress and given the history of Afghanistan since the 1970s, stability cannot be achieved overnight. Besides domestic issues, there were substantial international interests in Afghanistan, interfering in the governance structure and further deepening the Afghan fault lines. It will not be easy for any democratic government in Afghanistan to achieve “success” in the immediate future.
Given Afghanistan’s history, one needs more time and support to stabilize Afghanistan. One is not sure whether Trump would have the patience to continue supporting Afghanistan – both at the military and economic levels. If the Trump administration decides to pull the plug, it would negatively Afghanistan’s move towards stability.
Third, the growing presence of the Islamic State in Afghanistan. This is a clear and present danger not only for Afghanistan, but for the entire region. It is imperative that the region not allow another non-State actor. Fortunately, none of the state actors in the region supports the IS; unlike other non-State and militant groups, which are considered as someone’s proxy, the IS does not have a state mentor in the region.
Fourth, on the positive side, recent developments inside the SCO provide a new opportunity to the region on Afghanistan. Both India and Pakistan have become members of the SCO which already has Russia, China and the States of Central Asia as its members. Inclusion of India and Pakistan inside the SCO will make Afghanistan a centre and a bridge between South and Central Asia.
There have been numerous efforts and initiatives in recent years to find a common ground in Afghanistan — at the bilateral and multilateral levels
In SAARC, Afghanistan found itself in the west corner, and in the SCO until recently, Afghanistan was in the southern corner. New inclusions in the SCO mean Afghanistan will now occupy a pivotal position, and this opens the door for the region to revitalise some of the energy projects that have already been discussed- such as the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline and the Central Asia-South Asia (CASA) electricity corridor. On another positive note, Nawaz Sharif and Ashraf Ghani were able to break the deadlock during the recent SCO summit at Astana, and restart the bilateral process.
Fifth, the increased role of China and Russia in the region and the projects they have undertaken provide another opportunity for Afghanistan. Much has already been discussed about the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative led by China. Beijing’s ambitious project is likely to bring substantial funds and projects, and also create a larger infrastructural network in the region. Similarly, Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union is another major initiative.
Geographically, Afghanistan will become the gateway for South Asia into the Eurasian Economic Union. India and Iran have also been working on a North-South Corridor which will cut through Afghanistan. If the above three initiatives are plotted on a map, one can observe the network it would create across and along Afghanistan in Asia.
To answer the questions raised at the start – yes, there are new developments in the region within and around Afghanistan which call for a fresh initiative, with Kabul as the pivot. Instead of expecting or accusing Trump of not doing enough, the region will have to look inwards, take ownership and prepare a road map. There is enough power in the above mentioned Asian led projects to fire the Afghan engine.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/24-Jun-17/finding-common-ground-in-afghanistan
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The Resurgence of Daesh
By Akbar Jan Marwat
June 24, 2017
THE resurgence of Daesh (IS) is not only evident in the Khorrason region — the name given to areas comprising South Asia by Daesh — but also by the claims of the organisation about successful operations made in Europe and the Middle East, with increasing frequency in the recent days. The tension and fracture in the Gulf region is likely to give further impetus and fillip to the operations of Daesh.
The recent attacks in Iran, owned by Daesh, were perhaps the first of its kind. The sectarian Daesh espousing Sunni Fiqah was extremely Jubilant to strike in the heart of predominantly Shia Iran. The Iranian capital was struck in the middle of the gulf crises; prompting Tehran of accusing Saudi Arabia to be behind the attacks, thus further exacerbating the present tension in the region. Existing Iran – Saudi Tension were already high after Iran decided to support Qatar in the Saudi – Qatar tiff.
Daesh can easily exploit the tension in the gulf to entrench itself. Daesh can exploit the friction not only between the Sunni States, but also the tension between the Sunni camps led by Saudi Arabia vs the Shia Camp led by Iran. Iran a predominantly Shia state, has relegated its Sunni minorities to second-class citizens, ever since the time of Iranian revolutions under Imam Khomeini. The Sunni minorities, especially the Sunni Bloch in the east and Sunni Arabs of Khuzestan, can be fertile ground for Daesh to sow its ideological seeds.
The patronizing of Daesh by Saudi Arabia and other Sunni Gulf countries will act like a double-edged sword, hurting the host states more than their intended targets. According to some analysts, the totalitarian state of Iran with its strong Army and the Pasdaran of the revolution will be less vulnerable to the machinations of Daesh compared to the Sunni Gulf States, who do not have strong modern armies.
Besides concentrating on its primary base in the Middle East, Daesh is always looking for opportunities to expand its footprint in South Asia. Last week according to authentic reports, Daesh had taken control of the Tora Bora Mountains of Afghanistan, expelling all the other inhabitants including the Afghan Taliban. The Daesh took over this cave complex near Jalal Abad, after its own sanctuaries were destroyed by the so-called “Mother of all bombs” dropped by the US.
Daesh is a serious threat to Pakistan also. The organization has developed nexus with elements of TTP; Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and Afghan Taliban, to develop it’s infrastructure on both sides of the Durand line. In the beginning of June, the security forces of Pakistan carried out an intelligence driven operation in Mastung — Balochistan. After the end of the successful operation, in which many militants were killed, the LeJ Spokesman claimed, that the men killed in the operation did not belong to LEJ or any other local organization, but were members of Daesh.
Daesh recently published a graphic chart of its attacks in the Khurassan area. According to the chart, the Daesh claimed that in the last eight months, it had killed more than two thousand people including: American, Pakistani and Afghan Security Officials, members of Afghan Taliban and people of Shia and Ahmadi community. In the West Daesh seems to be increasing its influence also. Although there may be no organized cadres of Daesh there, the social media and other means of information technology are used to devastating effect. Numerous Internet sites are used to indoctrinate vulnerable individuals into lone wolf attacks on the unarmed civilians. These attacks are then gloatingly owned by Daesh to terrorize the public.
Regional tensions may be a contributing factor, but not the primary cause of Daesh’s success. Daesh basically exploits the already existing religious extremism leading to radicalization and sectarianism in the societies, to plant it self. To combat the nefarious growth of militant organizations like Daesh along with Kinetic operations, ideological warfare against the misguided and violent ideology of Daesh is also necessary. Our political and religious leaders need to espouse progressive and enlightened ideology to counter the obscurantist thinking of organizations like Daesh.
The West also needs to do some serious soul searching. They have to revisit their policies of going to war and pulverizing weak but stable Muslim states on false pretexts. Such unjust wars create resentment in the vanquished societies, which leads to their radicalisation. Such radicalised societies form breeding grounds for militant organisations like Daesh to nurture.
Source: pakobserver.net/the-resurgence-of-daesh/
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Reinventing a Gender-Fair Curriculum in Pakistan
By Farhana Shahzad
June 23, 2017
Teaching a core language course at a university one comes across students from diverse educational backgrounds. It was not a revelation that the Intermediate students mostly stumbled in the subject as compared to their A-level counterparts. Not only are the Intermediate background students less proficient in language, but they are also guilty of holding stereotypical mindsets.
Out of sheer exasperation and determination to unearth the reasons for such a predicament, I searched the Punjab English Intermediate Textbook Board curriculum. As I scrolled down the contents of the four Intermediate English textbooks, I gasped with dismay! Though it had been more than two decades since I sat for my Intermediate English exam, the scenario of these crucial career deciding examinations and its curriculum had not altered.
The Punjab Intermediate Textbook Board has maintained the status quo and the curriculum has been guilty of propagating gender stereotypes. Once these gendered identities are instilled, they leave an indelible impression on the young minds of the students. Eventually, they become guilty of perpetuating and practising sexism or, even graver consequences, indulge in molestation of their female counterparts.
According to the Asian Human Rights Commission, each day 12 women suffer rape in Pakistan. Though these heinous crimes receive nationwide condemnation and endeavours have been made to unearth the main causes of these inhumane acts, one of its causes is the instilling of the patriarchal setup through our curriculum.
In order to validate the propagation of gender stereotyping through the English Intermediate curriculum, a research on the constructions of gender stereotypes was conducted by Malaysian researchers Jayakaran Mukundan and Vahid Nimechisalem. The research categorised stereotyping into various forms of sexism: invisibility: fewer females than males; occupational stereotyping: females in fewer and more menial occupational roles; relationship stereotyping: women more in relation with men than men with women; personal characteristics stereotyping: women portrayed as emotional and timid; dispowering discourse roles: more males talking first or voicing their opinions more than females; degrading and blatant sexism to the point of misogyny.
These categories were set as indicators of the corpus analysis in detecting the construction of gender identities and the results established that there is an absolute construction of gender typecasting through the four Intermediate English compulsory textbooks. The language employed in the textbooks has been instrumental in propagating the stereotypes by marginalising the females and uplifting the male counterparts. Females are mostly invisible in the text and the limited number of appearances has been stereotyped in typical roles of housewives, mostly engaged in childrearing or seeking approval of their male family members. Females have been portrayed in sub-ordinated roles and have been deprived of the right to decide for themselves, depicting blatant sexism and hegemonic masculinity.
There is a dire need to break free of the masculinity and femininity predetermined by the male hegemony. This could be established through deconstruction of these gender stereotypical images and roles by redefining them. The corpus analysed painted a picture in which females were underrepresented, marginalised and invisible, whereas male heroes and icons were predominantly selected. This kind of discrimination only depicts that female icons are not worthy enough to be a part of the corpus.
Gender deconstruction will not only be inspirational for young female learners, but it will also be instrumental in shaping the outlook of the male counterparts towards them. Hence, female national icons like Benazir Bhutto, Fatima Jinnah, Rana Liaquat Ali Khan, Nida Tariq or Samina Baig could be included in the syllabus. International female figures such as Mother Teresa, Margaret Thatcher or Sheikh Hasina Wajid could become excellent content for reading.
Source: tribune.com.pk/story/1442346/reinventing-gender-fair-curriculum/
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The Future of Democracy
By Touqir Hussain
June 23, 2017
Democracy as a political system is alive and well. But as an ideal, democracy faces serious challenges from the brave new world of globalisation, media explosion and technology revolution. It is under multiple threats: by liberalism, populism, authoritarianism, and extremism.
Let us look at the advanced democracies like the United States. The euphoria incited by the fall of the Berlin Wall and Francis Fukuyama’s book, The End of History, had surged into a kind of liberal triumphalism whose nexus with globalisation went on to create enormous world prosperity. But along with prosperity came a new breed of global elite and concentration of wealth in the hands of what has become known as the top 1%.
Money had always influenced politics to a degree. But with big money came big influence. And as money and politics began chasing each other it gave a new opportunity and role to the mushrooming 24/7 cable television–to be a broker between special interests, politics and the public. The media interpreted the world around people, and made choices for them, even choosing their politics.
No one did it as well as Roger Ailes who set up Fox News in 1996 which in time became the most watched network in America. Ailes “hatched the prototype news organisation of the 21st century: information with attitude; facts yoked to a point of view, the more provocative the better; a tribal vibe…Ailes did that — by proving that there is money, influence and power to be found in serving well-defined interest groups (The Washington Post May 19, The dark source of Roger Ailes’s power by John Klein).
Fox thrived on grievance and alienation, and there was enough of it caused by global and domestic forces. Jobs and factories were going to foreigners and foreign countries, and income levels were falling affecting the so-called American dream. People felt victimised and excluded at the hands of elements they did not understand prompting them to look for scapegoats. Fox catered them with xenophobia and right-wing politics blessed by the religious right. And that led to a divided country followed by a polarised politics, and radicalised political parties especially the Republican Party.
Serious discussion of serious issues suffered not just because of polarisation and politicisation of issues but also because of their trivialisation as the news was packaged as entertainment at the hands of entertainment giants like Disney, Time Warner and Viacom that came to own many TV networks including ABC and CNN. The news entertained, and was feeding and fed on people’s politics.
While Republicans and Democrats each tied to its base and special interests vied for political power in a gladiator sport with the help of partisan media people felt marginalised. The theme of the democracy is people. And democracy should be geared towards this end but it was not. The system gave people only an illusion of power by playing on their grievances without redressing them.
It took a professed Socialist, Bernie Sanders, to speak for the people. But American democracy was not ready for it. So it took a salesman and marketing genius to brazenly use populism and sell illusion as a reality. Poachers became game keepers as a hapless public was fooled twice.
American people’s commitment to democratic values remains intact as does the system of checks and balances and the stability and integrity of its institutions. Whether American democracy emerges unscathed from the Trump assault however remains to be seen. Populism as we know leads to authoritarian tendencies and sharpens societal fault lines, and is a threat to democracy.
Not just in America but in Europe as well economic disadvantage and income inequality was leaving the lower classes behind inciting social discontent and anti-immigrant sentiment. Whether Brexit or Macron will be Europe’s future, however, is not clear.
The non-Western world faces its own challenges to democratic aspirations. Even in relatively stable democracies like Brazil and South Korea corruption still contaminates the political system. And look at the secular India where a staunch Hindu nationalist has come to power with the help of RSS, the big business and media pyrotechnics. And he continues to use Facebook, Twitter and blogs to bypass the regular media. Modi’s social media strategies have succeeded to control dissent, and manipulate national narratives on issues. How much dissent has there been in the Indian democracy to his brutal and inhuman repression in Kashmir?
In emerging democracies the picture is different but no better. The power structure in most countries remains dominated by a narrow ruling elite that has neglected for years mounting socio economic problems and multiple internal conflicts. A genuine democratisation of many such societies has to varying degrees been sacrificed or compromised to the personal, oligarchic and dynastic interests of the ruling elite.
Look at Pakistan where the feudal economy may be changing but the influence of feudal mindset in politics, governance and law lives on. Not paying tax is not a financial issue. It is symbolic of a sense of entitlement and inequality before law. And the civil military equation is but another of the many power imbalances in the country. Surrounding attitudes and habits of mind that promote democratic culture are not there. Then there is the threat of extremism. Democracy instead of defeating extremism risks getting defeated itself by extremism.
The electronic media in Pakistan has in its own way failed to contribute to a greater understanding of issues and promote democratic values. Fine Opeds are being written in the print media but the electronic media has a far greater influence. And unfortunately over there what we are getting are divisive, exclusionary and extremist enclaves of opinion. Social media is causing another set of problems. Everybody has an opinion and it is often not his own. And opinion is moving faster than knowledge sabotaging our understanding of issues.
Finally there is this systemic issue with a democratic system best explained by Lee Kuan Yew. When asked once on Charlie Rose Show what he thought of Western democracy, he replied the system had become so competitive and combative that in order to come to power the opposition was all the time planning to undermine the government by misrepresenting or distorting issues and thus misleading the public. It would be a sad day when this kind of democracy comes to Singapore, he said.
Source: tribune.com.pk/story/1442358/the-future-of-democracy/
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Ramzan’s Significance in Pakistan's Destiny
By S M Hali
24-Jun-17
During the recently concluded ICC Champion's Trophy - which Pakistan won despite being ranked at the bottom - some foreigners were asking "Who is Ramazan?" They had apparently overheard numerous Pakistanis claiming that Pakistan won the tournament because of Ramazan.
The holy month of Ramazan plays a very important role in Pakistan's destiny. The creation of Pakistan came about on the 27th of Ramazan, which is considered the holiest night of Ramazan; the eve of which, being Laylat al-Qadr (the Night of Destiny), is regarded as sacred by Muslims.
A week earlier, on 7th August 1947, in the holy month of Ramazan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, flew in the Viceroy's Dakota to take up his mantle as the Governor General of an independent Pakistan. People from all walks of life thronged to the air base at Mauripur to catch a glimpse of their "messiah of the promised land".
As the Quaid alighted from the aircraft, overwhelmed by adoration, chanting Pakistan Zindabad, Quaid-e-Azam Zindabad, the people broke the cordons put up by the police and rushed towards the aircraft. The Quaid stopped on the last step of the aircraft's gangway and with a wave of his hand, beckoned the crowd to go back behind the barriers. They retreated instantly as if they had been pushed by a magic wand. The first lesson of discipline had been driven home.
Ramazan holds a special significance for Muslims. During Ramazan the believers seek Allah's mercy, forgiveness, and protection from the agony of hell. This is the month of renewing their commitment and re-establishing their relationship with their Creator. It is the spring season for goodness and virtue when righteousness blossoms throughout Muslim communities. According to the great scholar and reformer Shaikh Ahmed Farooqi (Mujaddad Alif Thani), "If we combine all the blessings of the other eleven months, they would not add up to the blessings of Ramazan." Ramazan is a blessing from Allah as it offers every Muslim the opportunity to strengthen his faith, purify his heart and soul and to remove the evil effects of the sins he committed. The Holy month of Ramazan was declared as a shield by the Holy Prophet (PBUH).
On August 7, 1947, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah flew in the Viceroy's Dakota to take up his mantle as the Governor General of an independent Pakistan. People from all walks of life thronged the air base at Mauripur to catch a glimpse of their "messiah of the promised land"
At the conclusion of Ramazan twelve years after the creation of Pakistan, the Pakistan Air Force drew first blood on Eid ul Fitr of that year. A Canberra high altitude Reconnaissance aircraft of the Indian Air Force violated Pakistan's air space, assuming that Pakistanis must be lax in vigilance while celebrating the end of the month of fasting. To the horror of the crew of the Canberra, PAF Sabres- hastily scrambled-intercepted the violator and shot it down. Both aircrews were arrested after ejecting but were later repatriated after a stern warning.
The significance of Ramazan is imprinted on the minds of every Muslim because events of epic proportions took place during this month. During the second year of the Hijri calendar, the great victory at the decisive Battle of Badr took place on the 17th of Ramazan. It is considered as the first great Muslim victory because 313 Muslims vanquished a horde of 3000 infidels and established Islam's supremacy.
During the Ramazan of 5 AH, the infidels attacked Medina again, but under the guidance of the Holy Prophet (PBUH),the Muslims dug a massive defensive trench which averted imminent disaster. On 18 Ramazan, 8 AH, Makah was conquered and the infidels were decisively overwhelmed.
In the Ramazan of the 9th year of Hijrah, the Prophet (PBUH) returned victorious from Tabook after he regained control of the area and established the supremacy of the incipient Islamic nation on the Romans and the Persians.
During the year 13 AH in Ramazan, Al-MuthannaI bn Harithah and his army won the most important battle for Muslims in Iraq known as Al-Buwaib. The victory served as the gateway to opening the land of Iraq as well as to the downfall of the Persian Empire. Sudan and the south of Egypt became Muslim lands of freedom and justice after the Muslims' army led by Abdullah Ibn Abi As-Sarh arrived there in the Ramazan of the year 31 AH.
The third and fourth Caliphs of Islam Hazrat Usman (RA), Ali (RA) and Imam Hussain (RA) were martyred in the holy month of Ramazan.
In the year 91 AH, on 28th Ramazan, the Muslim general Tariq bin Ziyad conquered Spain and established the Islamic Empire.
Closer to home, Islam came to the Sub-Continent on the 6th of Ramazan, in the year 92 AH, when Muhammad bin Qasim landed in Sind-present day Pakistan- and defeated Raja Dahir.
Ramazan continues to have an impact on the nation's destiny. Pakistan won the Cricket World Cup in 1992 in the month of Ramazan. It is no wonder that this Ramazan, Pakistan won the ICC Champions trophy. However, we need to inculcate the spirit of Ramazan in other months too to overcome our problems.
S M Hali is a retired Group Captain of PAF. He is a columnist, analyst and TV Talk show host, who has authored six books on current affairs, including three on China
Source; dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/24-Jun-17/ramazans-significance
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What Does Pakistan Want In Afghanistan — III
By Marvi Sirmed
24-Jun-17
In his speech while inaugurating the Kabul process meeting on June 6, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani had asked pungently, "Our problem, our challenge, is that we cannot figure out what it is that Pakistan wants". That might be our problem too. Because there's very little that makes sense in Pakistan's Afghan policy right now.
The situation in which Afghan government is operating is in itself a large part of the problem. President Ashraf Ghani is co-heading the coalition National Unity Government (NUG) after a massively rigged and controversial elections held in April 2014. This was the time when Pakistan's Zarb-e-Azb operation in North Waziristan had been launched.
The election controversy was 'handled' by then Secretary of State John Kerry with his timely and effective intervention. As part of that settlement, the ethnic balance was reflected through an extraordinary measure of introducing the position of chief executive in parallel to the presidency. That brought the Tajik Abdullah Abdullah to share power with the Pashtun Ashraf Ghani who laid off his tribal surname (Ahmedzai) just before assuming power.
The Ghani administration had inherited deep distrust of Pakistan's role, from its predecessor Hamid Karzai's tenure. Our constant denials notwithstanding, there had been a virtual consensus among the international community that the Taliban and their affiliated Haqqani Network had support and sanctuaries in Pakistan as a matter of policy.
Just before his retirement, the then chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen, had described the Haqqani network as a 'veritable arm' of the ISI and asserted that Pakistan was using 'violent extremism as an instrument of policy.'
Even after the embarrassing Abbottabad operation by the US forces that took out Osama Bin Laden from his purpose-built compound, Pakistan's skilful diplomacy - that mostly revolved around constant public denials of support to Taliban while using their existence as an unbeatable leverage on the table, and massive civilian casualties of terrorism within Pakistan as an evidence of us being victims of terrorism -deflected all US pressure to 'do more' and Karzai's cajoling of Pakistan into giving up support for the Taliban without addressing our' strategic concerns' in Afghanistan.
Karzai milked the hyper nationalist cow by standing up to Pakistan and the United States, but this could not do much in bringing peace to his country.
Meanwhile, as per Obama's announced plan for the drawdown of US troops from Afghanistan, the number of US troops till January 2014 had come down to around 40,000 from a whooping 77,000 in 2012. This was the time we started our military operation in North Waziristan that the US had been demanding for several years. The time of 'our choice' corresponded with the drawdown and Afghan elections. The consequence of the timing of this action was that there was a huge influx of Taliban (Pakistani and Afghan) in Afghan areas along the Pakistan border. Not only that, the long drawn political debate about whether to talk to TTP or not before the ZeA and subsequent talks process delayed the operation enough to give Taliban and the Haqqanis, a comfortable time span to relocate safely in new havens.
This was the inherited mess Ghana and Abdullah assumed the leadership of. Ghana, however, started his term by reaching out to Pakistan. His policy got a severe backlash from multiple political actors within Afghanistan but he continued till a series of bombings in Kabul and other areas from August to November 2014 when he had to curtly call out Islamabad for stopping Taliban from violence and bringing them to peace table. Pakistan's COAS had to go to Kabul in the wake of a devastating attack on children of Army Public School in December that year. That was the time when both the countries should have buried the bitter past for good and have shunned their proxies to save innocent civilians on both sides. Unfortunately it didn't happen.
The Heart of Asia process and subsequent Quadrilateral Talks (involving Pakistan, Afghanistan, USA and China) were in full swing when the news of Mullah Omar's death was leaked and the entire process fell flat. Meanwhile, Afghanistan continued blaming everything bad that happened in Afghanistan, directly on Pakistan. There were reports within the 'think tank circles' in Afghanistan about how the Afghan intelligence agency, National Directorate of Security (NDS), was looking the other way when the locals reported to them of the presence of TTP in border areas. Neither the Afghan forces nor the US drones helped Pakistan get to the terrorists of TTP who were playing havoc in Pakistan. Afghan and Pakistan security agencies are not ready ever since, to acknowledge their own responsibility in dismantling the support structures of their terrorists who operated from the other side of the Durand Line.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/24-Jun-17/what-does-pakistan-want-in-afghanistan-iii
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Saudi Arabia: A Kingdom In Transition
By Abbas Nasir
June 24th, 2017
A FASCINATING transition is taking place in Saudi Arabia, with the baton now passing from an ageing — and often ineffective because of ill health — generation to a new and largely inexperienced one.
Since Faisal became king at the age of 58 in 1964, the Saudi throne has been occupied by an ageing monarch mainly because of what the Guardian described as a horizontal line of succession, with brother succeeding brother.
A 62-year-old Khalid was named king after the killing of his brother Faisal. Khalid passed away at 69; Fahd who followed him in 1982 died in 2005 at the age of 84. When Abdullah succeeded Fahd in 2005, he was already 81 and quite ill. He was 91 when he died in 2015. The current monarch, Salman, ascended the throne at 82.
One hopes that the new crown prince’s prize hire, retired Gen Raheel Sharif, can offer wise counsel to his employer to ensure the region doesn’t plunge into a new conflict.
He is 84 now and also said to be in poor health. A cursory look at this information shows that the youngest Saudi ruler over the past half a century was Faisal when he pushed out his brother Saud in a power struggle in 1964.
Since then, the youngest to be named kings were Khalid at 62 and Fahd (61) followed by the 81-year-old Abdullah and Salman at 82. It is against this backdrop that even (the just removed) former crown prince Mohammad bin Nayef looked quite young when given the position in his mid-50s.
The latest developments, however, have placed matters of the kingdom firmly in the generation which is in its 30s, with King Salman’s favourite son, Mohammad bin Salman, emerging as a powerful crown prince.
If Saudi Arabia is a closed society, its royalty seems sheathed in multiple layers of secrecy, so very little information emerges about what is happening inside. There are only hints of trouble and discord occasionally.
When the Mohammad bin Salman was named defence minister and deputy crown prince, and announced plans to bring changes to the country’s oil-revenue-dependent economy and also started flexing his muscle in the region, a letter appeared in the Western press purportedly written by another member of the royal family expressing serious concern at the young man’s policies.
The start of his military campaign against the pro-Iran Houthis in Yemen, who deposed the country’s internationally accepted government and now control large swaths of its territory, was seen as part of his efforts to establish his authority and earn respect and support at home.
Then his media interviews, where he openly expressed his disquiet at Tehran’s role in the region and held out a warning that the battle to curtail Iranian influence would be taken to the Islamic Republic’s own soil, were also seen as part of an image-building effort.
The latest row with Qatar may well be part of the same effort, as the prince feels that Saudi Arabia’s status as a regional power needs to be acknowledged by other Gulf nations and was not done due to an ageing and weak Saudi leadership.
Despite having US President Trump’s endorsement (even if the US State Department is playing an entirely different tune), the new crown prince has thus far failed to win his argument which is ostensibly rooted in Qatar’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Hamas in Palestine and the editorial content of the Doha-based and -funded Al Jazeera Arabic Satellite TV channel.
His air campaign against Yemen and the Houthis’ economic blockade, where even food convoys have been hit from the air, have produced little headway apart from inflicting untold misery on the civilian population, with human rights organisations decrying cases of severe malnutrition and cholera plaguing children.
For its part, Iran, too, seemed unimpressed for now with Riyadh’s tone and tenor. While its government response was measured, the hard-line Revolutionary Guard matched the Saudi rhetoric word for word and said Iran was ready for all eventualities.
Whereas so far all efforts to build Mohammad bin Salman’s image as a shrewd 21st-century Saudi leader committed to reform within his country and to projecting its power beyond its borders have yielded no tangible results, the timing of the Saudi succession changes was significant.
Perhaps the monarch’s health has taken a turn for the worse, or the young prince was able to convince his father that for the kingdom to move forward the succession issue had to be decided and put to one side, enabling him to consolidate his power during King Salman’s lifetime.
If there are concerns about Saudi policy driven by his youthful exuberance, untempered by experience, there is also cause for optimism as hints are emerging that the kingdom’s young leadership realises what challenges the global spread of its officially sanctioned brand of Islam poses to the world and to the kingdom itself.
If the kingdom’s new leadership can reform its economy and seriously look to block the flow of funds (for example zakat from affluent individuals) to groups outside Saudi Arabia committed to armed jihad, it will have earned respect globally and the right to be taken seriously in the region too.
For now, Saudi efforts to assert itself within the Muslim world via its policies vis-?-vis Qatar, for example, are leading to divisions in the bloc as Turkey and to an extent Iran now seem inclined to support the Qatari position.
One hopes that Mohammad bin Salman’s prize hire, retired Gen Raheel Sharif, can also offer wise counsel to his employer to ensure the region doesn’t plunge into a new conflict after the Syrian tragedy, where millions of innocents are the victims.
It would be a dream to see the young Saudi leadership modernise the kingdom, committing itself to finding ways to restore peaceful coexistence in the region. One hopes all the brashness and bravado was aimed at a domestic audience mainly to consolidate a claim to power and hold on to it.
Source: dawn.com/news/1341378/a-kingdom-in-transition
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URL: https://www.newageislam.com/pakistan-press/finding-common-ground-afghanistan-prof/d/111656