An Evening to Remember By Akbar Ahmed: New Age Islam's Selection, 15 July 2017
New Age Islam Edit Bureau
08 July 2017
• An Evening to Remember
By Akbar Ahmed
• Lesson from July 5, 1977
By Zulfiquar Rao
• Pakistan-US Relations, No Exit
By Dr Huma Baqai
• America in the News
By Dr Ejaz Hussain
• The Infamous Salute
By Abuzar Khan
• Political Wisdom
By Ashraf Jehangir Qazi
• The Highest Bidder
By Irfan Husain
Compiled By New Age Islam Edit Bureau
----
An Evening to Remember
By Akbar Ahmed
08-Jul-17
The Washington National Cathedral is one of the great houses of worship in America with its Gothic towers looming large over the skyline and rolling hills of the nation’s capital. It is where the Presidential Prayer Service is held the morning after the inauguration, bestowing its blessings upon one of the world’s most powerful leaders as he enters office. It is where I had the honour of representing Islam in serving as a pallbearer for US President Gerald Ford during his 2007 funeral.
The National Cathedral is also where I had the privilege of being honoured in a special Sunday Even song prayer in February 2005, dedicated by the Episcopal Bishop of Washington, John Chane, engendered by my being named the 2004 Washington, DC Professor of the Year. Bishop Chane, Rabbi Bruce Lustig, the Senior Rabbi of Washington’s largest synagogue, and I presided over the service.
The significance of a Christian service held at a major catherdal to honour a Muslim in this period of Islamophobia was not lost on us. About a 1000 people from across the nation and the world filled the hallowed pews of the Cathedral, including my friend, Jimmy Engineer, who traveled all the way from Karachi for the occasion. It was a very emotional evening for all: I saw a BBC journalist wiping tears from her eyes and several Muslims choked with emotion as they told me later that they could not imagine the holy Quran being read in the National Cathedral and Islam and the holy Prophet (pbuh) cited with respect by a Muslim.
Islam has the highest respect and affection for Biblical figures like Jesus and Moses. If this connection was widely known, Western commentators would not talk about Muslims as ‘Satan worshippers’ and Muslim leaders would not talk about attacking Jews and Christians as a sign of piety
The service was filled with important messages of hope, and while the service was held twelve years ago, to this day I fondly recall the warm words both Bishop Chane and Rabbi Lustig uttered not only in my honour, but in acknowledgement of the importance of building bridges among the faith traditions in an increasingly discordant world.
Rabbi Lustig generously gave a passionate invocation titled "Dr. Akbar Ahmed: A God Seeker." He told the congregation: "As a descendant of Abraham, when others choose to build walls of fear, he chooses to build bridges of understanding. Akbar does this not by denying the harsh realities of our day, but by, in spite of them, meeting others in "I- thou" encounters... Amidst the voices of extremism on all sides, we are grateful that we have found another voice- it is Akbar’s voice; it is calm, it is gentle, it is filled with wisdom and truth. Indeed, Akbar has that courage, to say no to hate and violence, and no to fear and isolation. It is true courage, for even in times of personal risk, he continues to say no to injustice and yes to dialogue and faith in God."
Bishop Chane, meanwhile, in his sermon to close the ceremony, told the congregation: "Bruce, Akbar and I represent the dreamers and visionaries of our global community. . . . Our times together sharing food and conversation at a common table with our families have filled my heart with joy and hopefulness. It is a hopefulness that the world, too often divided by those who presume to possess exclusive claims to the true and inerrant knowledge of the God of all creation, will become a world where all can live together in peace and harmony. For many this may seem a radical statement- for me it is the hope of the world!"
Building bridges, I pointed out that Islam has the highest respect and affection for Biblical figures like Jesus and Moses. If this connection was widely known, I believed, Western commentators would not talk about Muslims as "Satan worshippers" and Muslim leaders would not talk about attacking Jews and Christians as a sign of piety. "I am confident," I said, "that the great Biblical figures from the time of Abraham would commend leaders such as Bishop Chane and Rabbi Lustig for recognizing our common humanity even during dangerous and challenging times."
I also acknowledged the hurdles and challenges Bishop Chane and Rabbi Lustig have faced in pioneering our Abrahamic partnership: "Indeed I have seen the attacks on the Bishop under the banner "Washington’s first openly Jewish and Muslim Bishop." I said, "I have seen and heard both the Bishop and the Senior Rabbi stand up and speak boldly against the human rights violations and loss of civil liberties that Muslims often have to endure. This is true faith and friendship."
I concluded my remarks with a challenge to the Muslim world: "Imagine a reversal of the event: the central mosque in Cairo or Lahore or Kuala Lumpur inviting a leading Jewish or Christian scholar at the Friday prayer and dedicating a sermon to the scholar. It is a great gesture and I hope it will be reciprocated by Muslim religious leaders." Over a decade later, I still wait for that gesture of interfaith leadership and friendship.
Bishop Chane concluded that evening with a message of hope that acknowledged the importance of services such as these: "Dialogue is a first beginning of a new journey for this global community." His words are a challenge to the US in the era of Trump, considering the fact that Islamophobia seems out of control and the signs are not good: the White House and State both cancelled their annual Iftar reception.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/08-Jul-17/an-evening-to-remember
----
Lesson from July 5, 1977
By Zulfiquar Rao
08-Jul-17
The ousting of the elected government of Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto on July 5th, 1977 in a military coup is a highly regrettable event in Pakistan’s political history. Although it was not an unprecedented event per se, it was the preface to a draconian chapter in Pakistan’s history since it led to the atrocious execution of Bhutto through an out-rightly bogus judicial trial, and ushered in an era marked with the erosion of civil rights, and the most callous exploitation of religion under General Zia.
There is no doubt Bhutto was the most popular leader in the run up to the general elections in March 1977. Yet there was no guarantee he would be the unanimous choice of Pakistanis since his rule since December 1971 was full of political turbulence-more often caused by his own deeds.
Following the civil war in East Pakistan which resulted in the dismemberment of our country, Bhutto had a unique opportunity to make a ‘New Pakistan’. Sadly, he preferred political self-aggrandisement.
In 1967, the Peoples Party, inspired by socialist ideals, was founded by men of deep learning and integrity such as J.A. Rahim, Mubashir Hassan, Mairaj Muhammad Khan, Mukhtar Rana and others. Bhutto was chosen as the party’s founding chairman for his record of having led the country in the past ten years, for his education, and more importantly for his demagogic oratory.
Not that these principals of the PPP were not aware of Bhutto’s aristocratic background, but it seems they were optimistic they could change the tendencies Bhutto had acquired due to his link with feudal aristocracy. They were mistaken.
It took little time for Bhutto’s autocratic disposition to become public. For instance Mukhtar Rana and Mairaj Muhammad Khan were too outspoken and candid in their views to be tolerated by Bhutto who threw them in jail without placing any charges against them.
Similarly, J.A. Rahim, an old Bengali statesman, who was the true founder and thinker behind the party, was dealt with similarly by Bhutto. In a cabinet meeting, Rahim had opposed Bhutto’s nomination for a minister’s post; as heated words were exchanged, Bhutto asked the old man to leave the room.
The same evening, Bhutto’s Federal Security Forces barged into his house, callously beat the old man and informed him he had been dismissed from the cabinet and from his party post as Secretary General.
Instead of uniting the country and its diverse people by accommodating other political leaders and parties, Bhutto acted imperially. Although his party didn’t have any decisive seats in the provincial assemblies of Balochistan and NWFP (now KPK), through political machinations and whimsical actions, Bhutto overthrew the NAP-JUI government in Balochistan, and imposed governor rule, which led the NAP and itsallies to resign from NWFP.
This musical chair of changes in government continued in Punjab and Sindh as well. During 1973-77, Punjab saw four Chief Ministers and four Governors; Sindh also saw four Governors and two Chief Minsters.
During Bhutto’s rule, the four provinces of Pakistan collectively saw as many as seventeen Governors and thirteen Chief Ministers; of course, few celebrated their first anniversary in office.
For Pakistan’s political leaders, the lesson from July 5, 1977 should be to curb their urge to transform themselves into vicegerents through democracy
When Bhutto held general elections in March 1977, his win was certain. What was not certain was if the PPP would get a two-thirds majority which would allow him to change the country’s constitution to his taste. To achieve that, Bhutto unleashed the police, the FSF, and the ISI to scare away opposition candidates from filing for election and later from running their electoral campaigns.
Consequently, the PPP unbelievably secured 77% of the seats in the National Assembly, far more than the required two-third majority. Bhutto’s acts had catapulted his rivals to a level where they had no stakes left in the system.
Instead of pacifying the opposition and resolving the stalemate, Bhutto imposed martial law in Lahore, Karachi and Hyderabad- the nerve centres of the opposition- a month after the elections. That point onwards, the situation only slipped from Bhutto’s control, eventually leading to his own ouster in a military coup on July 5th 1977.
Many will wonder how we can attribute all this mess to Bhutto. This is understandable, especially when we consider how even today Prime Ministers have very little freedom in the presence of an assertive judiciary, electronic media and the all powerful army.
But back then, Bhutto was seen as a saviour for the new Pakistan and as a very popular and charismatic leader while the army was still recovering from the humiliating defeat of 1971. His aristocratic background, own personal disposition, and the situation he found himself in must have led him to feel and act as an imperial being.
For Pakistan’s political leaders, the lesson from July 5, 1977 should be to learn to curb their urge to transform themselves into vicegerents through democracy. Democracy is about people and not self-aggrandisement.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/08-Jul-17/lesson-from-july-5-1977
----
Pakistan-US Relations, No Exit
By Dr Huma Baqai
THE title of Daniel S Markey’s book “No exit from Pakistan, America’s tortured relationship with Islamabad”, was published in 2004. It holds more true today than ever before. Pakistan in its 70 years’ relations with the US has swung from being the most sanctioned ally to a non-NATO ally. Pak-US relations are hinged upon perpetual crisis management. Pakistan is now an anti-US state, convinced by how fickle the engagement is, and also that it may get scuttled at any time. The recently concluded visit by US Congressmen, led by Republican Senator John McCain also happened because of the realisation in US, that the engagement must be consolidated, because Washington is gearing up to send more troops to neighbouring Afghanistan.
Thus as per past practice, Senator McCain said all the right things including how peace in Afghanistan is not possible without Islamabad’s assistance. Pakistan is an important ally of the US, and last but not the least, acknowledged Pakistan army’s contribution and sacrifices in the War on Terror. To further appease public opinion in Pakistan a soft statement on Kashmir was also made, where McCain repeated words that mean nothing on the ground. Talking to the state run media, he said that US wants a solution of Kashmir issue through dialogue and that US policy on Kashmir remains unchanged, stressing the need for an end to the current unrest in disputed Himalayan region.
US itself is uncertain of its commitment to Pakistan. Trump’s phone calls to PM Nawaz Sharif when he was President elect, was very different from what he had tweeted post Osama Bin Laden’s episode. In that phone call, Pakistan was both amazing and fantastic. A course reversal happened in 2017, where Reuters reported that US administration is considering toughening its approach to Pakistan, which would translate into expanding drone attacks, withholding aid and withdrawing the status of non-NATO ally, in an effort to make Islamabad do more. Drone attacks are back, so far on the Afghan side. Pakistan at best is unsure of its relations with the US. There is no one view coming out. Public diplomacy to berate Pakistan is extensively used and then statements to do damage control are also seen.
The recent convergence between New Delhi and Washington has further raised Pakistan’s strategic anxieties. The Indo-US alliance is promoting cold war-like dynamics in the region including arms race, pitching one state against another and working to curtail Chinese influence in the region. The recent statement by Indian Defence Minister Arun Jaitley in response to Chinese anger on intrusions by India on the Sikkum border, is self-explanatory, where he said that India was better prepared than it was in 1962, when it suffered a defeat in a short war with its neighbour.
The attempt by the US to once again de-hyphenate Pakistan-India relations by saying, nature of US ties with India and Pakistan is different and not a zero-sum game, does not have any impact in Pakistan. Pakistan, for good reason and now in the light of tangible evidence, is convinced of India using its strategic influence in Afghanistan against Pakistan. The fact that US is mum on India’s role in mitigating problems for Pakistan from Afghanistan does not help the situation.
US refusal to connect the dots between violence in Afghanistan and conflict between Pakistan and India suits both India and Afghanistan. The three conveniently blame Pakistan for regional conflict escalation. US is blinded by this view in its dealings with Pakistan. It is convinced that Pakistan is a lost cause. It’s a part of the problem and not a solution and chooses to engage out of sheer compulsion. This is further endorsed by a very active Indian lobby in Washington DC, which leaves no stone unturned to endorse this view.
Pakistan can see through the need-based engagement that US seeks from Pakistan time and again, it also engages now more out of compulsion than choice and responded by looking for alternatives and options. China and Russia emerged as the obvious choice.
Pakistan is a country to reckon with, it’s a pivotal state. Pakistan’s geo-strategic location, emerging geo-economic significance, gives it multi-lateral significance making it a country that has direct stakes in peace. By mid-century, Pakistan will become the world’s fourth largest state in terms of population and the largest Muslim country. There is a transformation that is going on in Pakistan. The transition from being a geo-political state to a geo-economic one is very real. The rising convergence between Pakistan and China is bringing about profound changes in Pakistan’s foreign policy. Pakistan’s commitment to CPEC is complete, the mindset of 1990 has ceased to exist. The strategic assets of the past are now viewed as a liability and a hindrance to achieving larger economic growth and connectivity.
Pakistan is actually looking for functional relations and peaceful borders with all its neighbours so that CPEC becomes operational. The doctrine of strategic depth in Afghanistan for Pakistan is dead. However, Pakistan remain anxious of the strategic vulnerability ensuing out of Afghanistan because of rising Indian influence, especially now that its proven that it is being used to mitigate trouble in Pakistan. US engagement with Pakistan can only be constructive if US chooses to play a proactive role to address Pakistan’s anxieties which are real, also a balancing act with its relations with India and Pakistan, not de-hyphenate them. Peace in Afghanistan is intrinsically linked to better relations between Pakistan and India and a fair resolution of the Kashmir issue.
Source: pakobserver.net/pakistan-us-relations-no-exit/
----
America in the News
By Dr Ejaz Hussain
08-Jul-17
Important events took place in local and foreign politics in Pakistan. One the one hand, the Panama Papers and the JIT kept the politically minded glued to the TV screen, while on the other, the Chinese foreign minister’s visit and later the US senators’ trip to Pakistan raised many eyebrows and questions. But perhaps the most talked about story in Pakistan was that of Raymond Davis’s book, The Contractor.
To begin with, the US senators’ delegation led by Senator John McCain was expected because US policy makers wanted to engage Pakistani (military) authorities in the hope of getting them on board to counter terrorism across the spectrum. The US has already bombed Afghanistan and, as per Donald Trump’s tweets, has decided to increase the number of US troops in that country.
In the last half year, a debate was ongoing in the US on the need to devise a strategy to deal with militant networks based in and around Pakistan. Though the final policy is still to be made public, media reports point to a likely two-pronged counter-terrorism policy: a mix of soft and hard measures.
This means the Trump administration will approach Pakistan for military cooperation as in the past with one significant policy shift. Pakistan will strongly be urged to eradicate terror networks from its soil that, according to the US, hold peace hostage in Afghanistan.
If one reads the media coverage of the US senators visiting Pakistan, it is more than obvious they wanted to engage Pakistan and if Rawalpindi is willing to change its policy on, for example, the Haqqani network, assist the country financially and technologically.
The senators seemed so obsessed with their Afghanistan problem that they not only passed statement surging Pakistan to eliminate the mentioned networks but also made a symbolic visit to Waziristan that borders Afghanistan. The Pakistani authorities, from their perspective, might have found an opportunity to impress upon the delegation how effectively the former is fighting terrorism.
Measures taken so far to combat terrorism are only partly successful since bomb blasts continue to occur in places like Parachinar. We have also done little to counter extremism on the ideological front.
Pakistan should take the senators’ visit seriously for our own sake. Firstly, it will be a failure of our foreign policy to solely and blindly rely on one country, be that China or Saudi Arabia.
Secondly, Pakistan has a history of bilateral relations with the US. Indeed, the two countries need to establish a bilateral mechanism to resolve irritants and develop a relationship beyond Afghanistan.
Third, considering Trump’s way of managing foreign policy, it seems this is Pakistan’s last opportunity to amend its behaviour towards home-grown militants and their impact on regional stability.
If the opportunity is wasted, the second prong of American policy is likely to take effect which would view Pakistan in purely negative terms where this negativity may range from economic sanctions to a surge in drone attacks.
One hopes rationality prevails in Pakistan since we are an underdeveloped country which needs foreign exchange that only comes with cooperation with advanced countries. India, for instance, is doing this.
The US is least interested in Pakistan; it is not post-9/11. It is India that is in the news, in public discussions and in US policy circles. Pakistan at best is a peripheral concern and bracketed with Afghanistan
Besides the US senators, the other story dominating the news in Pakistan is Raymond Davis’ book, The Contractor. The Davis story is already known to the interested one and, to put it simply, there is nothing new in the book which is simply a more complicated narrative of his diary-based memories in Pakistan.
However, Pakistani reactions to the book were hilarious. Rather than critically approach the book, most Pakistanis reflected the usual semi-literate and non-academic attitude. To a vast so called educated majority, the book was a conspiracy against Pakistan.
To others, it was evidence of US intervention in Pakistani politics in favour of the Sharif government because the book came out when the JIT is busy grilling the Sharif family.
In fact, publications of memories are a universal practice and thousands of similar books are launched in the US every day.
The US is least interested in Pakistan; it is not post-9/11. It is India that is in the news, in public discussions and in US policy circles. Pakistan at best is a peripheral concern and bracketed with Afghanistan.
Last but not the least, rather than indulge in conspiracies, we should as a society develop a habit to read a book and evaluate it analytically. In the case of The Contractor, it is its contents that matter more than its pattern of circulation.
Imran Khan, who recommended this book to all, should read it himself to know what Babar Awan, Firdous Awan, Imtiaz Warriach, Nazar Gondal etc., did as part of the then incumbent government. Finally, Imran Khan and all those who believe in conspiracies must read a basic book on International Relations to know small powers lack leverage over major powers.
Pakistan acted rationally to side with the US post-9/11 and the Raymond Davis matter was resolved amicably in the interest of the nation.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/08-Jul-17/america-in-the-news
----
The Infamous Salute
By Abuzar Khan
08-Jul-17
“If you salute your duty, you don’t need to salute anybody. But if you pollute your duty, you have to salute everybody". The aforesaid quote is attributed to Dr APJ Abdul Kalam, the scientist turned statesman who, in the year 2002, was unanimously elected as the eleventh President of India. Few years ago, I met a civil servant hailing from Police Service of Pakistan (PSP), and during the course of our meeting he inquired from me about my future plans, when I informed him that I want to join PSP, he said "focus on your profession (law), when we joined civil service things were different, nowadays our so called democrats have turned into monarchs, they don’t let you work with honour and free will". Nevertheless, I didn’t pay heed to his advice probably due to the reason that at that point of time I was of the view that police uniform is an emblem of honour, gallantry and authority.
Unfortunate legends of upright police officers like Nekokara (SSP), Shariq (DPO), Jiskani (SSP) and ordeal of AD Khawaja (IG Sindh) substantially changed my opinion about PSP. However, few days ago, when Maryam Nawaz appeared before the Joint Investigation Team (JIT) in relation to the Panama corruption probe, my opinion about PSP is now precisely identical to that of the PSP officer who I met few years ago. For her arrival, Maryam was escorted by dozens of police vehicles, when her convoy entered the premises of Federal judicial Academy (FJA) a female officer (PSP) welcomed her with an overwhelmingly gratifying salute. Moreover, when Maryam’s pen fell down on the ground, the said officer in a split second promptly bowed down to pick it up for her. The whole episode forced me to contemplate as to whether the convoy belonged to some dignitary or someone summoned by the JIT for asking questions on various serious issues in relation to the corruption involving taxpayer’s money.
Such behaviour by a civil servant is not only objectionable but also against law of the land. A bare reading of Police Rules 1934 and Chapter IV of Police Drill Manual, Punjab, 1929 makes it clear that only specific classes of people are entitled to salutes under specific circumstances. For instance, all police officers above the rank of head constable are entitled to be saluted by their juniors, police officers of all ranks (when in uniform) shall salute provincial Governor, the provincial Ministers, presidents and deputy president of Legislative bodies, high civil officials and officers of the Navy, Army and Air Force. Every police officer entering a Court of law in uniform shall also salute the Court. There is no provision or law which demands even a constable to salute the relative or child of public office holder.
The ruling elite is so used to submission of bureaucracy that it now expects the same loyalty from judiciary and armed forces
If Maryam Nawaz can be saluted, why can’t a police officer salute Jamshed Dasti? His guilt is yet to be established and he is still an accused who has been granted bail. The reason behind such double standards is that in Pakistan police as an institution is highly politicised and majority of upright police officers are working in Railway Police, Intelligence Bureau and other side departments of the police. The powerful field posts are reserved by ruling elite for sycophants and "yes sir" characters. Those in power expect unconditional loyalty from the police, and the salute incident involving Maryam is an apt demonstration of such unqualified allegiance.
The ruling elite are so used to submission of bureaucracy that it now expects the same loyalty from judiciary and armed forces. I firmly believe, it is their dream to interfere in transfer/postings of majors, colonel and brigadiers and they want the judges to address them as lordships. It is absolutely useless to keep on criticising the lady police officer for saluting Maryam, as majority of police officers would have done the same.
After reading the work of Robert Peel (the founder of London Metropolitan Police) and various other criminologists, like Cesare Beccaria and Alexandre Lacassagne, one thing becomes very clear i.e. the police personnel must deal independently with crime without any political interference or extraneous considerations. Political meddling reduces the efficiency and effectiveness of police to prevent crime, maintain public order, ensure accountability and conduct independent investigations. Therefore, it indispensable that the police personnel are disciplined, committed to rule to law, professionally organised and free from unwarranted external controls.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah whilst addressing civil servants in Peshawar in April 1948 said "The first thing that I want to tell you is that you should never be influenced by any political pressure, by any political party or any individual politician. If you want to raise the prestige and greatness of Pakistan, you must not fall victim to any pressure but do your duty as servants of the people and the state, fearlessly and honestly. The services are the backbone of the state. Prime Ministers come and go, ministers come and go, but you stay on". I wonder how Jinnah would have reacted after witnessing our gazetted civil servants saluting someone appearing before a JIT.
Source: dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/08-Jul-17/the-infamous-salute
----
Political Wisdom
By Ashraf Jehangir Qazi
July 08, 2017
IMRAN Khan says Raymond Davis’ recent book should be read by every Pakistani to learn the shameful reality of his country. The people of Pakistan by and large already know how utterly rotten the whole range of their ruling elite have become. They know why the Abbottabad Commission report, including its the Dissenting Report, has been hidden from them. They know why political opponents of the prime minister are vociferous in their demands for him to be brought to justice but anaemic in their support for the release of the Abbottabad Commission report.
The people know why no independent inquiry commission has ever been set up to inquire into the true state of affairs in Balochistan. They know the answers to such national political and security issues are carefully kept hidden by ruling enemy elites. They know how the national interest is treated with contempt and how they are excluded and divided. They know the rule of law is a complete hoax for them. They know they have no representatives either in parliament or among political parties even though everybody lies in their name. They know their country has been made into a killing field for their children. They know their real questions are addressed by the media with deafening political irrelevance and silence.
If the Panama verdict is seen to be fair, the credit will in large part belong to one man: Imran Khan.
Right now, all eyes and ears are fixed on what the Panama verdict will be. If it is seen to be fair, the credit will in large part belong to one man: Imran Khan. If it were not for his bulldog persistence, including making a thorough nuisance of himself for the establishment, no person, party or institution would have made the necessary and sustained effort to challenge entrenched elite corruption, which is killing Pakistan before our very eyes.
Imran has rendered many sterling services to Pakistan. This will be among his finest. He will now need to build upon and broaden his demonstrated qualities to help bring about a fundamental structural transformation of the country. The removal of a massive roadblock should make this seminal undertaking more possible. However, his critics allege he is not gifted, well-read or even serious enough to shoulder such a historic responsibility, which is also beyond his understanding. Moreover, the inconveniences, risks and dangers involved are allegedly more than what he wants to burden the rest of his life with.
This is certainly biased criticism, although his political record is open to criticism on a number of counts. No one is perfect, indispensable or sufficient. National transformation requires more than a lifetime. There have to be others who bring out the best in a leader. As a great sportsman, Imran must know that the greatest are never satisfied with their performances; they always search for ways to improve on them, including by examining their own attitudes. They are willing to learn from those far less gifted or favoured by destiny. That is what makes them human — and potentially an invincible force on behalf of goals far greater than themselves.
An Irishman was asked by a tourist who had lost his way about the road to Dublin. The Irishman answered: if I were you, sir, I wouldn’t start from here! Similarly, if Imran wishes to transform Pakistan into a successful 21st century Islamic, modern, inclusive, welfare, human rights, and rule of law-based nation, there are better starting points than reiterating clichés and wish-lists instead of identifying root causes and power structures, as well as strategies for their progressive elimination. Clichés may be safer but they offer little guidance for socioeconomic transformations, and little understanding of the underlying structures that divert and impede the political awakening of the people of Pakistan.
Men destined for nothing in particular need not take up such challenges. However, those like Imran who feel destined to bring about a national transformation have also to be great teachers, not necessarily through erudition and instruction, but through the example of their human qualities and their life’s work. Why is Faiz Ahmad Faiz so enduringly popular and relevant? It is not just because of the incomparable muse within him. It is primarily because he had a transcending human purpose his muse will forever serve.
This is a facility and a felicity that, in varying degrees, are available to all human beings irrespective of talent and genius. After a certain age, a person’s nature may not be open to significant change. But if they seek a deeper understanding of how knowledge and morality reinforce each other they will acquire a human maturity, the essence of which is wisdom. This is a disposition, not a talent. The door to it is never closed.
Should the Panama judgement not turn out to be as expected, the struggle for a better Pakistan must continue, even if corruption and cynicism will seem to have triumphed once again. The next elections will be significant. But the desperate error of regarding them as the last chance to acquire the power to do any good for the country should not be repeated. This has already harmed the political project Imran Khan personified and sought to promote. In the wretched political environment of Pakistan, the search for ‘electables’ from other discredited parties makes little sense. It will merely alienate young and older cadres and supporters because ‘electables’ will, almost by definition, demand and receive tickets and high party offices.
As before, political has-beens who have no ideological or personal loyalty will again seek personal electoral victories and personal clout within the party. Imran would let himself and his party down again. Even if he won such a status-quo based election he would have to pretend he had made the revolution he had actually forsaken.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s greatest success was his 1970 election campaign. He changed the political contours of Punjab. He did so without ‘electables’ even if he reached understandings elsewhere. He carved out the necessary political space he could have used for national regeneration and transformation. He was gifted and brilliant. Tragically, wisdom eluded him.
Source: dawn.com/news/1343963/political-wisdom
----
The Highest Bidder
By Irfan Husain
July 08, 2017
WHEN the US-led alliance occupied Afghanistan in the wake of the 9/11 Al Qaeda attacks, I wrote here that between the anvil of Pakistani forces and the NATO hammer, we had a real opportunity to crush the Taliban and other militant groups operating in the border region.
Silly me. In my oversimplification of the situation, I had overlooked the mutual distrust and paranoia of both the CIA and the ISI. As events have unfolded, we have witnessed how both sides have cooperated with each other, while simultaneously harbouring suspicions.
From time to time, these have escalated into bitter recriminations and public accusations. The recently resurrected Raymond Davis affair is a reminder of how deep this mistrust goes. The revelation of the help provided by ISI to free the CIA contractor has rubbed salt into unhealed wounds, but also underlines the cooperation that exists between the two agencies.
However, as we cleave to past policies and ingrained paranoia, the world around us is changing. India, after decades of being in the anti-US camp, has made a 180-degree U-turn. When Modi hugged a clearly reluctant Trump during his Washington visit, he was showing Indians they had abandoned the socialist, anti-imperialist policies of Nehru and his successors.
The Indian prime minister’s recent visit to Israel — and his refusal to meet the Palestinian leadership — sent out another signal: India no longer supports the struggle for an independent state for Palestinians. So clearly, India today has discarded baggage its current leaders deem to be a drag on economic and military progress. Both changes in tack give India access to cutting-edge weaponry.
There are no permanent friends or enemies.
Pakistan, on the other hand, continues its ambivalent policy towards the US. By not committing to a full-fledged alliance — despite being named a major non-Nato ally by Washington — we have denied ourselves the benefits such a relationship could have brought us.
Our foreign policy planners in the Foreign Office and GHQ failed to grasp that after 9/11, it was no longer business as usual in Washington. The distinction between freedom fighters and terrorists became blurred, especially if the former happened to be Muslims.
So when our spooks hunted down Al Qaeda elements while giving the Afghan Taliban sanctuary, they angered many in Washington. And when the body bags carrying soldiers killed in action began arriving in Washington, the media and politicians saw Pakistan’s hand in these deaths.
The Haqqani network’s attacks on Afghanistan from their alleged bases in North Waziristan added fuel to the fire, and has led to the rising chorus of anti-Pakistan voices in Washington. It is an unfortunate fact that we no longer have the number of friends in the US as we once did. And as the Trump carries out his review of US policy towards Pakistan, there are solid grounds for thinking that nothing good for us will emerge.
And why should it? Here is a superpower that has given or lent well over $30 billion to us over the years, and thinks it has the right to expect support and loyalty when it’s fighting a war next door. Instead, in American eyes, it has a partner that’s helping the enemy. No wonder the call for Pakistan to ‘do more’ is becoming deafening.
Obviously, our narrative is very different, as is our threat perception. Fearing an Indo-Afghan nexus, our establishment wants a proxy in place for the post-US scenario. And by taking on the Haqqanis, who were active only in Afghanistan, we feared a violent backlash within Pakistan.
Many of our insecurities and policies are driven by the threat India is seen as posing. By viewing Afghanistan through the prism of India, we have contributed to increased instability there. In American eyes, instead of being part of the solution, we are part of the problem.
History teaches us that there are no permanent friends or enemies, only permanent interests. So even as India and China bicker occasionally over their disputed border, they continue trading. But we see no such pragmatic need to open up either travel or trade with India.
The incoherence in our foreign policy was exposed by the ongoing Saudi-led slaughter in Yemen, and the kingdom’s irrational blockade of Qatar. Our ambivalence was on display yet again by retired Gen Raheel Sharif’s acceptance of the top job in the Saudi-financed phantom anti-Iran army.
In all these recent Saudi-led initiatives, Pakistan’s position has swung between reluctant ally and clueless observer. While claiming neutrality between Saudi Arabia and Iran and their regional proxy wars, Pakistan is widely seen to be in Riyadh’s corner.
Pakistan is prone to loudly proclaiming its sovereignty, but the harsh reality is that when you have to turn to international organisations and other states for assistance, you often have to compromise your freedom to act. So if we are going to bend our knee anyway, it might as well be to the highest bidder.
Source: dawn.com/news/1343966/the-highest-bidder
----
URL: https://www.newageislam.com/pakistan-press/an-evening-remember-akbar-ahmed/d/111831