Middle East Press on: Syria, Iran, Assad, Hamas, Anti, Israel, Palestine, Gaza: New Age Islam's Selection, 4 January 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
4 January 2025
Can Sociology Be Defied In Syria’s Future?
Iran Is Reaping What It Sowed
What Israel Is Seeking In Syria After Assad's Fall
China’s Anti-Israel Rhetoric Still Lacks Engagement
Reflections On Resilience And Hope As Israel Welcomes 2025
‘The Palestine Exception’: How Anti-Israel Voices Cry Suppression While Silencing Others
Calls To ‘End The War In Gaza’ Before Hamas Is Defeated Risk Us Repeating Painful Past
PA’s Brutal Siege On Jenin Only Deepens Its Crisis Of Legitimacy
Turkiye And EU’s Middle East Strategy
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Can Sociology Be Defied In Syria’s Future?
By Ihsan Aktaş
Jan 04, 2025
With the onset of the Arab Spring, the Syrian people revolted in large numbers, demanding better governance and the opportunity to live in a free country. This aspiration for change was quickly intercepted by the efforts of external powers with influence over Syria, who sought to create chaos, sow division and occupy Syrian territory.
In the early days of the popular uprising, almost 90% of the population was opposed to the Assad regime. Those who sought change included Sunnis, Kurds, Armenians, Christians and even Nusayris, all of whom united in the desire for a shift in the political landscape. Türkiye, Iran and Russia have all engaged with Syria through previous contacts, each with distinct expectations for the country's future. Türkiye sought that the Syrian system transform, advocating for a democratic framework where the people could live under an elected government, ensuring their rights and freedoms.
Iran wanted the Assad regime to remain on the stage in favor of Iran, no matter what the circumstances, especially for fear of breaking what they called the "Axis of Resistance" between Iraq and Lebanon. Since Iran invited Russia to Syria and acted more as a guide in between, what Russia wanted was in line with Iran's targets.
Russia’s move
The United States of 15 years ago wielded far more significant influence than it does today. In fact, the Obama administration mishandled the Syrian civil war that paved the way for Russia's resurgence on the global stage. Rather than focusing on building alliances with established states or fostering more robust governance structures, the Obama administration chose to engage with tinier, fragmented groups.
While the U.S. expended its energy on organizations like the PKK/YPG and Daesh, Russia seized the opportunity to project its power, establishing a naval presence in the Mediterranean and solidifying a strategic foothold in Syria. This marked a significant geopolitical shift as Russia secured access to warm-water ports and reasserted itself as a formidable regional player.
Redemption of Prophet Joseph
Fifteen years have passed, and a people's revolution in Syria continues to gain momentum and consolidate with each passing day. Those who have languished in Damascus's prisons, those who have endured the harsh reality of exile, and those who have suffered mistreatment and torture have become unwilling participants in this tragic cycle – much like the story of Prophet Joseph, whose trials and tribulations ultimately paved the way for redemption and justice.
The Assad regime has collapsed, and the army has surrendered to the newly established government. However, building a stable and lasting order is not an overnight process; it will take time and careful effort.
Policy of U.S. matters
Meanwhile, discussions about Syria’s future are ongoing. Iran and Russia have withdrawn from the visible political stage, effectively losing their influence and de facto control over the country. Israel appears to be gradually testing its position and that of the newly established Syrian revolution and government by strategically occupying particular points. Step by step, it seems to solidify its stance in an occupation-like posture.
The United States' intentions remain ambiguous. Will it continue to use Daesh as a pretext to protect the PKK, or will it shift its focus toward fostering a strong, unified Syrian state? A clearer perspective on U.S. policy may only emerge with the potential return of Trump to office.
Türkiye, on the other hand, takes a contrasting approach. To maintain its own stability, it prioritizes ensuring the security of its neighbors, standing firmly against Iran's chaotic regional strategy. While Iran thrives in fostering disorder, Türkiye consistently upholds its role as a proponent of stability and order in the region.
Victory overdue
Of course, we do not know what the global or regional powers – the U.S., the U.K., Russia, France or Iran – want today. But if they fight against sociology and favor chaos, the revolution, which is 15 years overdue, may fall back a little more, but eventually, sociology's demands will prevail in Syria.
Türkiye's stance did not emerge by chance. From the beginning, it prioritized the well-being of the Syrian people and the future of Syria. Türkiye has consistently upheld the principle of Syria's territorial integrity, firmly believing that a unitary state structure would benefit Syria and enhance stability for its neighbors and the entire region.
There are undoubtedly numerous issues to address regarding Syria’s future: Will the PKK/YPG relinquish its occupation and surrender? What stance will the United States adopt? How will European states position themselves? These dilemmas persist, but the overwhelming momentum toward unity and order in Syria signals the emergence of a strong, centralized government.
It is crucial for global powers, Syria’s neighbors and Arab nations to come together to rebuild a unified Syria – a goal that serves the interests of all regional states. Türkiye’s dedicated commitment to Syria’s territorial integrity is a model of constructive and principled engagement. One can only hope that Arab countries and Iran will join this collective effort to shape Syria’s brighter future.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/columns/can-sociology-be-defied-in-syrias-future
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Iran Is Reaping What It Sowed
By Hilal Kaplan
Jan 03, 2025
After the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, Iran, whose dream of a “neo-Persian empire” came to an end, is trying to recover from its disappointment. For this purpose, Iran sent Shiite volunteers from Afghanistan and Pakistan to Syria under the names of Fatimiyyun and Zaynabiyyun, added Hezbollah and the militias of the so-called Al-Quds brigades and began to occupy and assimilate the country step by step.
In 2015, Ali Yunousi, Iran's vice president, positioned his country, which he referred to as a “growing empire,” as follows: “Both the Ottoman generation and the remnants of Rome, who are competing with us in the region, object to our current support for Iraq. We will establish an Iranian Union against them in this region.”
However, after the fall of the Assad regime in Syria in 13 days, Iran threw all its plans in the trash and started to increase its hateful, threatening rhetoric against Türkiye after the anonymous criticism of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. On the anniversary of the Battle of Çaldıran, Iranian State Television broadcast a clip in which insults were hurled at Ottoman Sultan Yavuz Sultan Selim Khan and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev also received his share of these insults.
However, it was not enough for the Iranian media. Mahdi Khanalizade, the director of Press TV, one of Iran's public televisions, came out. In a recent television program, he declared that his country, Iran, could cooperate with the United States in Syria, just as it did in Iraq.
To the reporter's question, “Against whom?” he bluntly replied, “Against Türkiye.” He explained that Türkiye is against the PKK terrorist organization and its Syrian wing YPG and that they can make an alliance with the U.S., which protects the YPG, to support the terrorist organization. As if they haven't done enough.
Of course, what a member of the media says about Iran-U.S. cooperation does not mean much on its own. However, when we recall the statements of three figures who served as presidents of Iran for 24 of the 45 years since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, we realize that the issue is not something to be glossed over.
The first of these names, Mohammad Khatami, who served as Iran's minister of culture for 10 years and as the president for eight years, declared their support for the U.S. during the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq.
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who took over the presidency of Iran from Khatami and stayed in office for eight years, also declared that his country had helped the U.S. during the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan but that he had not been given the recognition he deserved.
Hassan Rouhani, who succeeded Ahmadinejad, went further and boasted at the United Nations General Assembly in 2015 that his country had helped promote democracy in Iraq and Afghanistan and could do the same in Syria and Yemen.
Iran did not hesitate to defend Armenia against Azerbaijan with the comfort of the progress it had made on the path opened to it by the Obama-era U.S.
At this point, Iran has become a country that can no longer sell the tales of the “Axis of Resistance” to anyone except a handful of its followers. It is a country that has been expelled from Syria, a country that is about to be expelled from Iraq, a country whose current president's biggest concern is to conserve electricity. Hopefully, they will learn a lesson.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/columns/iran-is-reaping-what-it-sowed
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What Israel Is Seeking In Syria After Assad's Fall
By Mohammad Javad Mousavizadeh
Jan 04, 2025
The fall of Bashar Assad’s regime in Syria has created a power vacuum with profound geopolitical implications. Israel, a key regional player, has swiftly moved to secure its strategic interests, from expanding potential settlements to countering Iranian influence. These actions reflect a calculated strategy aimed at ensuring Israel's security and maintaining its regional dominance.
Following Assad's downfall, Israeli troops and tanks crossed the border into Syrian territory, including the buffer zone established by the 1974 cease-fire agreement. According to reports from Israeli media, forces have taken control of a few villages in the buffer zone and warned residents to stay indoors. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has emphasized the temporary nature of these incursions while simultaneously announcing plans to double the population of Israeli settlers in the Golan Heights. The Golan region, occupied by Israel since 1981, remains internationally disputed, but Israeli leaders consider it critical for defense.
Netanyahu’s recent statement underscores Israel’s priorities: “We will continue to hold onto (the Golan Heights), making it flourish and settle it.” The Israeli government has committed $17.4 million to expand settlements, signaling its intention to solidify control over the area. This move comes despite the International Court of Justice and other global actors deeming such actions illegal under international law.
The Assad regime served as a linchpin in Iran’s regional strategy, facilitating the transfer of weapons to Hezbollah and other groups hostile to Israel. With Assad’s fall, Iran’s influence has been significantly curtailed. Israeli officials have celebrated this development as a blow to Tehran’s ambitions. However, the power vacuum also poses new challenges, including the risk of extremist groups gaining a foothold.
In response, Israel has escalated its military operations in Syria. Since Assad’s collapse, the Israeli Air Force has conducted hundreds of airstrikes targeting Syrian military bases, weapons depots and missile systems linked to Iran and its proxies. Israeli leaders have framed these actions as necessary to preempt an Oct.7-style attack, referring to the recent surprise assault by Hamas that rattled the nation.
“Israel will not permit jihadi groups to fill that vacuum and threaten Israeli communities on the Golan Heights with Oct. 7th-style attacks. That is why Israeli forces entered the buffer zone and took control of strategic sites near Israel’s border,” the prime minister's office said.
It seems Israel is trying to get the buffer zone under its control until a “responsible party” assumes power in Damascus. The chaos in Syria has also prompted Israel to strengthen its border defenses, with Netanyahu warning that no extremist group will be allowed to establish a presence near Israel.
Israel’s long-term strategy appears to involve using its presence in Syria as leverage in future negotiations. Netanyahu has expressed a willingness to engage diplomatically with any new Syrian government that demonstrates goodwill toward Israel. Analysts suggest that by controlling key territories, Israel aims to influence the eventual post-Assad settlement, potentially leveraging the situation to extract guarantees for its security.
The collapse of the Assad regime offers Israel an opportunity to reshape the regional balance of power. With Iran’s influence weakened, Israel seeks to reinforce its military superiority and ensure that Syria does not become a base for Iran’s backed forces. According to sources within the Israeli defense establishment, there is speculation about using captured Syrian territories as staging grounds for potential operations against Iranian proxies in Iraq.
Iranian media outlets, including Fars News Agency, have criticized Israel’s actions as “opportunistic” and “illegal.” Also, the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) has condemned the U.S. and Israel, criticizing their exploitation of Syria’s current instability to dismantle the country’s infrastructure. The IRGC's statement added the “astonishing silence” of international organizations regarding these acts of aggression. Despite these criticisms, Israel remains committed to its course, framing its actions as a necessity for survival in an unpredictable Middle East.
Israel’s actions in Syria highlight its proactive approach to securing its borders and asserting regional dominance in the aftermath of Assad’s fall. By solidifying its hold on the Golan Heights, countering Iranian influence and preempting extremist threats, Israel aims to safeguard its national security. While these moves have drawn international criticism, Israeli leaders remain resolute, viewing their strategy as essential in a volatile post-Assad Middle East.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/what-israel-is-seeking-in-syria-after-assads-fall
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China’s Anti-Israel Rhetoric Still Lacks Engagement
By Yoram Evron
January 4, 2025
In response to “China-Middle Eastern relations: A shifting regional landscape” by Mordechai Chaziza (The Jerusalem Post, December 31) – an analysis of China’s evolving Middle East strategy and its call for a policy recalibration amid shifting geopolitical dynamics – it is imperative to assess whether Beijing’s actions align with the strategic ambitions attributed to it.
While the discussion highlights China’s deepening economic and political engagements in the region, a closer examination reveals that China’s Middle East strategy remains fundamentally constrained by its limited appetite for meaningful political and strategic involvement, favoring vehement rhetoric that secures benefits in other areas oversubstantive contributions.
A notable example is China’s endorsement of the “right of return” for Palestinian refugees, an incendiary and highly controversial stance in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
For Israel, such support constitutes one of the most provocative moves imaginable, as it implies the dissolution of Israel as a Jewish state. This stance is comparable to the hypothetical scenario of Israel expressing support for Taiwan’s independence – a line Israel has never crossed, even at the nadir of its relations with Beijing.
This endorsement, expressed by China’s top statesmen for the first time in decades following the October 7 attack, marks a stark and provocative shift. By adopting a stance that Israel perceives as existentially threatening, China has decisively abandoned the remnants of its cautious diplomatic approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict maintained over recent decades.
This, far from signaling a genuine commitment to active participation in Middle Eastern politics and reshaping the region’s political landscape, serves Beijing’s broader anti-Western narrative and appeals to Global South (Latin America, Africa, and most of Asia and Oceania) nations.
While Beijing likely understands how profoundly its support of the “right of return” will be perceived in Israel – if not, it represents a significant failure on the part of both Israeli and Chinese diplomacy – it appears to have calculated that the anticipated diplomatic gains among Muslim-majority and other Global South nations outweigh the potential damage to its relations with Israel.
This calculation likely reflects Beijing’s assessment of its limited prospects for deepened ties with Israel and, perhaps, an overestimation of Israel’s capacity for forgiveness. It also indicates China’s lack of interest in taking part in the political and strategic restructuring of the region, a role that requires substantial involvement in regional processes (which it avoids) or at least a minimal degree of neutrality.
China's anti-Israel rhetoric
China’s most recent anti-Israeli rhetoric, including an editorial in the Chinese Communist Party-owned China Daily accusing Israel of exploiting Hamas’s October 7 attack for territorial expansion and aligning with the United States’ strategic interests in the region, reflects Beijing’s reluctance to even feign neutrality.
Rather than fostering diplomatic channels or taking proactive steps to mediate, China has amplified a narrative that bolsters its opposition to perceived Western hegemony. This approach aligns with its long-standing preference for leveraging the Middle East as a theater for ideological posturing rather than substantive intervention.
AT THE same time, China’s economic ties to the region, particularly its dependence on Middle Eastern hydrocarbons, have expanded significantly, with trade volumes reaching hundreds of billions of dollars. Yet this economic footprint has not translated into a proportionate political or security engagement.
For instance, despite its vocal support for the Palestinian cause, China has neither leveraged its considerable economic influence over Israel to advance Israel-Palestine talks prior to the outbreak of the war nor provided substantial aid to Palestinian factions after October 7.
Its aid contributions, amounting to several million dollars in practice and a $69 million pledge for Gaza, pale compared to contributions from other nations and demonstrate its limited commitment to altering the regional status quo.
Furthermore, China’s reluctance to engage in meaningful diplomatic or security efforts, such as using its influence on Iran to restrain the overall situation or investing in long-term peacebuilding, highlights its detachment from the region’s most pressing challenges.
Even its calls for an international peace conference lack the depth and follow-through necessary to position Beijing as a credible player in Middle Eastern politics.
China’s Middle East posture, including its strident anti-Israeli rhetoric, should be viewed within the framework of its broader geopolitical strategy. This approach reflects a deliberate choice to prioritize economic ties and ideological positioning over political-strategic engagement in regions beyond its traditional sphere of influence.
By aligning itself with the Palestinian cause and harshly criticizing Israel’s actions, China seeks to bolster its standing among Muslim-majority countries and the Global South, reinforcing its narrative as a counterweight to US influence.
However, this strategy comes at the cost of alienating Israel and diminishing its credibility as a constructive arbiter in the region, should it choose to pursue such a role. Beijing’s support for contentious issues like the right of return highlights its preference for symbolic gestures over meaningful intervention, reaffirming its role as an opportunistic observer rather than an active participant in the region’s complex geopolitics.
Consequently, it is essential for decision-makers to understand the implications of China’s strategy – or lack thereof – for future regional alignments and political processes.
While China’s economic presence in the Middle East will continue expanding, its reluctance to engage substantively in the region’s political affairs persists, limiting its potential to serve as a constructive transformative actor. Similarly, despite implicit indications, or hopes, that China’s diplomatic stance on Israel might have moderated following recent developments in the war, such a shift is yet to materialize.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-835910
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Reflections On Resilience And Hope As Israel Welcomes 2025
By Jonathan Lieberman
January 4, 2025
As the clock struck midnight, the fireworks began, and we stepped into the new year of 2025, I couldn’t help thinking of the profound wisdom in the saying, “Time is like a river. You cannot touch the same water twice because the flow that has passed will never pass again. Enjoy every moment in your life.”
This quote captures the fleeting nature of time and the preciousness of each moment we are given. It urges us to savor life, to live with intention, and to hold gratitude close to our hearts – even in the face of profound challenges.
For many of us in Israel, 2024 was a year of unprecedented hardship. We endured terrible loss of life, disabling injuries, displacement from our homes, and the ever-looming shadow of war.
Yet, amid the sorrow and trials, our resilience as a nation has shone brightly. Together, we have faced adversity with courage, compassion, and determination. This strength is something we should carry forward into the year ahead, not as a dismissal of our pain but as a testament to our capacity to endure and rebuild.
As we enter 2025, we cannot forget the 100 hostages who remain in captivity, held by Hamas for over 400 days. Their absence weighs heavily on all of us, a reminder of the human cost of conflict and the unfinished chapter in our collective story. These individuals are not just names or numbers; they are mothers, fathers, children, siblings, and friends.
They represent the pain and yearning of families who spend each day waiting for their loved ones to return home. As a nation, we must reaffirm our commitment: We will not rest until they are safely reunited with us. Our joy in moving forward is incomplete until every hostage is free and every family feels whole again.
The challenges of the past year have underscored the importance of unity and shared purpose. We have witnessed countless acts of bravery and kindness – from those who have defended our borders to those who have offered shelter, comfort, and aid to the displaced.
Communities have come together to rebuild homes, provide medical care, and offer solace to those grieving. These acts of solidarity remind us of our shared humanity and the enduring spirit that binds us together.
Yet, even as we reflect on our trials, we must also allow ourselves to dream of a better future. Optimism does not negate our pain; rather, it empowers us to strive for a brighter tomorrow.
As we rebuild and recover, let us channel our energy into creating a society that values life, dignity, and peace above all else. Let us invest in education, innovation, and the well-being of our people so that future generations can thrive in a world shaped by hope rather than fear.
We are all part of this together
EACH OF US has a role to play in this journey. Whether through small acts of kindness or larger contributions to our communities, we can all make a difference.
We can honour those we have lost by living lives that reflect their values and dreams. We can support those who continue to suffer by offering our time, resources, and unwavering solidarity. And we can work toward a future where such hardships become a distant memory.
As we stand at the threshold of 2025, let us also remember the importance of cherishing the present. The river of time flows relentlessly, carrying us forward, but it is in the present moment that we find life’s true richness.
Spend time with loved ones, celebrate small victories, and find joy in the simple pleasures of everyday life. These moments, fleeting as they may be, are the ones that truly define us.
To our brave soldiers, our selfless medical professionals, our tireless volunteers, and every citizen who has contributed to our collective resilience – thank you. Your efforts have shone brightly in dark times.
To the families of the hostages and those who continue to bear the scars of loss and displacement – we see you, we stand with you, and we will continue to fight for your justice and peace.
Let us take a moment to reflect on the lessons of the past year. Hardship has shown us the strength of our unity. Loss has reminded us of the value of life. And the ongoing challenges have taught us the importance of perseverance and hope.
These lessons will guide us as we navigate the river of time, helping us to cherish each moment and strive for a future where peace and prosperity prevail.
As we move forward, let us hold onto the belief that brighter days lie ahead. Let us remain steadfast in our commitment to justice, freedom, and the well-being of all our citizens. And let us never lose sight of the power of love, compassion, and community to heal even the deepest wounds.
May 2025 be a year of healing and renewal for all of us. May it bring the safe return of our hostages, the rebuilding of our homes and communities, and the rekindling of hope in every heart. And may we, as a nation, continue to stand together, united by our shared values and our unwavering commitment to a better future.
To everyone reading this message, take a moment to appreciate the present and embrace the possibilities of the new year. Time flows like a river, and while we cannot touch the same water twice, what we can do is cherish each drop as it passes.
Let this be a year where we honor our past, embrace our present, and build a future that reflects the best of who we are, individually and as a nation that stands largely alone but proudly on the side of right and justice.
Happy New Year, Israel. Here’s to 2025 – a year of return, resilience, hope, and unity.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-835906
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‘The Palestine Exception’: How Anti-Israel Voices Cry Suppression While Silencing Others
By Robert Horenstein
January 4, 2025
In September 2015, a 124-page report was issued by the far-left Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) and an organization called Palestine Legal. The report, entitled, “The Palestine Exception to Free Speech,” described a movement in support of Palestinian rights that is “under attack in the US.” It alleged that pro-Palestinian activists were being systematically silenced by “Israel advocacy groups.”
Although the report garnered little attention from the American Jewish community at the time, the claim that Palestinian voices are being suppressed should sound very familiar nine years later. Notably, both the CCR and Palestine Legal, which vocally supported the Hamas-friendly protests that erupted on college campuses after October 7, 2023, are continuing to allege that an organized (Read: Zionist) campaign is censoring pro-Palestinian faculty and student speech.
The claim has gained traction. A petition initiated in December 2023 by the Faculty for Justice in Palestine at Syracuse University denouncing “the increasingly repressive climate on our campuses across the US” has been signed by over 1,150 scholars. In November, several schools and departments of Portland State University co-sponsored a screening of The Palestine Exception, a film directed by two PSU professors about university policies that are purportedly stifling pro-Palestinian activism.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-835384
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Calls To ‘End The War In Gaza’ Before Hamas Is Defeated Risk Us Repeating Painful Past
By Moshe Phillips
January 4, 2025
The question of whether American Jews should criticize Israel has nothing to do with free speech, or democracy, or peace in the Middle East. It has everything to do with the real-life consequences that Israelis suffer when they bow to criticism from abroad.
In a recent JTA op-ed, Rabbi Jill Jacobs called on American Jews to pressure Israel to “end the war in Gaza.” That might sound appealing at first glance. After all, war is bad. Everyone wants wars to end. But what would be the real-life consequences for Israelis if Israel ceased firing at Hamas now, before victory has been achieved?
Today, the war in Gaza is in large part a police operation. Israeli forces are mopping up the last several thousand of the terrorists who raged through southern Israel 14 months ago. The Israeli army is no longer engaged in large-scale battles or continual air strikes. Israeli security forces are simply going house to house in search of Hamas killers.
If killers were on the loose in any American neighborhood — surely the residents would want the police to hunt them down. I doubt anybody would be urging the police to “end the war.” Yet if the critics of Israel somehow succeeded in pressuring Israel’s leaders to “end the war,” several thousand killers would escape justice.
Real-life consequence of 'ending the war' before victory
Let’s consider another real-life consequence of “ending the war” prior to victory. If Israel enters into a one-sided ceasefire against Hamas before Hamas is completely destroyed, then Hamas will remain in power in Gaza.
Yes, the same Hamas that treats Arab women like third-class citizens, prevents them from entering many professions, and campaigns for them to wear a hijab to obscure most of their faces. Hamas courts have ruled that Gazan women need the permission of a male guardian just to travel.
For many left-of-center critics of Israel who support women’s equality, surely that is a nightmare scenario. Yet that would be the real-life consequence of what they are demanding from Israel today.
Let’s consider another real-life consequence: Israelis cite the foreign pressure and criticism that helped bring about Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza in 2005. The real-life consequence was years of Hamas rockets being fired at kindergartens in southern Israel, culminating in the vicious atrocities of Oct. 7. Once again, demands for withdrawal in the name of “peace” only brought more war.
Israelis also point to the tremendous pressure and criticism from abroad that helped bring about Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000. The real-life consequence was that Hezbollah was able to build up an arsenal of 150,000 rockets, with which it has tormented Israel, provoked multiple wars, and driven tens of thousands of Israeli families from their homes. Demands for withdrawal in the name of “peace” only brought more war.
In my many conversations with Israelis — as a pro-Israel activist for decades, as a delegate to the World Zionist Congress, and today as national chairman of a pro-Israel organization — the sentiment I have heard expressed the most often is profound frustration at this gap between what left-wing Diaspora critics advocate, and what ordinary Israelis experience.
So here is my plea to left-of-center American Jews who are considering whether or not to publicly criticize Israel: Think carefully about the potential real-life consequences that others may suffer because of your actions. No matter how lofty your rhetoric or intentions, there is a real world out there, one where Hamas kidnappers and Hezbollah rockets have exacted a steep price.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-836029
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PA’s Brutal Siege On Jenin Only Deepens Its Crisis Of Legitimacy
3 Jan 2025
On December 28, young journalism student Shatha Sabbagh stepped out of her house in the occupied West Bank city of Jenin, with her mother and the two young children of her sister. A moment later, she was shot in the head and killed by a sniper’s bullet. She was just 21 years old.
Shatha was killed in the same refugee camp where veteran journalist Shireen Abu Akleh was assassinated by the Israeli regime in 2022. Yet, Shatha was killed not by an Israeli regime soldier. According to her family, the bullet that took her life was fired by the Palestinian Authority Security Forces (PASF).
For the last month, the PASF has laid siege to the Jenin refugee camp, in a coordinated effort with the Israelis, as part of its efforts to crack down on armed resistance in the northern West Bank.
While the Palestinian Authority (PA) managed to subdue resistance to the Israeli occupation in many other urban hubs through threats and oppression, in the north there remain pockets where armed resistance groups are still present. The city of Jenin, and especially its refugee camp, where both Shireen and Shatha were killed, is one such pocket. This is why the camp, which is home to more than 15,000 people, has come to be seen as a symbol of resistance and steadfastness and very much a thorn in the PASF’s side.
Indeed, the PA’s very existence is reliant on stamping out such resistance to the Israeli regime in all areas under its supposed control. As such, it continuously coordinates its actions with the Israeli army, and utilises tactics of oppression that are often indistinguishable from theirs. In fact, one could easily mistake PASF for the Israeli army, if it weren’t for their different uniforms.
And as the Israelis continue with their genocide in Gaza, the PASF embarked on their very own extensive act of aggression against Jenin. They laid a relentless siege on the refugee camp, cutting off water, electricity and banning the entry of most basic supplies. The PASF also stationed snipers on rooftops and placed checkpoints in the streets, in order to limit the movement of resistance fighters.
There are also reports of beatings, arrests and torture. A team from the Palestinian Red Crescent Society testified to being detained, beaten and interrogated for two and a half days while they were trying to deliver medications to besieged families.
In a video doing the rounds on Palestinian social media two men are being forced to stand on one leg and recite “the President Abu Mazen [Mahmoud Abbas] is God” over and over. In another video, members of the PASF are beating a young man senseless apparently for criticising the PA’s siege on Jenin refugee camp. Perhaps unsurprisingly, many are using the word “shabiha” to describe the PASF – a term commonly used for forces and groups that were loyal to Syria’s former dictator Bashar al-Assad.
Residents of the camp have taken to the streets in protest and have called for the PA to halt its brutal assault, and put an end to bloodshed between kin. But these calls have been ignored. Instead, the PASF is insisting that the resistance fighters either give up their weapons or leave the camp, both of which they have categorically refused to do. How this plays out is yet to be seen, but what is certain is that more Palestinian blood will be spilled before it ends.
For the PA leadership, the operation in Jenin is part of a much larger picture – one that allows it to position itself as the body to take over Gaza after a ceasefire. The logic is that if the PA can prove that it can quell and even eliminate the armed resistance in the West Bank, Israel and the United States will facilitate its installation in Gaza. However, while the Biden administration has indicated that it would support a PA takeover, the Netanyahu government has made no such indication and on the contrary, has categorically stated that it would refuse such a scenario. Nonetheless, the PA leadership continues to play its role as native enforcer in the hope of more scraps from the master’s table.
As if to prove its guilt and pour more salt to the wound, the PA recently announced its decision to suspend Al Jazeera’s operations in the occupied West Bank, as a punishment for its coverage of Jenin. The PA follows in the footsteps of the Israeli government which also banned the media network in May 2024, in direct response to its coverage of the ongoing genocide in Gaza.
Whilst the PA leadership’s treachery and security coordination with the Israeli regime is nothing new, its ongoing siege of Jenin has carried its betrayal of the Palestinian people to a whole new level. Its casual spilling of civilian blood, and the shabiha-style beatings and torture, demonstrate that it is more than willing to cross red lines unlikely to ever be forgotten or forgiven by the Palestinian people. None of this bodes well for the longevity of a leadership already suffering from a crisis of legitimacy for its failure to take a meaningful stand against the ongoing genocide in Gaza.
https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2025/1/3/pas-brutal-siege-on-jenin-only-deepens-its-crisis-of-legitimacy
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Turkiye And EU’s Middle East Strategy
Dr. Sinem Cengiz
January 03, 2025
Turkiye-EU relations entered into a critical era with the onset of the Arab uprisings in 2011, as they brought serious security challenges for both sides regarding a region in which they have vital strategic interests. The EU’s concerns even led the European Commission to launch a “positive agenda” in 2012 aimed at addressing shared challenges in the Middle East through close collaboration with Turkiye. The EU states, which stated that both Turkiye and the bloc could be stronger if united, supported the initiative due to Ankara’s strategic significance in the region.
However, due to a lack of convergence regarding their positions on regional developments, as well as the stances of some EU states in regard to Turkiye’s prospective membership of the bloc, they failed to effectively cooperate and benefit from this initiative. Yet, despite the political tensions and disagreements between Turkish and EU leaders, Ankara collaborated with Brussels on critical security matters throughout this era.
Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan on Monday asserted that Turkiye should integrate with Europe to build a more effective power in the region, which would also make the EU more resistant to regional and global challenges. Turkish policymakers believe that if Turkiye had been granted full EU membership back in the early 2000s — often referred to as the golden era of Turkish-EU relations — Europe would have a much more integrated and robust security architecture.
Given its established position within Western security structures, advanced defense industry and proven military capabilities, Turkiye is well positioned to strengthen Europe’s security architecture. The growing security threats, ranging from Russian aggression to instability in the Middle East, further proves Turkiye’s crucial role in supporting Europe’s security.
Given this reality, Fidan called for a shift in Turkiye-EU relations, urging a return to the “pre-Sarkozy” era — a reference to former French President Nicolas Sarkozy, who served from 2007 to 2012. Over recent years, the rise of leaders like Sarkozy, who argued that Turkiye does not belong in Europe, has fueled growing skepticism within the Turkish elite and increased anti-EU sentiment among the public. Clearly, over the years, changes in political leadership across the EU states have not led to a fundamental shift in their core policies toward Turkiye’s membership, as identity politics have continued to hamper Turkiye-EU ties.
Moreover, Turkiye’s tactical hedging, such as its approach toward BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, has further deepened doubts within the EU. Fidan has previously made it clear that Turkiye would not be interested in joining these organizations if it was already an EU member state. This indicates that Ankara is not seriously seeking to join them. Despite the ongoing tensions with the EU, Turkiye’s geostrategic position compels it to seek closer cooperation with Europe. In turn, the EU should abandon its hypocritical stance and recognize Turkiye as a vital partner for collaboration.
In the post-uprisings era, it was the EU that sought Turkish cooperation in the face of regional challenges, rather than the other way round. In March 2016, the EU even signed an agreement with Turkiye aimed at stopping the flow of irregular migration via Turkiye to Europe. However, this deal failed to deliver the anticipated outcomes for Turkish-EU relations.
Ankara now calls for improved ties with the EU on a constructive and results-oriented basis, especially after the visit of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen to Ankara last month, which indicated a desire on both sides to restart a high-level political dialogue. Fidan announced they had agreed in principle to hold a Turkiye-EU summit in 2025 to coordinate on how to proceed on all these issues. On Thursday, Fidan also welcomed his Belgian counterpart, Bernard Quintin, as his first guest of the year. They discussed the recent developments in Syria, the Ukraine war and Turkiye’s EU accession.
A new window of opportunity is now opening for the EU to cooperate with Turkiye. So, why is having Turkiye on board key to the EU’s regional strategy?
With the collapse of the Assad regime, Syria, which previously fundamentally altered the dynamics of Turkiye-EU relations, could serve as a key starting point for cooperation. The fall of the Assad regime last month marked a turning point for Syria that will have far-reaching consequences not only for the region but also for Europe.
Following discussions with the Turkish leadership, Von der Leyen indicated that the EU would enhance its engagement with the new authority that ousted Bashar Assad. Syria has become the focal point for both Turkiye and EU member states. Ankara is likely to emphasize that the current moment presents a historic opportunity in Syria, one that could serve as a turning point for both regional stability and Europe’s security.
The new administration in Syria needs international support for the country’s reconstruction and the safe return of refugees. Undoubtedly, the issue of Syrian refugees returning home will be a central focus of European political discussions. While this is a time of considerable uncertainty in Syria and the region overall, it also presents a unique opportunity for cooperation.
Instead of focusing solely on short-term plans for refugee repatriation, Europe should also prioritize supporting Turkiye in aiding Syria’s reconstruction and acknowledge the successful integration of the Syrians that want to stay within the EU. This strategy can only be achieved through close cooperation with Turkiye, which has emerged as a key player in the post-Assad era.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2585155
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