Middle East Press On: Türkiye, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Gaza, Israel, and Abdullah: New Age Islam's Selection, 28 February 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
28 February 2025
1. It’s time Israel gets its act together and does an official Oct. 7 probe
2. Why didn’t Israel win in Gaza?
3. Who is Abdullah Ocalan, the Kurdish militant leader urging peace with Turkiye?
4. Syria’s National Dialogue Conference a good start
5. The priorities for rebuilding Syria’s economy
6. Universities should stop acting as mouthpieces for Israel
7. Saudi Arabia’s image makeover includes prisoner releases and power plays
8. Reviving Syria: Türkiye's vision for cultural renewal and lasting peace
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It’s Time Israel Gets Its Act Together And Does An Official Oct. 7 Probe
By Jpost Editorial
February 28, 2025
The IDF’s internal investigations into the October 7 Hamas attacks revealed widespread failures at multiple levels, including intelligence oversight, delayed military response, and lack of coordination between security agencies. Military sources described the situation as one where they “had no legs or eyes and were just trying to figure out where to run.”
While these probes shed light on critical errors within the military, they are not enough.
The government must establish a state commission of inquiry to thoroughly investigate not only the IDF’s failures but also those of the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), Israel Police, and the country’s political leadership, including the Prime Minister’s Office and the Defence Ministry.
The military’s readiness to examine its shortcomings is admirable but has its limitations. A military conducting its investigation will always face challenges due to institutional biases, the need to safeguard reputations, and internal hierarchies.
Suppose Israel aims to ensure accountability and avoid similar disasters in the future. In that case, it must create an independent, state-sanctioned commission with comprehensive investigatory powers, including the ability to issue subpoenas.
This commission should evaluate the IDF, the Shin Bet, the police, and, importantly, the political leadership.
Failures on October 7 run deep
The failures of October 7 were not merely due to errors on the battlefield; they stemmed from years of flawed policies, misinterpretations of intelligence, and a paralysis in leadership. To restore public trust, Israel’s top civilian and military decision-makers must be held accountable.
A comprehensive inquiry must answer fundamental questions beyond the IDF’s actions.
What role did the Shin Bet play in assessing the Hamas threat? Why were early warnings ignored? What about the Israel Police and their lack of preparedness? Why did government officials, including the Prime Minister’s Office and the Defence Ministry, fail to foresee or respond swiftly to the crisis?
These are critical questions that only an external commission can truly address.
The investigation should also examine the worldviews that influenced the choices that led to this failure. For decades, Israel’s leaders viewed Hamas as a manageable threat instead of a serious one.
The belief that Hamas was deterred – despite several close calls before October 7 – was a risky misunderstanding.
Intelligence that should have raised alarms was dismissed. Internal military and political fiefdoms prevented a coordinated response.
Thursday probes show investigation one is only tip of the iceberg
Thursday’s probes showed that IDF intelligence “failed to notice or detect three near mass invasions by Hamas before October 7,” in April 2022, October 2022, and April 2023.
This suggests a systemic failure beyond just military shortcomings and extends into national security policy at large.
Late Prime Minister Golda Meir once said, “When peace comes, we will perhaps in time be able to forgive the Arabs for killing our sons, but it will be harder for us to forgive them for having forced us to kill their sons. Peace will come when the Arabs will love their children more than they hate us.”
This sobering reminder emphasizes the tragic reality of conflict. If Israel is to ensure lasting security, it must not only defend itself against future threats but also critically examine how its own leadership failed its citizens on October 7.
History has shown that independent commissions have been instrumental in reforming Israel’s security apparatus. The Agranat Commission after the Yom Kippur War led to significant military restructuring. The Winograd Commission, after the First Lebanon War, exposed deep flaws in political-military decision-making.
What must Israel do now?
What is required now is a commission that will guarantee that the nation is never caught off guard like this again. Some may contend that an investigation during wartime could undermine morale or divert attention from the current conflict.
However, Israel has encountered similar situations in the past and has learned that transparency is not a liability; rather, it is essential, both to protect against future attacks and to restore public trust.
Soldiers, intelligence officers, and commanders must be assured that their leaders are held accountable.
The families of the victims and hostages deserve clear answers.
The government should create an independent, nonpartisan investigative body with the authority to thoroughly examine the security, intelligence, and political failures that occurred on October 7.
This commission must include credible legal, military, and intelligence experts who are not influenced by political agendas. Their mission should be to uncover the truth, determine accountability, and suggest practical reforms.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-844099
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Why Didn’t Israel Win In Gaza?
By Antoine Shalhat
February 27, 2025
Several Israeli analyses agree that Israel did not win its war on the Gaza Strip. What it did achieve, though, was the extermination of the people and the complete destruction of most of the enclave. Some of them suggest that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers issue strongly-worded statements, but that they are nothing more than “sweet talk without cover and promises without being backed up.”
Although what lies behind this consensus is emphasis on the need to continue the war and focus on specific goals, it also explores the depths of the failures from which the occupation state is still not secure. To avoid generalisation, it should be said that mouthpieces in the current Israeli government and Netanyahu himself also adopt this approach, some of whom do so with the aim of holding the leadership of the military establishment responsible for the consequences in this matter. Meanwhile, others assert that the leadership of the political establishment bears no less responsibility for these consequences than the armed forces.
To exemplify what I mean, a report published by the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) at Tel Aviv University, titled “The Long-Awaited Victory Over Hamas Was Not Achieved — What Now?” on 20 February said that, “The IDF [Israel Defence Forces] strategy defines victory as ‘achieving the war objectives set by the political leadership and the ability to impose Israel’s conditions for a ceasefire and post-war security-political arrangements on the enemy.’ Israel has not achieved these objectives in the war in Gaza.”
There is a constant reminder that the war’s goals were defined as the following: destroying the military and government capabilities of Hamas; freeing the kidnapped Israelis; ensuring the safe return of the residents of the Gaza envelope [Israeli settlements adjacent to the enclave] to their homes; and establishing a reality in which Hamas does not control the Gaza Strip, and the Strip does not pose a threat to Israel.
According to more than one military analyst or former military commander, Israel failed to achieve three and a half of the four goals of the war, only succeeding in half-achieving the goal related to the release of the kidnapped soldiers. Some of them stress that, “The current framework for the release of the hostages does not reflect Israel imposing its terms for a ceasefire but rather a compromise dictated by Hamas’s demands, as the organisation seeks to ensure its survival at any cost,” according to the INSS report. “The goal of eliminating Hamas’s control over Gaza and removing its threat to Israel remains far from being realised under the current conditions.” On the contrary, Israeli analyses believe that the most important goal achieved by Hamas is its continued control of Gaza.
Regarding the INSS report, it is important to note its acknowledgement that the exchange deal “is a clear admission that Israel has not achieved total victory; it provides a battered Hamas with the essential lifeline to maintain its rule and rebuild; it results in the release of over a thousand terrorists [sic], many of whom are likely to return to terrorism [sic] and kill Israelis; and it allows Hamas to retain several hostages as leverage for its continued survival.”
This brief overview would not be complete without pointing out that a small minority of Israeli analysts believe that the time has come for political action in the field of national security, as the majority still believe that there is a need to resume the war. According to them, next week the new IDF Chief of the General Staff, Eyal Zamir, will assume his duties, and they hope that he will work to restore the army to its former glory, and transform it into a fighting army, with a fighting spirit, capable of waging war and winning.
Moreover, the prevalent opinion is that at this stage, Israel should focus on two main efforts: completing the path that ensures the return of the remaining kidnapped Israelis, and “leverage President Trump’s declaration” to displace Gaza’s residents in order to enhance effective participation of the Arab countries in the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip and stabilising it by ending Hamas’s rule of the Strip.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250227-why-didnt-israel-win-in-gaza/
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Who Is Abdullah Ocalan, The Kurdish Militant Leader Urging Peace With Turkiye?
February 27, 2025
The 75-year-old militant leader Abdullah Ocalan has spent a quarter of a century in jail after leading his Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) to take up arms against the Turkish state to fight for a Kurdish homeland. Now he is calling for peace.
On Thursday, Ocalan called on the PKK from his cell in Imrali island prison south of Istanbul to lay down its arms and dissolve itself. It’s a move which, if heeded by his fighters, will bring an end to their 40-year insurgency and have wide-ranging implications for the wider region.
Ocalan, revered by the pro-Kurdish political movement but reviled by most Turks for starting the conflict in 1984, made the call four months after being urged to do so by an ally of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Both Erdogan and the opposition pro-Kurdish DEM party have voiced support for efforts to end the fighting that has killed more than 40,000 people, reshaped Turkish politics and scarred towns and cities across the south east of Turkiye.
“I am making a call for the laying down of arms, and I take on the historical responsibility for this call,” Ocalan said in a letter made public on Thursday by DEM party members after they had visited him in his prison cell.
He was captured in Kenya by Turkish special forces in 1999. Despite being jailed, he continued to wield considerable clout, but it is unclear how much influence he now retains over the PKK, whose fighters are mainly based in the mountains of neighbouring northern Iraq.
In his message on Thursday, Ocalan urged his party to hold a congress and to agree formally to dissolve itself.
The idea of re-engaging with Ocalan was floated in October by an unlikely politician, Devlet Bahceli, an ultra-nationalist party leader and Erdogan’s main parliamentary ally, who shocked the country when he suggested that Ocalan could be freed if he succeeded in getting the PKK to end its insurgency.
Abdullah Ocalan saw his profile peak during a 2013-2015 peace process between the Turkish state and his PKK fighters. Then prime minister, Erdogan regarded Ocalan as key to efforts to end the fighting.
From his jail cell, Ocalan — affectionately referred to as Apo by Kurdish nationalists — rose in prominence. Photos in Turkish media showed a benign image of a grey-haired, moustachioed and smiling figure, in sharp contrast to past pictures of him in combat fatigues wielding an assault rifle.
“This struggle of our 40-year-old movement, which has been filled with pain, has not gone to waste, but at the same time it has become unsustainable,” said Ocalan in a statement read to huge crowds at Kurdish New Year celebrations in March 2015.
Those talks were the closest he was to get to achieve a negotiated solution to the conflict. Four months later the peace process collapsed and the conflict entered its bloodiest phase, focused in urban south-eastern areas of Turkiye. Today, the conflict is mainly centred in northern Iraq where the PKK is based.
Ocalan was born to a peasant family in the south-eastern village of Omerli and his political ideas were shaped amid the violent street battles between left- and right-wing gangs in the 1970s. He split from the Turkish left to found the PKK in 1978, pledging to fight for an independent state of Kurdistan after dropping out of Ankara University’s political science faculty.
The PKK — designated as a terrorist group by Turkiye, the United States and European Union — was led by Ocalan from Syria until Turkiye threatened war in 1998, forcing Damascus to expel him. He sought refuge in Russia, then Italy and Greece before he was captured in the Kenyan capital Nairobi in 1999.
Appearing bewildered and dejected, he was flown to Ankara guarded by Turkish commandos, and sentenced to death. His sentence was commuted to life in jail, where he has remained ever since.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250227-who-is-abdullah-ocalan-the-kurdish-militant-leader-urging-peace-with-turkiye/
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Syria’s National Dialogue Conference A Good Start
Dr. Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg
February 27, 2025
On Tuesday, the Syrian National Dialogue Conference was convened, with about 600 people from the Syrian Arab Republic’s diverse communities and political orientations taking part. Holding the conference was a fulfilment of promises made by President Ahmad Al-Sharaa, most recently on Jan. 30, in his first speech after he was declared president of the country.
Al-Sharaa promised to appoint a preparatory committee to organize a national dialogue conference, to be a “direct platform for deliberations and consultations and listening to all viewpoints on the future political program.” He also said there would be a transitional government representing Syria’s diversity, one whose task it would be to prepare for free and fair elections.
At the end of the day, the conference issued a statement with recommendations touching upon important issues facing the country. They included preserving Syria’s unity and territorial integrity, in a reference to parts of the country being under occupation or outside government control. Participants called for the banning of all armed groups outside the national army. They also called for quickly passing a “constitutional declaration,” a temporary legislative body and the formation of a constitutional committee to draft a permanent constitution.
They called for respect for human rights and freedoms, as well as the empowerment of women. While rejecting discrimination based on religion or ethnicity, they did not accept the setting of quotas or allocations of certain positions based on those considerations. They called for greater political participation and, while calling for transitional justice for the victims of the previous regime, they rejected all forms of violence, revenge or incitement. There were also other useful references about the shape of the future of Syria’s governance and the economy.
National dialogues have become a useful tool for political transformations after war or prolonged conflict, such as Syria’s. In broadening the debate about a country’s future, dialogues offer the potential for consensus and meaningful conversations about the underlying issues.
For national dialogues to succeed, they need to be inclusive, open and transparent, with clear rules of procedure, implementation plans and follow-up mechanisms.
Saudi Arabia launched a national dialogue after a spate of terrorist attacks in the Kingdom revealed a troubling undergrowth of confused sympathizers. The dialogue started with a big event in Riyadh in June 2003, which recommended institutionalizing the dialogue and holding inclusive sessions on a regular basis in all regions of Saudi Arabia. In August of the same year, the King Abdulaziz National Dialogue Centre was inaugurated in Riyadh, where the late King Abdullah, then still crown prince, gave a historic speech calling for peaceful discourse and the rejection of extremism. Later that year and in the following years, dialogue events were held throughout the Kingdom. The process has continued since then, organized and hosted by the centre.
The US Philadelphia Convention, also called the Constitutional Convention or the Federal Convention, lasted for almost four months from May to September 1787 and agreed, after vigorous debates, on the shape of the US government after independence from Britain.
In Tunisia, a national dialogue formally started in the summer of 2013 following a political crisis and political assassinations that halted the constitutional process. It lasted for several months and ultimately reached a consensus that ended the crisis. The organizers of the consensus constitution received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2015.
In Yemen, the National Dialogue Conference was held for 10 months in 2013 and 2014 and almost all Yemeni political factions, including the Houthis, took part. Nineteen important documents were adopted, representing national consensus on all major issues. Although the Houthis later violated that consensus, the conference outcome documents remain an important reference for the rest of Yemen. The fact that the conflict in Yemen has continued despite the success of the conference is due in part to the old regime’s siding with the Houthis to organize a military coup in September 2014.
Judging the day of national dialogue in Syria against these historical precedents, it seems to be quite limited. The duration of the conference was surprisingly short, considering the immense transformation Syria is beginning to go through. The outcome document was also brief, touching on important issues without going into depth about them. It is doubtful that one day or a few pages of general recommendations are going to sort out all of the issues involved.
While most of Syria’s diversity appeared to be represented at the conference and there was Kurdish participation, the Syrian Democratic Forces — an armed group seeking self-rule in north-eastern parts of the country — did not take part. They have criticized what they described as their exclusion, despite ongoing talks with Damascus on the future of the territory they control.
Perhaps aware of these limitations, the conference statement concluded by calling for “encouraging the culture of dialogue, continuing dialogues at all levels and in all areas and finding appropriate mechanisms for them.” Also aware of the brevity of the final statement, it stated: “Out of commitment to transparency, the conference’s preparatory committee will issue a detailed report of the participants’ contributions and opinions expressed at the conference.”
Tuesday’s conference was a good start, in sharp contrast with decades of dictatorial and violent rule when free debate was rare. After the 1963 military coup removed a democratically elected government, but especially after the Assad family seized power in 1970 and began its totalitarian rule of the country, freedom of expression was outlawed and dissent was crushed by force. Against this background, this week’s meeting was a breath of fresh air.
However, it will be important to follow up on this conference, so that additional rounds of dialogue, preferably in different parts of the country and addressing specific issues, can be organized. Syrians will likely need extensive debates to discuss the trajectory and future of their country. They also need collective therapy to mull over the mistakes of the past. National dialogues need to be a continuous process, not a single event.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2591841
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The Priorities For Rebuilding Syria’s Economy
Dr. Majid Rafizadeh
February 27, 2025
After more than a decade of war, destruction and economic collapse in Syria, the country’s new government faces an urgent and formidable challenge: rebuilding the nation’s shattered economy. Years of conflict have devastated infrastructure, displaced millions and left the country struggling with widespread poverty, inflation and a crumbling financial system. For Syria to move forward and achieve long-term stability, economic recovery must be a top priority.
One of the most significant obstacles to rebuilding Syria’s economy is the severe impact of Western sanctions. These restrictions, imposed over the years due to the war and political developments, have crippled Syria’s ability to trade, attract foreign investment and access global financial networks. Lifting these sanctions — a process started by the EU this week — is essential for economic revitalization, as it would allow Syria to engage in international commerce, rebuild industries and improve the daily lives of its citizens.
Regional support, particularly from Arab nations, is playing a crucial role in assisting Syria’s recovery, with efforts focused on restoring trade ties, providing investment and helping Syrians regain financial stability.
Beyond lifting sanctions and securing regional partnerships, Syria’s government must implement comprehensive economic strategies to stimulate growth, create jobs and restore essential services. Revitalizing key industries, rebuilding infrastructure and stabilizing the Syrian pound are necessary steps to ensure a sustainable recovery.
The Syrian economy has suffered one of the most severe contractions in modern history. According to reports, Syria’s gross domestic product shrank by 84 percent between 2010 and 2024. The nation’s currency has drastically devalued, leading to hyperinflation and making everyday goods unaffordable for most citizens. In 2023, it was reported that more than 90 percent of Syrians were living below the poverty line, struggling to afford food, medicine and other basic necessities.
The country’s energy sector, once a crucial part of the economy, has suffered immense losses. Oil production has declined significantly, forcing Syria to rely on expensive fuel imports. Additionally, the destruction of infrastructure, including roads, power plants and water systems, has made industrial recovery even more challenging. Without a functioning economic system, businesses cannot operate efficiently and foreign investors will remain hesitant to engage with Syria due to the risks involved.
As a result, one of the most pressing steps toward economic recovery is the lifting of Western sanctions, which have placed severe restrictions on Syria’s ability to rebuild. These sanctions have frozen Syrian assets abroad, blocked financial transactions and limited the country’s access to international markets. Lifting these sanctions would have an immediate and significant impact on Syria’s economy. It would allow businesses to engage in international trade, making it easier to import essential goods and the raw materials needed for reconstruction. Additionally, easing financial restrictions would enable Syrians to receive remittances from relatives abroad — an important source of income for many families who are struggling to survive.
There have been discussions within the EU about easing sanctions and some were lifted on Monday, including restrictions on state-owned banks and investments in Syria’s energy and electricity sectors. These steps are crucial, but a broader lifting of sanctions is necessary to create real economic momentum.
To rebuild its economy, Syria must attract investment, particularly in key sectors such as infrastructure, energy and manufacturing. Infrastructure reconstruction is essential for restoring normal economic activity, as roads, ports and communication networks are necessary for trade and industry to function.
Investment in the energy sector is also critical. Syria’s electricity grid has been severely damaged, leading to frequent power shortages that make industrial and commercial activities difficult. By securing investment in power plants and alternative energy sources, the government can provide reliable electricity to businesses and households, improving overall economic stability.
Manufacturing and agriculture are two other sectors that require substantial investment. Restoring factories and supporting small businesses can help create jobs and stimulate local economies. Similarly, rebuilding the agricultural sector will ensure food security and reduce the need for costly imports.
In addition, encouraging both domestic and foreign investors to participate in Syria’s reconstruction will require significant policy reforms. The government must create a business-friendly environment by ensuring legal protections for investors, streamlining bureaucratic processes and guaranteeing stability in financial regulations. Without such reforms, potential investors may remain reluctant to engage with Syria’s economy.
A fully functioning transport network is also vital for economic recovery. The destruction of roads, bridges, railways and airports has made it difficult to move goods and people efficiently, further hindering trade and investment. Rebuilding highways and roads would allow agricultural and industrial products to reach markets more easily, reducing costs and increasing profitability for businesses. Restoring railways would enhance trade efficiency, making it easier for goods to be transported across the country and into neighbouring markets. Additionally, reopening and modernizing Syria’s major ports would boost international trade, allowing the country to export its products and receive essential imports more efficiently.
Investment in transport infrastructure will also have long-term economic benefits by creating jobs, stimulating demand for construction materials and improving the overall efficiency of business operations.
The collapse of the Syrian pound has led to inflation, making daily life increasingly difficult for citizens. Restoring confidence in the national currency is essential for economic recovery. This requires sound financial policies that promote stability, control inflation and encourage investment. Encouraging the use of banking services within Syria and strengthening financial institutions will further contribute to economic stability. Many Syrians have lost trust in the banking system due to war-related economic instability, so rebuilding confidence in financial institutions is a necessary step toward recovery.
Finally, Syria’s economy can greatly benefit from increased regional and international trade. Restoring trade partnerships with neighbouring countries and re-establishing commercial routes can help Syria reintegrate into global markets. Several Arab nations have already shown an interest in helping Syria regain economic stability. Strengthening these ties can lead to trade agreements that facilitate the movement of goods, reduce tariffs and encourage business collaborations.
By improving its trade relations with regional partners, Syria can gain access to new markets and benefit from foreign investments that support key industries. The reopening of trade routes, border crossings and customs facilities will be crucial for Syria’s economic recovery. Facilitating smoother trade transactions with neighbouring countries will help businesses thrive and create new opportunities for economic growth.
In sum, Syria’s economic challenges are immense, but they are not insurmountable. The key to recovery lies in a multifaceted approach that includes lifting sanctions, attracting investment, rebuilding infrastructure, stabilizing the currency and strengthening trade relations. By prioritizing economic growth and implementing sound policies, Syria’s new government can create a foundation for stability, prosperity and a better future for its people. The road to recovery will not be easy, but with the right strategies and international cooperation Syria can rebuild its economy and offer its citizens the opportunity for a more secure and prosperous life.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2591818
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Universities Should Stop Acting As Mouthpieces For Israel
February 27, 2025
By Ramona Wadi
Australia’s Group of Eight (GoE) leading research universities has drafted a new definition of anti-Semitism which is set to be adopted across all of the country’s 39 universities. Its text specifically bans calling for Israel’s elimination and conflates Judaism with Zionism to reinforce the Israeli narrative.
“For most, but not all, Jewish Australians, Zionism is a core part of their Jewish identity. Substituting the word ‘Zionist’ for ‘Jew’ does not eliminate the possibility of speech being anti-Semitic,” says the new definition.
The Jewish Council of Australia released a statement opposing the definition, noting that “calls for a single binational democratic state… could be labelled anti-Semitic.” It expressed concern that universities in Australia will be “promoting a view that a national political ideology is a core part of Judaism” and called the conflation inaccurate and dangerous.
The definition, the Jewish Council of Australia said, “risks institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism” and noted that the GoE failed to consult with Palestinian and Jewish groups that criticise Israel.
GoE Chief Executive Vicki Thompson described the anti-Semitism definition as “an Australian version of the IHRA (International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance) definition that can be operationalised in a university setting, while upholding academic freedom and associated obligations.”
However, that’s not entirely true. The IHRA definition guidelines include “the targeting of the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity” as a manifestation of anti-Semitism, and this already plays into the Zionist narrative which describes Israel as a Jewish state, hence conflation between state, religion and political ideology. The Australian universities’ definition goes a step further and eliminates all subtlety of silencing free speech when it specifically integrates Zionism as “a core part” of Jewish identity for the benefit of Jewish Australians, apparently.
This has been seen in recent years by the targeting of Palestinian academics and academics advocating for Palestinian rights and the dismantling of Israeli colonialism. Since universities in Australia are readily adopting the Zionist narrative into their academic agenda, what academic rigour, freedom, research and thinking, can universities speak of?
The genocide in Gaza should have provided universities with the perfect opportunity to take a stance against the settler-colonial policing of academic thought.
And since the GoE’s definition of anti-Semitism went straight to the Zionist heart of the matter – ensuring that no criticism of Israel or Zionism can escape the “anti-Semitic” label, why not ask why, in a post-colonial era, it is forbidden to call for the dismantling of the remaining apartheid, settler-colonial entity in Palestine and advocate for a “single binational democratic state”? Dismantling Israel as a settler-colonial enterprise is a process, not an aberration. It is a process that other anti-colonial struggles have managed, but one that the Palestinian people are continuously denied. From the political echelons to universities, free speech is being consistently eroded. Education is the closest one can get to the people. How long before such restrictions become a blanket ban?
The Zionist narrative is infringing on the entire world’s right to free expression. As militarily powerful as it is, Israel’s actions are unsustainable and call for decolonisation, a call that universities should be championing, not penalising. Rather than allowing universities to limit academic freedom by being mouthpieces for Israel, how about holding them accountable to the people they are supposed to be serving: the educators and the students?
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250227-universities-should-stop-acting-as-mouthpieces-for-israel/
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Saudi Arabia’s Image Makeover Includes Prisoner Releases And Power Plays
February 27, 2025
By Nasim Ahmed
Saudi Arabia has quietly increased its efforts to release political prisoners in recent weeks, a move that has drawn significant international attention. According to the Financial Times, the kingdom has been gradually freeing dozens of individuals who were detained for political reasons. This development is seen as part of Saudi Arabia’s attempt to enhance its global standing, attract foreign investment and solidify its position in the evolving world order.
The release of political prisoners is being viewed as part of this larger strategy. Saudi Arabia’s ongoing Vision 2030 initiative is focused on diversifying its economy away from oil, modernising its society, and strengthening its position in international markets. However, one of the key barriers to this transformation has been concerns about the country’s human rights record, a factor that has historically deterred some investors. By gradually releasing political detainees, the kingdom appears to be signalling a shift toward greater openness, even if the scale and permanence of these changes remain uncertain.
Among those who have been released is Salma Al-Shehab, a PhD student from Britain who was sentenced in 2022 to 34 years in prison for social media posts advocating for women’s rights. Human rights organisations described her sentencing as an extreme example of Saudi Arabia’s previous crackdowns on political expression. Another individual, Asaad Al-Ghamdi, a 47-year-old teacher, was sentenced to 20 years for similar social media activity. His case was reportedly part of a broader campaign targeting conservative opposition figures.
Since Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman rose to power in 2017, Saudi Arabia has undergone major political and economic changes. Initially, there was a harsh crackdown that led to the arrests of hundreds of people, including members of the royal family, businessmen, activists, academics and bloggers. The government justified these actions as necessary to implement its ambitious reforms without interference from political and religious conservatives. However, these crackdowns also extended to liberal activists, human rights advocates and intellectuals, raising concerns about the kingdom’s political climate.
Many released prisoners remain under travel bans and other restrictions, preventing them from fully reintegrating into public life. Moreover, some of the most high-profile detainees, including prominent religious scholars like Salman Al-Ouda and Nasser Al-Omar, remain in custody. Reports indicate that their release is still under consideration, but there is no clear confirmation yet.
One of the most significant turning points in Saudi Arabia’s international reputation was the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018, which led to widespread condemnation and strained relations with Western governments. The recent prisoner releases could be part of a broader effort to rehabilitate the kingdom’s global image, particularly as it seeks deeper economic ties with the US and other international powers.
In a related development, Saudi officials last week held a high-profile meeting in Miami, hosted by the kingdom’s sovereign wealth fund and attended by Donald Trump, where top business leaders sought face time with Saudi representatives. Unlike in the past, where Saudi Arabia primarily invested abroad, it is now demanding deeper commitments from foreign investors, requiring them to establish offices in the kingdom and commit capital to its ambitious mega-projects. At an exclusive dinner attended by executives from Citadel, BlackRock and SoftBank, Saudi officials personally discussed investment opportunities, underscoring the kingdom’s growing economic influence and strategic shift toward a more assertive global role.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250227-saudi-arabias-image-makeover-includes-prisoner-releases-and-power-plays/
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Reviving Syria: Türkiye's Vision For Cultural Renewal And Lasting Peace
By Yunus Emre Tozal
Feb 27, 2025 -
Over the past three months, Syria has experienced critical developments. While tensions among local groups have escalated in the prolonged war environment, the positions of international actors are also being reshaped. However, amid this complex landscape, one significant aspect stands out: The principled stance that Türkiye has maintained from the beginning is becoming increasingly important. Türkiye’s efforts in humanitarian aid, infrastructure reconstruction and cultural diplomacy have been well received by the local population. Through cross-border operations and diplomatic engagements, Türkiye has demonstrated that its policy is not solely driven by its own interests but also by a genuine concern for the future of the region's people. At this juncture, Türkiye finds itself at a rare historical crossroads.
Concrete steps in Syria
While theoretical frameworks provide valuable perspectives on nation-building and cultural reconstruction, Türkiye has already taken concrete steps in Syria. The Turkish government has undertaken significant initiatives to restore critical infrastructure, invest in transportation and stimulate economic revival.
The Turkish Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure has launched an action plan to repair and reconstruct Syria’s airports, bridges, roads and railways. In line with these efforts, Türkiye started the renovation of Damascus International Airport, which was severely damaged during the war. A 25-member technical team from Türkiye's State Airports Directorate (DHMI) has been deployed to enhance security, restore critical infrastructure and train local personnel. These improvements aim to make the airport fully operational, facilitating regional connectivity and economic recovery. Additionally, the reviving of the historic Hejaz Railway, which once connected Istanbul to Mecca, is among the proposed projects under consideration.
Turkish construction and cement companies such as Limak, Bursa Çimento and Oyak Çimento are preparing to play a crucial role in Syria’s reconstruction process. These firms anticipate significant investment opportunities, particularly in the cement, steel and construction sectors.
Türkiye has also expressed its readiness to assist in rebuilding Syria’s energy infrastructure and has hinted at potential partnerships in oil and hydrocarbon exploration, similar to past agreements made with Libya. Furthermore, the reopening of Turkish-Syrian trade routes aims to restore and enhance economic ties between the two nations, fostering long-term regional stability and economic growth.
Cultural reconstruction
Türkiye’s commitment to Syria extends beyond economic and infrastructural development. Institutions such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA), the Yunus Emre Institute and the Turkish Maarif Foundation are actively engaged in educational and cultural initiatives across Syria. These organizations are leading efforts to rebuild schools, restore historical sites and promote cultural integration through various educational programs.
As one of Türkiye’s key actors in development aid, TIKA has been carrying out a broad range of projects in war-torn Syria, focusing on education, health care, infrastructure and the preservation of cultural heritage. The agency has reactivated its office in Syria, accelerating its fieldwork and taking significant steps, particularly in the restoration of historical structures. TIKA has been working to restore mosques, madrassas, caravanserais and other historical sites across Syria to safeguard cultural heritage for future generations. Additionally, the agency is strengthening the region’s educational infrastructure by repairing schools and providing essential equipment to support learning environments. Beyond physical reconstruction, TIKA’s initiatives contribute to social development by improving access to agriculture, health care and vocational training, ultimately enhancing the economic and social well-being of local communities.
Expanding its educational and cultural activities in Syria, the Yunus Emre Institute has continued to offer hope to the local population. In 2023, the institute established a representation office in al-Bab, one of Syria’s secure regions, where it began organizing Turkish language courses and cultural events. Additionally, it hosted a panel discussion titled "Values Unite: Yunus Emre’s Perspective on Humanity," bringing together regional academic and administrative leaders to emphasize the shared heritage and integration of Turkish and Arab cultures. With recent developments in Syria over the past three months, the expansion of Yunus Emre Institute's activities will undoubtedly further strengthen cultural interaction in the region. These efforts go beyond mere language education and cultural events, enhancing social cohesion among local communities and contributing to long-term peace and stability in the region.
Lastly, the Turkish Maarif Foundation, one of Türkiye’s most influential educational institutions, is recognized internationally for its high-impact projects. Operating in over 50 countries, the foundation manages hundreds of schools and education centres, providing quality education to thousands of students. In Syria’s reconstruction process, its role is of vital importance for the future of the region. By integrating war-affected generations back into the educational system, the foundation holds the potential to restore social stability through education. Projects aimed at fostering multicultural harmony and social integration will enable Syrian youth to reconnect with society and build their future through education.
Damascus reborn
Türkiye’s involvement in Syria extends beyond rebuilding efforts – it reflects a comprehensive approach to fostering long-term regional stability and cultural integration. By combining infrastructure restoration, economic revitalization and cultural renewal, Türkiye is not only contributing to regional stability but also holds the potential to establish a model for multicultural unity in the broader Middle Eastern landscape. However, beyond material reconstruction, Türkiye’s role in reviving Syria’s social and cultural fabric will be a decisive factor in shaping the region’s future.
On this road, there is tremendous potential for new projects and the city of Damascus can be a cultural hub for the future with Türkiye's leading guidance and investments. The city has a special place as one of the intellectual and spiritual centres of the Islamic world. As the capital of the Umayyads, it served as a crucial meeting point not only for Muslims but also for various religious communities with its madrassas, mosques and rich cultural heritage. Today, the prospect of Damascus reclaiming its role as a cultural and academic centre with Türkiye’s contributions can represent a crucial step toward rebuilding regional peace and stability. With Türkiye's support, Damascus can once again emerge as a hub of knowledge and arts in the Islamic world. Notably, Türkiye’s involvement in reconstructing the Hejaz Railway could significantly enhance cultural and economic interactions, reconnecting Damascus with Mecca and Medina. Under Türkiye’s leadership, its revival as a cultural capital could herald a new golden age in the Islamic world.
Initiatives in education, historical preservation, and economic development indicate that Türkiye is positioning itself as not just a strategic actor but also as a cultural bridge between civilizations. If these efforts are sustained and expanded, they could pave the way for a renewed era of cooperation, intercultural dialogue, and sustainable peace in Syria and beyond.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/reviving-syria-turkiyes-vision-for-cultural-renewal-and-lasting-peace
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