Middle East Press On: PKK, Coachella, Islamic, Republic, Iran, Fatwa: New Age Islam's Selection, 23 April 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
23 April 2025
Can Türkiye End Its Decades-Long Conflict with The PKK?
Honouring The Past: The Opening of Türkiye’s Grand National Assembly and Its Legacy
Coachella’s Anti-Israel Moment Shows How Truth Is Lost in The Crowd
Trump, If You're Reading This: Bring My Husband Home from Gaza
Israel Needs to Regain the Confidence to Pre-Emptively Strike Threats
Why The Islamic Republic of Iran Threatens Israel, The West, And Its Own People
Breaking Down Netanyahu’s ‘No Choice’ Narrative
Fatwa Chaos Deepens Gaza's Suffering
Gaza’s Unquenchable Thirst: The Water Tragedy Amid Relentless Bombardment and Total Blockade
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Can Türkiye End Its Decades-Long Conflict with The PKK?
By Sibel Düz
Apr 23, 2025
Türkiye’s approach to the PKK conflict has undergone a profound strategic transformation – one that may now be nearing a historic culmination. From the early days of military confrontation to today’s intricate web of political, intelligence and diplomatic tools, Ankara has shifted from counter-force to counter-value and finally, to non-conventional warfare. This evolution is not simply tactical – it represents a comprehensive recalibration of how Türkiye seeks to dismantle the PKK’s influence across multiple geographies.
In this context, Abdullah Öcalan’s Feb. 27, 2025, declaration – urging the PKK and all affiliated entities to disarm and dissolve – cannot be dismissed as a mere symbolic gesture. Though not a direct consequence of Türkiye’s current strategy, his call is inextricably linked to it. The timing and substance of his message reflect the new terrain upon which this conflict now unfolds. The question is no longer whether the PKK can be defeated militarily; it is whether the group can survive politically in an environment where its legitimacy is actively eroded, its international support curtailed and its internal cohesion systematically undermined.
What follows is a strategic race between fragmentation and reinvention. Will the PKK’s leadership coalesce around Öcalan’s message, embracing a non-violent political path within Türkiye’s constitutional framework? Or will splintered cadres, some influenced by spoiler actors such as Iran and Israel, radicalize further, destabilizing both the movement and the region? Türkiye, for its part, has clearly defined its objective: not the annihilation of the PKK by force alone, but its disassembly through controlled internal dissent, diplomatic encirclement and narrative delegitimization.
Events in Syria and Iraq only heighten the stakes. Öcalan’s appeal extended beyond the PKK’s mountain strongholds to include wings across borders, particularly the YPG in Syria and the political diaspora in Europe. This widening dialogue reflects an understanding that the PKK is no longer a singular, territorial insurgency but a diffuse, transnational network embedded in multiple political and military theaters. The developments following Öcalan’s statement reinforce this regional recalibration.
Fragmentation within PKK
On March 1, the PKK announced a unilateral cease-fire but demanded a “legal framework” from Ankara as a condition for permanence. Just days later, on March 10, the YPG's so-called armed wing SDF signed an eight-point agreement with Syria’s new leadership, outlining a path for integration into the national army and granting local governance rights to regions in the country's north. The deal also included provisions for Daesh-related cooperation and judicial accountability, suggesting that the architecture of a post-conflict order is already under negotiation.
Yet cracks are visible. YPG leader Ferhat Abdi Şahin, code-named "Mazloum Kobani," quickly distanced his forces from Öcalan’s call, emphasizing a separate track with the Syrian administration and conditioning progress on reciprocal steps from Türkiye. Meanwhile, Türkiye’s continued military operations in Iraq and elsewhere – while strategically consistent with its security doctrine – risk being perceived as “duplicity” by actors who must be coaxed into political dialogue.
Nonetheless, Türkiye appears fully committed to leveraging these dynamics. Psychological operations aimed at deepening rifts within the PKK, diplomatic coordination with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), and cautious engagement with Damascus all point to a coordinated regional strategy. Notably, efforts to implement the Sinjar Agreement with Iraqi and Kurdish authorities suggest that Ankara is prepared to institutionalize its security presence in northern Iraq, even as it negotiates the terms of peace.
What we are witnessing is not a softening of policy but the sophistication of power. Türkiye’s campaign against the PKK has become a political dismantling project – one in which battlefield victories are secondary to the erosion of organizational purpose, credibility and support. Öcalan’s statement, therefore, should not be understood in isolation. It is part of a broader strategic narrative – one that aligns with Türkiye’s domestic imperatives for constitutional reform and its regional ambitions to counterbalance Iran and Israel’s spheres of influence.
The risks are substantial. The fragmented nature of the PKK’s leadership structure could make any unified response elusive. Disagreements over the interpretation and implementation of Öcalan’s call could catalyze not reconciliation, but schism and violence. Similarly, the SDF’s integration into Syria’s central command may be seen by local supporters as a betrayal of Kurdish autonomy, potentially inciting grassroots resistance. In parallel, Ankara’s ongoing military operations may erode trust and reinforce the perception of insincerity, further complicating the engagement calculus.
What can be achieved?
Yet the opportunities are equally historic. The cessation of armed conflict would significantly enhance political stability and security not only within Türkiye but also in northern Iraq and Syria. The withdrawal of PKK elements from Sinjar and Qandil could open new avenues for Turkish-Iraqi rapprochement. The SDF’s integration into the Syrian military may serve both the al-Sharaa administration's consolidation and Türkiye’s security interests. U.S. backing of the SDF-Damascus agreement further provides a multilateral context in which peace efforts might gain international traction. Perhaps most importantly, the emphasis on democratic reform provides a rare opening for renewed constitutional dialogue within Türkiye – an opportunity to recalibrate domestic politics in the wake of contentious elections and shifting alliances.
Looking forward, three scenarios emerge. The first is a controlled resolution, wherein Öcalan’s line gains traction within the PKK and the SDF’s integration into Syrian structures proceeds incrementally under international supervision. This would preserve the current balance while creating space for gradual reform. The second, more ominous scenario is a return to chaos, marked by renewed radicalism, the collapse of the agreement in Syria, and the breakdown of fragile trust among stakeholders. The third, and most ambitious, is a structural peace, underpinned by legal reforms, disarmament and a durable political settlement, anchoring regional normalization and democratic renewal.
Among the three outlined scenarios, the controlled resolution appears to be the most plausible given current trajectories. Öcalan's message, while controversial, still holds ideological sway over segments of the PKK’s base, particularly those seeking a political exit from protracted conflict. Türkiye’s “non-conventional warfare” strategy – relying on internal fragmentation, regional diplomacy and psychological operations – indicates a preference for gradual deconstruction rather than total annihilation.
Moreover, the SDF’s incremental integration into Syrian state structures, backed by U.S. support and tolerated by Damascus, suggests that a phased normalization is already in motion. Although the risk of spoilers – particularly from Iran, Israel or hardline PKK factions – remains, they have not yet demonstrated sufficient operational coherence to derail this emerging pathway.
Domestically, Ankara’s push for constitutional reform and post-election recalibration of power may further incentivize a managed political settlement, albeit without the depth required for a fully “Structural Peace.” In contrast, a total breakdown leading to renewed violence – a return to chaos – seems less likely at this stage, though not entirely off the table. Thus, a controlled resolution stands as the most viable and strategically aligned outcome in the near term.
As of 2025, Türkiye stands at a crossroads. The PKK conflict – long a bloody and intractable struggle – may finally be approaching its denouement. Or it may yet mutate into another chapter of instability. The difference will depend not only on military calculus but on the political will to navigate fragmentation, harness diplomacy and institutionalize reform. The coming months will determine whether this moment becomes a missed opportunity or a turning point etched into the annals of regional peace.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/can-turkiye-end-its-decades-long-conflict-with-the-pkk
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Honouring The Past: The Opening Of Türkiye’s Grand National Assembly And Its Legacy
By Ali Satan
Apr 23, 2025
The Ottoman Empire exited World War I with the Armistice of Mondros on Oct. 30, 1918. Following this, the occupation of Ottoman territories, particularly Istanbul, was initiated by the Entente powers. At the Paris Peace Conference, the peace treaty was postponed as the Ottoman Empire's territories could not be shared. In this process, as a result of the occupations of the Entente powers in violation of the armistice, Turks in Anatolia and Thrace began resistance by establishing and organizing up to 400 defense societies. These organizations held more than 30 congresses across the country and formed the social infrastructure of the National Struggle. Mustafa Kemal Pasha's departure to Anatolia with his headquarters as the 9th Army Inspector with wide powers gave a new dimension to the movement of the Defense Law and from then on, the resistance movement managed to gather under a single roof and leader with the same goal in mind.
Meanwhile, the Ottoman Empire was ruled by a constitutional monarchy and the 1876 Code of Laws was in force. The Parliamentary Assembly was dissolved on Dec. 21, 1918, but due to the political conditions, it was not announced when elections would be held. While organizing the resistance on the one hand, the Associations for Defence of National Rights (Müdâfaa-i Hukuk Cemiyetleri) raised the demand for general elections and the opening of Parliament, which was a constitutional obligation, and forced the Istanbul government. In December 1919, the Ottoman Parliamentary Assembly was opened in Istanbul and the Entente powers responded to the Assembly's declaration of the National Pact (Misak-ı Millî), which set the final borders to which the Ottoman Empire could withdraw, by officially occupying Istanbul on March 16, 1920. The Ottoman Parliament was also raided and some of its members were arrested.
On March 17, 1920, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, as the head of the Delegation of Representatives, announced that Parliament would convene in Ankara. With the elections renewed throughout the country, the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM) was opened in Ankara on April 23, 1920. The Grand National Assembly was opened as a continuation of the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies (Meclis-i Mebûsan) and became the symbol of the unity and integrity of the homeland, the sovereignty and independence of the nation against the invasions by adhering to the Sultan and the Constitution. The fact that the Assembly continued its work without breaking the legal and ideological contact with Istanbul was characterized by some authors as the Third Constitutional Monarchy.
On April 24, 1920, elections were held, and Mustafa Kemal Pasha was elected president of the Assembly. Abdulhalim Efendi, Çelebisi Abdulhalim Efendi of Konya Mevlana Dervish Lodge and Cemaleddin Efendi, Çelebisi Cemaleddin Efendi of Hacı Bektaş, the leaders of two important Sufi branches in Anatolia, were elected as deputy presidents.
A government was formed in the Assembly in a short time. First of all, the resistance against the enemy occupation was organized and supported, and new armies were formed. As a result of the Battles of Inönü, the Battle of Sakarya, the Great Offensive and the victory in the Battle of Dumlupınar, the Grand National Assembly government succeeded in expelling the occupying Greek forces from Anatolia. With the Mudanya Armistice, the military aspect of the National Struggle came to a close.
This political and military success gave the TBMM political and moral superiority over Istanbul. The fact that the governments of Ankara and Istanbul were invited separately to the Lausanne Peace Conference created a crisis of representation, and this crisis was resolved by the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye on Nov. 1, 1922, with the abolition of the Sultanate. Thus, Parliament confirmed that it was in control of liberated Türkiye and the delegates of the Turkish Grand National Assembly represented Türkiye at the Lausanne Peace Conference. At the end of the difficult negotiations, the signing of the Lausanne Peace Treaty on July 24, 1923, ushered in a new era of peace for Türkiye. The First Parliament, which fought and won the National Struggle, decided to go to elections again in April 1923, and the peace treaty was ratified by the Second Parliament in August 1923.
History that is not forgotten
The opening of the TBMM in Ankara on April 23, 1920, 105 years ago, and the struggle it waged and succeeded in, contain important and meaningful messages for today. First of all, the sensitivity of the Turkish nation on the issues of independence and freedom must be underlined. It has proven that the Turkish nation does not hesitate to fight against the most powerful states in the world when they are jeopardized. Therefore, in the Türkiye of the 1920s, there was a powerful “state, homeland and nation consciousness,” and if the state was in danger, the nation would take the initiative by organizing itself and taking matters into its own hands.
As a matter of fact, the Turkish nation demonstrated that its stance had not changed by taking to the streets to protect its state against the coup plotters on July 15, 2016. It is also evident that 105 years ago, despite all the adverse conditions, the nation and its organizations from all walks of life gave profound meaning and value to the concept of the “national will.” They were determined and persistent in holding general elections and opening the National Assembly.
Even in the most difficult times for the country, decisions concerning the life of the state and the nation were made not behind closed doors or by secret organizations or parties, but openly by representatives of the country who gathered, consulted and deliberated. They did this as a reflection of both their democratic maturity and their religious convictions. Verses from the Holy Quran recommending consultation were hung on the walls of the Assembly.
The First Assembly was composed of prominent members from each constituency, representing different political views and parties. However, they were united around the idea of the “salvation of the homeland” in Ankara, and there was no party conflict or partisanship until the struggle was won. It was as if the political struggle had been postponed until after the victory.
During the years of the National Struggle, the TBMM succeeded in creating a strong national front against imperialism that embraced all segments of society, ensured national unity and solidarity, and excluded no one. Thus, it adopted a policy of minimizing political and ideological differences as much as possible.
One fact that is often overlooked today – perhaps because more than a century has passed – is that the TBMM viewed the National Struggle in Anatolia as part of a broader struggle for the Islamic world and succeeded in rallying Islamic public opinion to its side. It is essential to note that this was not merely a propaganda effort, but rather a more comprehensive strategy aligned with the prevailing understanding of the time. In fact, despite not being free or independent, significant material and moral support for Türkiye’s National Struggle emerged from across the vast Islamic geography under the colonial rule of England, France and Italy. This support, which disturbed the colonialist powers and influenced Türkiye’s policies, represents an important yet often forgotten international dimension of the TBMM and the National Struggle.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/honoring-the-past-the-opening-of-turkiyes-grand-national-assembly-and-its-legacy
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Coachella’s Anti-Israel Moment Shows How Truth Is Lost In The Crowd
By Jpost Editorial
April 23, 2025
It’s highly improbable that while Syrian president Bashar al-Assad was killing hundreds of thousands of his citizens during the country’s civil war that any artist gracing the stage of Coachella – one of America’s premier music festivals – flashed a huge message across the screen to the massive crowd and to the world reading “F*** Assad, Free Syria.”
But at this year’s festival, which took place last week, popular Irish hip-hop group Kneecap did just that – only the target of its wrath wasn’t Syria, or Iran, or any other brutal regime that has caused massive death and destruction: it was against Israel.
The group began a chant of “Free, free...” and many in the crowd of 125,000 shouted back “PALESTINE!” It got louder and louder as a giant screen behind them projected a series of messages accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza and condemning the United States for its support for Israel’s military.
The messages concluded with a massive reading: “F*** Israel. Free Palestine.”
Besides the festival-goers, the scene was beamed by a popular streamer on the Twitch platform to his millions of followers, making the event truly international.
The troubling incident came a couple of days after rock superstars Green Day performed at the festival and changed the lyrics of a song to include “Running away from pain like the kids from Palestine.”
On the surface, does it really matter what slogans a sea of stoned kids, who probably couldn’t tell Palestinian from Pakistani, chant like sheep when the artists onstage, whom they revere, lead the chant?
The answer is yes, it does.
It’s heartening that people are upset about the loss of innocent lives and the carnage of war. But when they turn the victims into the aggressors, it’s indicative of either a very short memory or of a sinister agenda against a country defending itself from those who would actually commit genocide if given the opportunity.
On October 7, at another festival called the Nova in southern Israel, where some of the same music was probably playing, thousands of similarly aged attendees were hunted down like prey, shot while hiding inside portable toilets and shelters, burned alive in cars, or dragged alive into captivity.
As noted, US musician and author Peter Himmelman wrote on his blog this week about the Coachella travesty, “The memory of the brutal massacre at the nearly identical Nova music festival was completely erased. The rapes, the torture, the kidnappings – gone. October 7 vanished into the desert air, replaced by an easy-to-chant slogan and a false sense of righteousness. No mention of Hamas. No mention of the hostages. No complexity. Just one message: Israel is the oppressive villain, Hamas and its supporters are the righteous defenders of freedom and justice. And anyone who says otherwise? Suspect.”
Himmelman wrote that the theater on display at Coachella against Israel wasn’t only grotesque, it was dangerous.
As we gather on Wednesday night and Thursday on Holocaust Remembrance Day to remember the six million Jews who perished at the hands of the Nazis, it’s imperative to remember that as more time passes, the more the deniers are going to come out of the woodwork. Keeping the memory and the stories of the victims and the survivors alive for future generations is the mission that all of us must undertake.
That lesson is just as pertinent for the victims and survivors of October 7. It didn’t take a few years or decades to turn them into the aggressors. As displayed in giant, profane neon letters for the whole world to see, it’s now mainstream for Israel to be blamed for the horrors that have taken place in Gaza.
As new US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee said this week when asked by a representative of the World Health Organization to put pressure on Israel to let humanitarian aid into Gaza: Why isn’t the world pressuring Hamas to free the hostages and surrender its arms?
Of course, when a popular hip-hop group is leading a chant that ignites thousands of ignorant youth – the leaders of tomorrow – to shout out “F*** Israel, Free Palestine,” any logic or sense of reasoning has been lost to herd mentality.
If that trend isn’t pushed back and somehow reversed, if it becomes mainstream to support homicidal terrorists, then it’s going to be a dangerous world indeed – and not just for Israel.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-851129
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Trump, If You're Reading This: Bring My Husband Home from Gaza
By Lishay Miran-Lavi
April 23, 2025
My husband, Omri Miran, has been held hostage by Hamas terrorists in Gaza for over 18 months. He was kidnapped before the eyes of our two young daughters on October 7, 2023, after armed terrorists broke into our home and held our family at gunpoint for hours. We have strong indications that he is alive, and at 48, he is considered the oldest living hostage still in Gaza.
As a proud Zionist and patriotic Israeli, what I’m about to say is painful – but it must be said: Today, I have more faith in the US administration, led by President Donald Trump, to bring my daughters’ father home than I do in my own government. Trump and his special envoy, Ambassador Steve Witkoff, have become a source of hope for our family and for the families of the 59 remaining hostages. I cannot say the same for the man leading Israel’s negotiations.
Trump and Witkoff earned our trust by playing a crucial role in securing the January 2025 ceasefire and hostage release deal, which brought back 33 hostages – 25 of them alive. That agreement was meant to be only the first phase. The second phase – intended to secure the release of all remaining hostages, including Omri – was supposed to begin within 16 days.
But in mid-February, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu suddenly restructured Israel’s negotiation team. He removed the heads of Israel’s intelligence agencies – the same people who helped secure both the January deal and the earlier November 2023 deal that freed 100 hostages – and replaced them with his closest confidant, Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer.
Dermer is a longtime political loyalist with no relevant background in complex crisis negotiations, no experience dealing with non-state actors like Hamas, and no fluency in Arabic or deep expertise in the Palestinian arena.
As a wife desperate to bring her husband home, I tried to stay optimistic. Dermer, I told myself, has the prime minister’s full trust – maybe that would speed things up. My hope was to see Omri return by Passover, which this year coincided with his 48th birthday.
But that hope faded quickly. Unlike Witkoff, who engages directly and pragmatically with all sides and avoids political games, Dermer’s approach has felt cautious, rigid, and politically calculated. His leadership over the past two months has coincided with stagnation and missed opportunities. Many families now believe that political considerations – not humanitarian urgency or legitimate security concerns – may be driving Israel’s approach.
This fear was reinforced during a recent meeting Dermer held with two hostage families, where he referred to a “timeframe of three to six months” for securing their release – a gut-punching statement that betrays how detached he is from the reality underground.
Time is running out for the remaining hostages
Forty-one hostages kidnapped alive on October 7 have already died in captivity. With the war now fully resumed, and with Netanyahu committing to continue it at the expense of seeking a comprehensive deal to release all hostages – even if it means ending the war – how many more will survive another four to six months of hunger, suffocation, and bombings?
None of this excuses the main culprit and perpetrator, Hamas. They are a genocidal terror group, fully responsible for the suffering of both Israelis and Gazans since October 7. But that does not absolve Israel of the need to lead this fight with competence and urgency.
Dermer, a career politician, simply lacks the background and temperament for hostage diplomacy. His leadership has turned the process bureaucratic and slow, disconnected from the desperation of those of us waiting every minute for a phone call, a sign, a miracle.
He seems more focused on how each move affects the prime minister’s political standing than on the hostages’ fate. It feels, to many of us, like politics has taken priority over people.
Yet, despite our growing frustration, our faith in Trump and Witkoff remains strong. They understand what this moment demands: moral clarity, strategic focus, and a sense of life-or-death urgency.
If they are reading this, my one plea is this: Take matters into your own hands. Do not allow any other party to delay, water down, or politicize the mission. You proved once that you can get it done. We believe you can do it again.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-851131
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Israel Needs to Regain The Confidence To Pre-Emptively Strike Threats
By David Jablinowitz
April 23, 2025
In recent conversations with audiences in North America, I threw out a sentence and asked to be challenged. I stated that Israel had not acted in a pre-emptive manner since 1967. My assertion was made in the context of a discussion regarding the Six Day War.
Before that war began, the armies of Arab states had been massing on Israel’s borders. Arab leaders were threatening Israel with annihilation. The US and France warned Israel not to strike first. The tiny Jewish state took the threats of the Arab states seriously, and did not heed the American and French warnings.
Israel pre-empted. Israel struck first. The result: Within a week, the State of Israel had expanded to include a unified Jerusalem, Judea and Samaria, Gaza Strip, Sinai Peninsula, and Golan Heights.
On the other hand, when Israel faced threatening enemy military movements and warnings of an imminent war just six years later, in 1973, it did not take the threats seriously. The result was the devastating outbreak of the Yom Kippur War.
The holiest day on the Jewish calendar, Yom Kippur, would take on a different dimension. The spiritual holiness of the day was transformed into an occasion of national trauma which lasted decades.
Yet, 50 years and one day later – October 6, 1973, to October 7, 2023 – it happened again. Once more, there were intelligence warnings. Once more, there were tell-tale signs of movements on the border.
Would we act as we did in 1967, or would we demonstrate denial as we did in 1973? We all know the answer. Hostages are still held in Gaza; the war continues.
In response to my statement to the various audiences regarding 1967 as the last case of an Israeli pre-emptive action, I justifiably received pushback. The immediate thought that came to the minds of a number of the participants in the discussion was the June 1981 Israel Air Force attack on a nuclear reactor under construction in Iraq.
I noted to the participants that Israel also acknowledged an attack on a Syrian reactor in the works in 2007, though it took over a decade for that confirmation to come, in 2018.
From the air, Israel reportedly has acted periodically to prevent supplies from reaching its enemies. Often Israeli media couch their descriptions of specific strikes as “according to foreign reports.” For their part, Israeli political or military leaders hint at such action, making headlines with their comments but at the same time leaving enough ambiguity to avoid direct Israeli confirmation.
Incidents have frequently been reported close to Israel, such as attacks on supplies from Iran to Hezbollah, arriving in Syria to be transported into Lebanon. There have also been airstrikes on Sudan, a couple of thousand kilometers away from Israel. Here, too, the objective was said to be thwarting the transfer of Iranian arms, in this case preventing them from reaching Hamas in the Gaza Strip.
Short of claiming responsibility, an often-stated Israeli catchphrase is that the Jewish state has a long arm which can reach anywhere necessary. Israeli political and security sources have stated with great confidence over the years that certain operations that were carried out would never be uncovered.
All the intrigue attached to the longer-range operations, however, takes us back to Israel’s policy right along its own borders. Connecting the dots between the different types of responses to the threats from afar as opposed to those at Israel’s doorstep are statements that were made between 1973 and 2023.
The time frame was the 1990s. The circumstances were the secret talks taking place in Oslo which were later publicly revealed, and which led to the establishment of the self-rule Palestinian Authority in Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza Strip. Intricate talks took place, over the course of time, regarding security arrangements, including the issue of where Israel could take risks to hand over security control to Palestinian forces.
Ultimately, the Oslo process, as it became known, collapsed. But before it did, various Israeli officials were looking for ways to save it. An ironclad doctrine that had guided the Israeli mainstream political and security echelons was that the Jordan Valley shall remain Israel’s eastern security border.
However, as “territorial compromise” became a term with which we were getting increasingly familiar, voices were being heard stating the position that modern technology was making the exact location of borders on the ground a less significant element in determining the region’s future.
The logic of this argument was that we were entering an era when the far greater security threat was from the air and from afar, with the development of advanced missile systems. The more conventional cross-border warfare was now less of a threat, according to this argument. What is more, the land threat could be countered through technological warning systems as opposed to relying on military and security personnel, according to experts who were promoting this strategic outlook.
Israel and Jordan signed a peace treaty in 1994, and their common border has been relatively very quiet. With the collapse of the Oslo process, the PA never became a state, despite what some in the international community might think, and Israel stopped handing over territory to the Palestinians.
However, reading the just-mentioned updated security doctrine of some 25-30 years ago regarding land border strategy should send chills down the spine of anyone reviewing the events of October 7, 2023.
Initial findings publicized so far regarding what happened on that Simchat Torah morning speak of an underestimation of the clear and present danger posed by the situation on the ground at the Gaza-Israel border. The feeling, whether within the Israeli military establishment, the political establishment, or both, was that the impending threat was nothing worse than what would necessitate another targeted killing or two, an isolated operation, knocking out some rocket launchers from the air, and that would be it, at least for the moment. Hamas would be deterred.
Does Israel have control of its own defense?
THERE IS much more that goes into deciding on Israeli security moves than can be included within an article of this length. Still, two major aspects of Israeli security that have been addressed specifically over the past week are at the core of what’s been described here.
From afar, there is the ongoing threat posed by Iran’s nuclear program. Did US President Donald Trump put the brakes on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s plan to attack? On the other hand, right across Israel’s border, in the Gaza Strip, there are still 59 hostages.
Is Israel struggling to show the same self-confidence in Gaza that it is willing to show in the skies over Iran? Is it not possible to make a deal to gain the release of our hostages? Sure, tell the world that you’re ending the war. Then, hopefully at a moment when no one expects it, and you detect an opportunity to destroy Hamas, go for it.
The same long Israeli arm that is not afraid to attack, no matter how far away and no matter what the international reaction, must certainly also have a shorter arm to fight back on its own doorstep to do what it has to do.
Do we not think that we can win this war on our own terms? Those terms should mean the hostages come home, and then when the world complains that we’ve resumed the fight, we stand up for our just cause.
In 1967, Israel pre-empted when its neighbours wanted to destroy it. In 2025, the threat is still there. The Israeli mind-set in response should be the same.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-851107
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Why The Islamic Republic Of Iran Threatens Israel, The West, And Its Own People
By Kian Shirazi
April 22, 2025
From the outset, the Islamic Republic of Iran has nurtured a deep-rooted ideological hostility toward the Jewish people and the state of Israel. This animosity became clear from the early days of the revolution when Ruhollah Khomeini welcomed Yasser Arafat as his first foreign guest and swiftly renamed the Israeli Embassy in Tehran to the “Embassy of Palestine.”
However, the Shiite clerical regime’s antisemitism did not begin with the revolution. Long before the rise of the Islamic Republic, the clerical establishment harbored resentment toward Jews. Upon seizing power, Khomeini’s regime confiscated successful businesses, factories, and commercial properties belonging to Iranian Jews, transferring them to regime-controlled institutions.
The regime’s radicalism was reinforced through an unofficial alliance with leftist groups closely tied to the Soviet Union. This alliance solidified Iran’s anti-American, anti-Western, and anti-Israel ideology.
Under Khamenei, regime orchestrated terror attacks
Following Khomeini’s death, Ali Khamenei assumed power. Under his leadership, the regime orchestrated terrorist attacks, including the bombing of the AMIA Jewish center in Argentina, which killed nearly ninety Jews. Khamenei also denied the Holocaust—a historical atrocity—and stated that Israel would cease to exist within twenty-five years.
Throughout the Islamic Republic’s existence, it has sponsored numerous terrorist attacks against Israeli embassies and Jewish communities worldwide, often attempting to kidnap and kill Jews. The wealth of the Iranian people, which could have been used for healthcare, infrastructure, and education, has instead been funneled into supporting Hezbollah, Hamas, and other terrorist organizations, furthering attacks on Jews.
The October 7 terrorist attack, planned under Khamenei’s orders and carried out by the IRGC, brought the specter of another Holocaust to the Jewish people. More than 1,200 innocent Israeli civilians were murdered in a brutal act of terror, a tragedy that spared no one, including infants and the unborn.
The Islamic Republic, a barbaric regime that has held Iran hostage for over four decades, continues to spread false narratives, claiming the real enemy is external. Yet, the Iranian people themselves are the true hostages of this oppressive regime.
Despite repeated uprisings—the student protests of 1999, the Green Movement of 2009, the nationwide protests of December 2017, the November 2019 uprising against economic corruption, and the 2022 Mahsa Amini movement—the people of Iran have been met with bullets, imprisonments, torture, and killings.
In Iranian prisons, many have been subjected to sexual torture and abuse.
The people of Iran have consistently raised their voices: • “Not Gaza, not Lebanon—my life for Iran!” • “Our enemy is right here; they lie when they say it’s America!”
In recent months, the regime has seen a significant loss of influence over groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, Bashar al-Assad’s regime, and even the Hashd al-Shaabi militias in Iraq.
Anyone who has engaged with the people of Iran—from students to professors, doctors to ordinary citizens—knows that the vast majority of Iranians seek the complete overthrow of the Islamic Republic.
But the reality is stark. The Iranian people ask, “Every time we take to the streets, the regime kills us, tortures us, rapes us. If only the U.S. and Israel would put an end to this regime once and for all!”
Meanwhile, regime-affiliated lobbyists continue to deceive the world, suggesting that everything will change after Khamenei’s death. This is a dangerous lie.
Do not fall for this narrative. Iran’s history and cultural background are vastly different from Iraq and Syria, and it is the Islamic Republic itself that has caused the instability in both nations.
The Iranian people are now waiting for a decisive response from the U.S. and Israel.
They must remember: 1. If this regime remains in power, it will continue its terrorism at the first opportunity.
2. If the Islamic Republic survives, radical Islamists worldwide will be emboldened to carry out their own campaigns of terror.
The focus must be the downfall of the entire regime, not just one faction. The Iranian people have already made their choice: they stand alongside Israel and the U.S. against the Islamic Republic.
Now, the world must answer:
• Hasn’t the time come for the Jewish people to live without fear?
• Can peace and safety be achieved while the Islamic Republic remains in power?
This is the question history will ask.
The Iranian people have already chosen their side. They stand with Israel and the U.S., rejecting the Islamic Republic, again and.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-851120
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Breaking Down Netanyahu’s ‘No Choice’ Narrative
By Ramona Wadi
April 22, 2025
According to Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel has no choice but to keep fighting in Gaza. There’s another definition of genocide coming from the settler-colonial enterprise in Palestine – genocide as a last resort. Because, according to Israel, which the US finances to the tune of $3.2 billion a year, besides benefiting from the Qualitative Military Edge, is too vulnerable to face resistance from a colonised, ethnically cleansed and forcibly displaced Palestinian population.
No one believes Netanyahu. But no one will stop him, either. The genocide, according to news reports, will only stop if Israel destroys Hamas, the hostages are freed and there is no more threat from Gaza to Israel. Dropping a mention of Iran into the equation, of course, seals the deal. The international community is always looking for the next enemy to bully.
Israeli media also reported Finance Minister, Bezalel Smotrich, stating, “We have to say the truth, returning the hostages is not the most important thing.”
The most important thing for the Israeli government is genocide to empty Gaza and colonise it. Netanyahu and Defence Minister, Israel Katz, are advocating for escalating “the military pressure in Gaza to allow for an additional deal”, while Smotrich sees increased aggression as the chance to defeat Hamas.
Israel still has not learnt that, wherever colonisation exists, resistance will not be annihilated.
Of course, Israel is not alone in this trajectory. The West, in particular, is not taking into consideration the colonial reality that has oppressed and slaughtered Palestinians for decades. With language that alters what is really happening to Palestinians and which eliminates the space for Palestinians to state their political objective, only one narrative reigns supreme. And that narrative can direct foreign policy, destroy the principles of humanitarian aid as well as its delivery, and conjure an image of an enclave that relies mostly on itself as a major enemy to Israel.
If the international community takes colonialism out of the equation, Netanyahu faces no opposition to his fabricated security narrative. The updated statistics at the time of writing show that Israel has killed 51,266 Palestinians and injured over 116,991. Israel normalised killing Palestinian civilians and the world followed suit, conveniently forgetting that Palestinians have the right to resist colonialism by all means. Remembering that international law gives rights to the colonised does not bode well for Israel and former colonial powers.
For all the rhetoric of requesting “both sides” to abide by international law, the international community has done a great disservice to Palestinians by annihilating their right to resistance, while allowing Israel impunity for all crimes listed in the legislation.
There is a choice, of course. Israel could choose to abide by international law and decolonise. The international community would uphold its obligations to eradicate colonialism by dismantling the last settler-colonial project. Instead, we have diplomats justifying Israel’s genocide in Gaza by all means possible, be it supplying weapons, ignoring the international arrest warrants, engaging with Israel diplomatically and economically, or remaining silent, as more Palestinians are killed daily. Just because Netanyahu said he has “no choice”.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250422-breaking-down-netanyahus-no-choice-narrative/
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Fatwa Chaos Deepens Gaza's Suffering
By Mahmoud Hassan
April 22, 2025
Despite the ongoing Israeli war on the Gaza Strip — now surpassing 560 days and resulting in over 51,000 martyrs and 116,000 injured — the conflicting fatwas issued by religious authorities across the Arab and Islamic worlds regarding the course of the war continue unabated.
This controversy, both complex and polarising, has involved prominent religious institutions, preachers, and well-known religious figures. It has fuelled widespread debate across media and social media platforms, ultimately contributing to further division and compounding the suffering of Gazans.
This “flood of fatwas” surprised many — not in their number, but in the stark contradictions between them, the diversity of opinions, and the varying interpretations of the Palestinian right to resist, the legitimacy of self-defence, and the efficacy of the 7 October 2023 offensive.
The Barhami Fatwa
Perhaps the most controversial and provocative fatwa came from Egyptian Salafi preacher Yasser Barhami, who blamed the people of Gaza for the war, claiming they initiated it unilaterally and only consulted Iran, excluding other Islamic nations. He argued that “the Palestinian resistance has not served the cause; this is not resistance and has done nothing for Al-Aqsa — it has only ruined the country,” in his words.
Barhami further inflamed the debate by suggesting that any intent by Egypt to wage war must be preceded by notifying Israel of officially annulling the 1979 Camp David peace treaty.
The timing of Barhami’s fatwa — given that the war has raged for over a year and a half — raised suspicions about possible pressure from higher authorities, according to Egyptian political analyst and academic Dr. Mohamed Abdel Hafiz.
Egyptian intervention
Egypt’s Dar Al-Ifta was also involved in the debate, announcing its rejection of a fatwa issued by the International Union of Muslim Scholars (a non-governmental organisation based in Dublin), which declared that “armed jihad against the occupation in Palestine is an obligation upon every Muslim,” and considered “providing military, financial, political, and legal support to the resistance a religious duty.”
The fatwa, published on the Union’s official website, also called for “the prohibition of normalisation with the Zionist enemy, banning the supply of oil and gas to the occupying entity, and reconsidering peace treaties signed by Arab states with the occupying power.”
The Union was established in July 2004, held its first general assembly in London, and is registered in Dublin. It comprises 42 members and is currently led by Sheikh Ali Mohieddin Al-Qaradaghi, an Iraqi national.
In an official statement issued this month, Egypt’s Grand Mufti Nazir Ayyad described the aforementioned fatwa as “reckless adventurism that leads to chaos and corruption on Earth,” adding that “calling for jihad without considering the nation’s political, military, and economic realities is irresponsible and contrary to Islamic principles.”
Ayyad emphasised that “one of the core principles of Sharia is that whoever calls for jihad must be at the forefront themselves, rather than inciting emotions while leaving others to face the consequences,” according to the statement.
The verbal sparring between religious authorities across the Muslim world provided fodder for the Israeli side, which sought to exploit the discord to its advantage. Former Israeli Communications Minister Ayoub Kara praised the Egyptian statement, describing it as “blessed and logical,” particularly in its criticism of the International Union of Muslim Scholars.
Persistent division
The continuing division within religious discourse on Gaza’s war is heavily influenced by the political stances and policies of Arab regimes toward the Palestinian resistance.
In a previous statement, Saudi preacher Maher Bin Dhafer Al-Qahtani denied that Hamas leaders were heroes or martyrs, blaming them for the bloodshed in Gaza.
Similarly, Kuwaiti cleric Othman Al-Khamees called Hamas “a deviant political faction that has taken a misguided partisan path.”
In Egypt, the spokesperson for the Salafi Da’wah, Engineer Abdel Moneim El-Shahat, called on Dr. Mohamed El-Sagheer, a member of the Board of Trustees of the International Union of Muslim Scholars, to go himself to fight in jihad against the Jews by passing through Syria to reach Palestine.
In a rare and direct rejection of the Al-Aqsa Flood operation, Dr. Salman Al-Daya, former dean of the Faculty of Sharia and Law at the Islamic University of Gaza, said in November: “If the pillars, causes, or conditions of jihad are not met, it must be avoided to prevent unnecessary loss of life. This is something our politicians can easily assess, and the attack should have been avoided.” His statement was widely seen as public criticism of Hamas.
In contrast, Oman’s Grand Mufti, Sheikh Ahmed Bin Hamad Al-Khalili, condemned fatwas prohibiting Palestinian resistance against Israel, reminding that “Zionist Jews are the most hostile to believers,” as evident in their violations of Islamic sanctities, occupation of Muslim lands, and aggression against Muslim men and women.
Egyptian legal scholar Dr. Mohamed Selim El-Awa emphasised that “jihad is not limited to armed struggle; it is obligatory on all — whether through financial support, prayer, or advocating righteousness.” He noted that Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) would conceal his war plans, as confirmed by authentic traditions.
Official position
The chaos surrounding fatwas on the war in Gaza stems from the deep rift between those supporting the resistance and those opposing it. The latter group represents the official Arab position and is backed by state institutions, official religious authorities, and government-aligned preachers, according to journalist Amer Al-Masri.
Al-Masri told Middle East Monitor that clerics who issue fatwas opposing the resistance reflect the submissive stances of presidents, kings and princes. He accused them of twisting Quranic verses and sayings of the prophet to align with the views of rulers, despite the fragility of their arguments and the weakness of their evidence.
Conversely, proponents of the resistance — armed with Islamic proofs — point to the overwhelming destruction in Gaza and argue that avoiding an asymmetrical war was necessary. In this view, Hamas miscalculated the repercussions of the Al-Aqsa Flood operation.
An unnamed scholar from Al-Azhar told Middle East Monitor that the obligation to support Palestine and Palestinians through all possible means is indisputable. He warned against continuing to impose politicised fatwas on official religious bodies, as these only serve to polish the image of ruling regimes, mask their failure to support the Palestinian cause, pacify public sentiment, and stifle resistance — ultimately paving the way for normalisation with Israel.
In the end, the division among scholars and preachers across the Arab and Islamic worlds has revealed two major consequences of the war on Gaza, now in its second year: the persistence of fatwa chaos, and the growing politicisation of religious rulings — leaving Gazans to bear yet more abandonment and suffering.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250422-fatwa-chaos-deepens-gazas-suffering/
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Gaza’s Unquenchable Thirst: The Water Tragedy Amid Relentless Bombardment And Total Blockade
By Dr. Abdulmajed Al-Aloul
April 22, 2025
Under the weight of war and a suffocating blockade, more than two million people in the Gaza Strip are facing an unprecedented water crisis that threatens their daily survival. What was already a dire situation before the escalation has now turned catastrophic due to the ongoing bombardment and the widespread destruction of water infrastructure. The UN report from 2022 unveils a grim reality: over 97 per cent of Gaza’s drinking water is unfit for drinking or human consumption as a result of contaminants infiltrating groundwater reserves, whether it was caused by the excessive pumping of polluted water by the Israeli Occupation into Wadi Gaza, leakage from deteriorating sewage networks into the aquifer or the intrusion of the polluted saltwater into the aquifer by 75 per cent to meet the water deficit of the increased demand caused by the increased population. Compared to that, natural rain that does not exceed 30 per cent of natural replenishment. The situation is further exacerbated by the leakage of residues from Israeli munitions into groundwater sources.
Gaza’s water crisis: Numbers dripping with pain
Gaza’s water reality reveals a prolonged and profound deficit. While the Israeli Occupation enjoys a near-universal coverage of clean water (more than 99 per cent), as well as a substantial control over the aquifer, Gaza languishes among the world’s lowest water access rates, with a coverage below 10 per cent, placing it in a state of constant water emergency.
Over the past years, Israel, through its national water company, Mekorot, supplied Gaza with around 18 million cubic meters of water annually through three pipelines, amounting to only 9 per cent of Gaza’s needs. Yet, the water sector in Gaza suffers from a severe deficit exceeding 120 million cubic meters per year (approximately 60 per cent of total demand). With the outbreak of the latest war, these limited supplies have been repeatedly disrupted and, today, they are completely cut off following the destruction of transmission networks. During the war, these pipelines provided up to 70 per cent of Gaza City’s water supply, after most local water sources were destroyed. More than 85 per cent of Gaza’s water and sewage networks have been bombarded, causing destruction and damage to 2,263 kilometres of pipelines and 47 pumping stations, as well as the cessation of all operations of wastewater treatment plants. Currently, only 30 per cent of Gaza’s wells remain operational. The capacity of desalination plants has plummeted to their lowest levels due to continuous bombardment and the shortages of electricity and fuel. Consequently, water supplies available to Gaza’s people have dropped by 95 per cent, with the average daily water consumption per capita reduced to just 3–5 litres, far below the 15-liter minimum emergency threshold set by the United Nations.
Gaza’s displaced: Long queues and arduous journeys for a few drops of water
Since the beginning of the escalation, thousands of Gaza’s residents have endured the tragedy of displacement, which has only deepened their daily suffering. Hundreds of families, forced to flee their homes under heavy bombardment, now face the exhausting challenge of searching for water in distant areas or in overcrowded shelters lacking even the most basic necessities of life. Long queues at water distribution points and wells have become a daily reality, fraught with the constant risks of air strikes, fear and loss of life.
“We wait for long hours just to access unsafe and contaminated water, and sometimes we only manage to get our share after complete exhaustion,” says Fatima, a 35-year-old mother of four, who was displaced with her children to a shelter in western Gaza. “The distance we have to walk every day just to collect water can stretch for several kilometres and, with each passing day, the journey becomes even more difficult.”
Contaminated water: An immediate and long-term health threatThe health situation in Gaza has become catastrophic due to the acute shortage of clean water and the forced reliance on contaminated sources for drinking and hygiene, if available, which has led tothe widespread outbreak of acute diseases such as diarrhoea, kidney infections, urinary tract infections and waterborne diseases, as well as skin infections due to poor hygiene conditions or the use of polluted water for personal care.
These health risks are even more severe for children under the age of five, who are particularly vulnerable to malnutrition, intestinal infections, and severe diarrhoea, which can lead to dehydration or death. Pregnant women also face higher risks of early miscarriage, premature delivery and reduced breast milk production due to dehydration and exposure to contaminated water. The elderly are not spared, either, as they face an increased risk of kidney diseases, kidney failure and challenges in managing chronic conditions in the absence of safe and sufficient water supplies.
Impact of the water crisis on food security and forced displacement
The water crisis in Gaza is not only a health emergency but also a growing threat to food security. The destruction of agricultural irrigation networks has further worsened the already fragile economic situation, increasing poverty and hunger across the Gaza Strip due to a sharp decline in agricultural and livestock production. Agricultural productivity in the limited available farmland has dropped by 60 per cent as a result of using contaminated water, not to mention that farmlands have become either unsuitable for cultivation or located in unsafe areas due to the ongoing conflict. Moreover, the scarcity of clean and safe water has intensified forced displacement, with many residents compelled to leave their homes in search of areas where drinking water is available.
A grave breach of International Law: Denying people their right to life
The targeting and destruction of water sources and infrastructure in Gaza constitute a grave breach of international humanitarian law.
According to the 1977 Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions, it is prohibited to attack resources indispensable to the survival of civilians, such as water supplies. Denying water to civilians amounts to a war crime under the Fourth Geneva Convention and represents a blatant violation of Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.Such acts may also qualify as crimes against humanity under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.
In the face of tragedy: An urgent call for action
In light of this tragic reality, there is an urgent need for immediate and coordinated action. Internationally, the United Nations must activate emergency protection mechanisms, while international organisations, including the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and the Arab League, should play a key role in intensifying political pressure on the United States to compel Israel to stop the war, halt the supply of weapons to the Occupying forces and ensure the immediate entry of humanitarian aid into Gaza. The Human Rights Council is also expected to issue investigative reports on these violations, and the International Criminal Court should open immediate investigations into the crimes committed.
On the humanitarian level, aid organisations must intensify efforts to find emergency solutions for providing clean water to the population in Gaza by repairing damaged water networks, maintaining wells and desalination plants using locally available resources, operating mobile desalination units powered by solar energy, expanding water distribution through water trucks to shelters and displacement camps and providing households with simple tools for water purification and desalination.
On the relief level, it is essential to pre-position water-related equipment, including well supplies, fixed and mobile desalination units, generators, solar energy systems, spare parts for water networks and fuel in both Egypt and Jordan. These should be ready for immediate delivery as soon as border crossings are opened for humanitarian aid. It would be a grave mistake to wait until Crossings re-open before starting to procure these critical supplies, given the time required for sourcing and delivery.
For the recovery and development of Gaza’s water system, it is equally critical not to wait until the war ends to begin planning and preparation. Delaying the restoration and development of the water sector will only prolong the suffering of a population that has already endured unimaginable hardship for over 17 months. Efforts must begin now by developing a comprehensive recovery plan, securing supply chains, mobilising funding and preparing technical teams to respond without delay, ensuring the most vital resource for life, water, is restored for Gaza’s population.
Between a suffocating siege and relentless bombardment, the people of Gaza struggle for every drop of water, much like a drowning person gasping for their final breath. They call for water but receive none; they cry out for help but are left unheard. Has humanity truly turned its back on them? Is water not a right for every living soul, including those trapped and besieged in Gaza?
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250422-gazas-unquenchable-thirst-the-water-tragedy-amid-relentless-bombardment-and-total-blockade/
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