Middle East Press on: Syrian, Halevi, Israel, Egypt, Gaza: New Age Islam's Selection, 25 January 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
25 January 2025
Revival Of Syrian Cities: Overcoming Transitional Challenges
Halevi's Resignation Was Overdue, Now's The Time For A State Inquiry
Trump Should Build On Israel's Successes
Turkiye’s Strategic Approach To The Middle East
The Role Of Egypt In Gaza ‘The Day After’
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Revival Of Syrian Cities: Overcoming Transitional Challenges
By Mehmet Rakipoğlu
Jan 25, 2025
Syrians have toppled the 60-year-old Assad regime through civil and military resistance, unlike other revolutions. The unexpected moment attracted all attention to Syria, where I conducted field research through interviews with political and military elites in multiple cities, such as Azaz, Aleppo, Hama, Homs and Damascus. Thus, this piece aims to gain a better understanding of the post-Assad Syrian transition in terms of society, politics and security. These findings highlight a variety of dynamics, including security gaps, reconciliation initiatives, population movements and the important role played by external particularly Russia, in reshaping Syria's political and social landscape.
Azaz: Sanctuary for refugees
Syrian regime leader Bashar Assad's fall has ushered Syria into a new era characterized by significant changes in its political, military and social structures. The Turkish support and joint operations with the Syrian National Army (SNA) have transformed Azaz, once a small town, into a vibrant urban center. In recent years, infrastructure improvements across health care, education and public utilities have contributed to an environment with relatively few security incidents. The local authorities express concern over the political transitions in Damascus, anticipating the impact these developments might have on the city's growth and stability.
Azaz's population consists mostly of internally displaced persons who fled violence orchestrated by the former regime, the PKK and Daesh. It is expected that many of these residents, along with those who are in Idlib or residing as refugees in Türkiye, will return to their hometowns, especially Aleppo. It is likely that this process will accelerate when security is stabilized, basic services are provided (e.g., electricity, water and heating), favorable seasonal conditions are present (particularly in summer) and the school year is completed. The leader of the transitional process, Ahmed al-Sharaa, has also indicated that millions of Syrian refugees might return home soon.
In Azaz, military personnel consider the PKK the main threat to realizing the full scope of the revolution. It is imperative for the revolutionary process to be considered complete that a decisive outcome is achieved through PKK disarmament or military action. Tal Rifaat, a region recently under opposition control, has lingering underground tunnels, making security fragile.
Aleppo: Economic centre
A key stronghold for revolutionaries, Aleppo has historically been one of Syria's foremost trade hubs. During the early stages of the conflict, its fall triggered a large wave of displacement, resulting in many Syrians fleeing to neighbouring countries, including Türkiye.
As a result of Aleppo's "liberation," the return of the migrants has become more evident, particularly among business owners who sought refuge abroad. A number of families described moving back to Aleppo to continue commercial activities and to invest in redeveloping the city. Additionally, local broadcasting initiatives have resumed after being halted during the conflict. There is a growing sense of confidence in the transitional authorities based on this pattern of economic and media revitalization.
Despite the partial reestablishment of security control in the main city districts, there are still significant concerns in rural Aleppo. The systematic razing of Kafr Hamrah, Hraytan and Hayyan suggests a deliberate policy of "depopulation" to create a buffer zone. This shows that the Assad regime approved of Syria's division. The Assad regime attempted to create a buffer zone between its controlled cities and rebel-held areas by decreasing the population in these places. Thus, the Syrian transitional leadership must ensure long-term stability in such areas by completely restoring residents and infrastructure.
Hama: Reconciliation started
"Reconciliation centres" have been established by Hama's transitional administration to encourage former regime allies to surrender their weapons. These efforts that promote social cohesion through dialogue and reintegration opportunities for ex-militants into civilian life are promoted.
Hama's central districts exhibit a relatively stable environment, but regime militias, armed minority factions and Iran-backed groups like Hezbollah still threaten outlying villages. Additional human and material resources are needed to address these security challenges, including personnel training, specialized equipment, and infrastructure reconstruction (e.g., police stations, administrative buildings and vehicles). Türkiye's help is therefore urgently needed.
Homs: Humanitarian realities
Homs, once home to revolutionary figures such as Abdul Baset al-Sarout, remains scarred by some of the most severe violence of the conflict. In recent years, investigations conducted by international humanitarian organizations have revealed mass graves and extensive evidence of crimes committed by the former regime. A number of international relief organizations are actively involved in the city, providing aid and documenting possible war crimes.
Homs experienced a brief period of chaos after the fall of the regime. There is a growing consensus that enhancing security forces, establishing an effective civilian administration, and combating systemic corruption are essential. Approximately 3,000 police officers are needed immediately, as well as refurbishing public institutions. There has been an increase in individuals surrendering their arms as a result of reconciliation efforts, indicating cautious optimism for the future of the city.
Damascus: Turkish engagement
According to field interviews conducted in Damascus, Türkiye played an important role during the revolution and beyond. Initially supporting the Syrian people, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has built trust that extends to humanitarian assistance, diplomatic cooperation and military assistance.
According to experts, there are significant opportunities for Turkish engagement in postwar reconstruction. Bringing basic services back to Syria requires education, military advisory roles and economic partnerships, especially in electric power and solar energy. Syrian stability could be further deepened and bolstered by the establishment of bakeries to address food security challenges.
By implementing repatriation programs and population growth policies, the new administration aims to counter demographic manipulation by terrorist organizations like the PKK/YPG. To mitigate any attempts at "demographic engineering" and ensure a viable, inclusive national identity, it is crucial to ensure the safe return of internally displaced persons and refugees.
Ahmed al-Sharaa's transitional government emphasizes a unifying narrative: "This revolution belongs to all those who have suffered under the regime for the past 14 years." Social tolerance, as evidenced by the treatment of Christian minorities in Hama and parts of Damascus, and the deliberate postponement of a conflict with Israel, demonstrate the administration's pragmatic commitment to stabilize internal affairs before pursuing any foreign policy agenda.
What is needed in Syria?
The transitional phase has revealed a multifaceted transformation in post-Assad Syria. Firstly, there is a need for security infrastructure. Reconciliation efforts and local initiatives benefit urban centers, but rural areas remain vulnerable to security threats, highlighting the need for broader stabilization strategies. Secondly, there are humanitarian and economic imperatives. There is an urgent need for the rehabilitation of public services, the reconstruction of damaged housing, and the provision of educational and health care facilities in cities like Homs, Aleppo and Hama.
In this framework, Türkiye plays a crucial role. Turkish involvement in reconstruction efforts through investments in energy, infrastructure, food security and training could prove decisive for long-term peace as a principal ally of the revolution. Another issue is refugee return and demographic balance. By facilitating voluntary returns of displaced populations, the new administration seeks to counteract potential demographic trends that might pose a threat. Last but not least, reconciliation and justice are essential. For maintaining social cohesion, it is essential to establish reliable legal frameworks to address human rights violations by regime supporters and foreign-backed militias.
Ultimately, the success of this transitional phase depends on transparent governance, sustained international collaboration and equitable enforcement of security measures. There is potential for progress under Ahmed al-Sharaa's inclusive leadership style. In spite of this, the full consolidation of the revolution depends on the disarmament of militant groups, the removal of foreign-backed militias and the restoration of critical infrastructure. For these objectives to be achieved, local stakeholders, regional allies, particularly Türkiye, and the broader international community will need to coordinate their efforts.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/revival-of-syrian-cities-overcoming-transitional-challenges
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Halevi's Resignation Was Overdue, Now's The Time For A State Inquiry
By Yaakov Katz
January 24, 2025
Along with Bamba, Krembo, and other iconic Israeli inventions, the country is also known for creating a so-called “taking of responsibility” that often falls short of actually taking responsibility. This peculiar trend is rampant in Israeli leadership, particularly in moments of crisis, when leaders will verbally accept blame without truly following through with meaningful action.
That is why when IDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Herzi Halevi admitted, in the wake of the Hamas invasion on October 7, that he had failed and that the failures would be investigated, he was praised by some for “taking responsibility.”
To some extent, this praise was deserved. Halevi, unlike many others, openly acknowledged his role in the failure, verbalizing a sense of responsibility. However, verbal acknowledgment is a far cry from acting on it, something that Halevi failed to do for too long.
In contrast, Aharon Haliva, the head of Military Intelligence at the time of the attack, did just that. In April 2024, Haliva resigned, accepting the consequences of the mistakes that led to the disaster. Halevi, however, chose to stay on. There were reasons for this decision, both strategic and personal.
On one hand, Israel was engaged in a war, and the need for stability at the helm of the military was paramount. On the other hand, Halevi, like many others in leadership positions, likely felt that he could weather the storm. Also, close associates privately told him that if Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu could retain his position despite the political fallout from the attack, why couldn’t he?
Adding to the complexity of his decision were calls from political allies, particularly from the anti-Netanyahu camp, urging Halevi to stay. Their argument was that if he resigned, Netanyahu would consolidate power and place political loyalists in key military positions.
This, of course, was an exaggeration, but it had an impact. For 15 months, Halevi held onto his role, justifying his decision by citing the ongoing war. He claimed that his resignation would have been a distraction and that the IDF needed leadership focused on winning.
Finally resigned
But earlier this week, Halevi finally submitted his resignation. It was a decision that should have been made much earlier, particularly as more and more details emerged about the decisions he made on October 6 and 7. Halevi was aware of the intelligence indicating that something was brewing in Gaza hours before the first Hamas terrorist crossed the border.
However, he dismissed it as a potential exercise and failed to take the necessary precautions. The tragic results were undeniable – 1,200 people lost their lives, and 251 were taken hostage.
In the military, such mistakes are not mere errors – they are catastrophic. Halevi’s failure to step down earlier was a breach of the ethos of accountability that should guide military leadership.
When Haliva resigned, Halevi appointed a replacement and made other significant leadership changes within the IDF. If he could make those changes, why couldn’t he step aside for someone else to lead the military through the recovery process?
By remaining in his position, Halevi sent a message to the IDF: even after the worst disaster in Israeli history, no one was being held accountable in a meaningful way. What does this tell a young officer at the Bahad 1 Officer Academy, who is training to be a future leader of the IDF?
Does he or she understand that mistakes they make will be met with swift consequences, or does this create the illusion that even the most significant failures can be forgotten? Halevi undoubtedly understood the gravity of his actions. On the wall in his conference room, a quote from David Ben-Gurion hangs for all to see: “Every Jewish mother should know that she has entrusted the life of her son in the hands of worthy commanders.”
Being a “worthy commander” means knowing when to step down and recognizing when one’s continued presence in a role does more harm than good. None of this detracts from Halevi’s significant contributions over the course of his career.
He has served in the IDF for over 40 years and led the military this past year to success in its battles against Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran. Halevi deserves credit and gratitude for his lifetime of service to the security of the State of Israel, even though the tragedy of October 7 occurred under his watch.
Nonetheless, the reasons for his resignation outweigh his past achievements. He made critical decisions the night between October 6 and 7 that contributed to the scope of the disaster.
By the time of the attack, Halevi had been chief of staff for 10 months, and his previous roles included heading Military Intelligence, the Southern Command, and serving as deputy chief of staff.
He was part of the group that believed and fostered the misguided belief that Hamas could be deterred and that Israel could maintain quiet through economic incentives and physical barriers.
Now that Halevi has stepped down, for the IDF, his resignation represents an opportunity for renewal – a chance to recover from the mistakes that led to October 7 and chart a new path forward. The military must learn from its failures and adjust to reflect the changing realities of the region.
Politically, Halevi’s resignation will also have repercussions. Some may naively believe that it will shift the spotlight onto Netanyahu, increasing the pressure for him to step down too.
In reality, the opposite is likely to happen. Netanyahu’s supporters will argue that Halevi resigned because he had failed, and by extension, they will claim that Netanyahu did not fail and therefore has no reason to resign. Despite being false, this narrative will gain traction.
Halevi’s resignation is an important step in the right direction, but it is now up to the government to follow suit and commit to a rigorous independent investigation of the events that led to October 7. Only through such an inquiry can Israel hope to learn from its mistakes and emerge stronger.
On Wednesday, I boarded a taxi near Tel Aviv. The driver, a man in his 70s, mentioned he’d been driving for only three years. Curious, I asked what he did before. His answer stopped me cold.
He retired from the IDF in 2000 after 28 years of service. Most of that time, he said, he was an Air Force Technical Officer. But it wasn’t always that way.
Drafted in 1972 into the Armored Corps, he was stationed on the Golan Heights when the Yom Kippur War erupted on October 6, 1973. Just two days later, his tank was hit. Three friends were killed. He was injured and captured by the Syrians. For the next eight months, he was held in captivity.
As he recounted this, his voice cracked. “Everything happening now brings me back to those days,” he said, tears welling.
He told me of the horrors: relentless beatings, burns inflicted on his body, and months of agony at the hands of Syrian soldiers. Yet, he said, even in that nightmare, his situation was better than the hostages in Gaza. He had food, he said, and occasionally, there was a Red Cross visit.
And then he said this: “Israel must do everything to bring the hostages back from Gaza. If the government fails, it will betray the essence of what this country stands for.” This man, who endured unimaginable suffering, is asking us to remember who we are and what we stand for. His story is a lesson, one we cannot ignore.
Heroes like him don’t speak often, but when they do, we must listen.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-838988
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Trump Should Build On Israel's Successes
By Aron U. Raskas
January 25, 2025
Today our adversaries are “under pressure” and “Iran is weaker than it’s been in decades.” While the Biden administration sought this credit in its valedictory messages, it is Israel that has led the way. Fortunately, a new US administration appears poised to build upon its success.
Over the course of just several months in 2024, bold Israeli action reshaped the world stage – and it did so by rejecting a failed Western playbook. No longer will it permit its enemies to define the rules of engagement, nor will it engage them with its hands tied by policies dictated by failed diplomats. Israel has rewritten military doctrine and geopolitical strategy.
For decades, Israel’s enemies knew they could modulate the time and extent of their battles as feckless bureaucrats quickly demanded negotiations with them because, of course, there “could be no military solution.” Time after time, these diplomats promised that the insanity of appeasing the terrorists would produce a different result. The leaders of Iran and its proxies, Hezbollah and Hamas, mocked this naivety as they built arsenals of terror and fomented terrorism.
As incoming National Security Advisor and former Florida congressman Mike Waltz recently observed, “Terrorist groups and rogue states have been taking Americans hostage, and they’ve only seen upside the last four years.”
In a dramatic paradigm shift, Israel demonstrated that a bold strategy, resting upon unparalleled intelligence, audacious military tactics, painstaking training and flawless execution, can prevail.
Israel sought peace after withdrawing in 2000 from the security zone it established in Lebanon and from Gaza in 2005. In return, Israel endured a steady drumbeat of Hezbollah missiles from Lebanon and Hamas rockets from Gaza. Cross-border invasions routinely targeted Israeli civilians, culminating in the barbaric Hamas pillaging of Israel communities on October 7, 2023. The following day, Hezbollah began firing tens of thousands of rockets and missiles upon Israeli cities.
The response of the Biden administration and Western diplomats was, predictably, more calls for a cease-fire: the same cease-fires repeatedly promised to Israel that Hezbollah and Hamas then violated.
Israel’s decision to reject the Biden administration’s repeated warnings and pursue a full military press instead shifted the geopolitics of the region. The precision and proportionality of its military campaign was exquisite, the results dramatic.
Imagine being an enemy of Israel today. Israel destroyed virtually every remaining capability of Hamas. It reached into a secret and highly guarded building in Tehran to eliminate Ismail Haniyeh, the head of Hamas, as he attended the inauguration of Iran’s president. After shooting down the unprecedented ballistic missile attacks launched against Israeli cities (with advanced Israeli technology and military prowess – and assistance from the US and other allies), the Israel Air Force eviscerated Iran’s Soviet made S-300 air defenses, previously thought impregnable. Iran has been left completely exposed and frightful of what may come next.
The brilliance of Israel's actions
The Mossad’s brilliant pager and walkie-talkie attack precisely felled thousands of Hezbollah terrorists while the Israeli military decimated Hezbollah’s fighting forces. Another covert Israeli operation that tagged Hezbollah rocket launchers allowed Israel’s air force to destroy the terrorist group’s missile inventory. Most significantly, Israel decapitated almost the entirety of Hezbollah’s terrorist leadership, including, most stunningly, its secretary-general, Hassan Nasrallah, whom all thought was untouchable.
Meanwhile, in an operation worthy of a Hollywood production, Israel sent commando forces deep inside a Syrian mountain to surgically destroy an Iranian weapons facility producing missiles for Hezbollah. With Iran and Hezbollah bowed, the evil Assad regime fell.
These were all proxies of Iran. Iran’s options and maneuverability have narrowed and its ability to threaten the West has diminished. Its leaders now live in fear of their very lives. The Axis of Resistance is crippled.
From this, pathways to a better world have emerged. With Hezbollah virtually destroyed, a new Lebanese president has vowed to create a better life for Lebanese civilians by taking military control from the terrorist group and implementing the ceasefire with Israel. With the Assad regime gone, Syrians now also face the prospect of a better life. And there is now room for discussion on how reasonable Palestinians in Gaza may build a society that does not compel them to live as human shields for Hamas.
The people of Iran and the world at large would also benefit from an Iranian regime not controlled by despots singularly focused on fomenting worldwide terrorism.
Israel paved this path. It asked no one to fight for it; all it sought was reasonable moral support.
A new American administration appears ready to seize the opportunity that Israel created for a better Middle East and a safer world. While military tactics for addressing Iran undoubtedly remain to be discussed, the Jewish state has provided valuable lessons and tactical gains for the Trump administration to build into its “maximum pressure” strategy for Iran. The world will be better for it.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-838984
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Turkiye’s Strategic Approach To The Middle East
Sinem Cengiz
January 24, 2025
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has emphasized Turkiye’s strategic approach to navigating the transformative developments in the Middle East, and highlighted Turkiye’s reliance on “strategic wisdom” as its guide.
The importance of strategic wisdom in foreign policy cannot be overstated. It is crucial for an effective foreign policy to ride out the complex security environment in the region, where the dynamics of hard power and soft power are often fluid, and alliances or rivalries emerge based on shifting interests.
As the Middle East remains tense and volatile, Turkiye, a middle-ranking power, faces challenges that require strategic wisdom in an era when foreign policy decisions have not only regional but also global implications: it is about priorities and a fine balance between realism and idealism. Moreover, strategic wisdom must be based on pragmatism while maintaining the flexibility to respond to sudden changes. Turkiye’s strategic approach in the Middle East may not be welcomed by all the regional and global stakeholders or work in favor of their interests. However, a successful strategic approach is pragmatic, adjustable and implementable. Turkiye’s role in the Middle East, and specifically Syria, is a good example of how such strategies are adjusted and implemented in accordance with emerging realities.
In Syria, Turkiye took a multi-layered strategic approach. While initially focusing on diplomatic and humanitarian efforts, it later recalibrated its policy to prioritize national security through military operations and the creation of safe zones. This policy shift aimed not only at eliminating security threats but also gaining leverage. In doing so, Ankara used a mix of military and diplomatic tools. Force or the threat of it is one element of a strategic approach. Turkiye’s military involvement in Syria has paved the way for a deepening of Ankara’s role there and strengthened its hand to counter Iranian and Russian influence.
As Joseph Nye has said, there is no difference between the aims of hard power and soft power, but the means are very different. Aware of this, Turkiye applied a combination of soft and hard power, and everything in between, to expand its role in Syria.
Through soft power, by creating strong connections and reliable government near its border, it attempted to widen its sphere of influence in the country. It drew its strength not only from its influence on the ground but also through its strategic approach coupled with its political, cultural and educational capabilities. The educational institutions that it built are a good example of Turkiye’s soft-power efforts that aim to inspire hope among Syrian youth. Additionally, throughout the crisis, it provided educational opportunities for Syrians in Turkiye, some of whom now hold important positions in the new administration in Damascus. Turkiye’s strategic approach to build connections with Syrians through soft power actually served its material goals, particularly evident in the post-Assad era.
The Marshall Plan of 1948, through which the US provided economic aid to rebuild Europe after the Second World War, exemplifies strategic wisdom in foreign policy. The US approach to opening diplomatic relations with China in 1972 is another example. Turkiye’s strategic approach includes providing support to war-torn states in the Middle East with humanitarian and economic tools and balancing between global and regional powers through diplomacy.
The second tool of strategic wisdom is geopolitical adaptability. In Syria and elsewhere in the region, when necessary Turkiye realigned its policies in response to changing circumstances. Turkiye’s ability to adapt to the shifting conditions, whether through military action or diplomatic engagements, shows the importance of a flexible strategic approach. The Astana peace process that began in 2017 with Iran and Russia was an example of such a flexible strategic approach. In the same way, its normalization process with regional states was an example of a strategic approach, which required prioritizing realpolitik over idealpolitik.
The third crucial tool of strategic wisdom is mediation. Turkiye’s role in mediating disputes, especially between African nations, or efforts to mediate between Russia and Ukraine, should continue in order to maintain its relations with these actors.
However, despite such maneuvers, Turkiye’s strategic approach will certainly be tested. The region remains volatile, alliances change rapidly, and the policies of global powers often create complexities for regional states. Sitting between global and other regional powers, Turkiye seeks to expand its influence, but managing relations with other regional powers — avoiding zero-sum approaches — is essential.
However, strategic wisdom in foreign policy is not static: it is a dynamic process that requires constant adjustments. Turkiye needs to be clear about what the goal it seeks and how it gets from situation A to B in this volatile region. This means not only maintaining flexibility in its policies but also ensuring that its policies have clear long-term goals. Its ability to balance hard power with soft power, assert strategic autonomy, and adapt to a rapidly changing region will determine Turkiye’s role as an effective middle power in the region and beyond.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2587732
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The Role Of Egypt In Gaza ‘The Day After’
Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy
January 24, 2025
The Gaza ceasefire agreement is a pivotal moment for Egypt, which played a central role as a mediator. Egypt now faces the dual challenge of consolidating and sustaining peace while shaping Gaza’s post-conflict future. The ceasefire is also an opportunity for Egypt to influence the trajectory of Palestinian reconciliation and the establishment of a unified government there.
Egypt’s relationship with Gaza is governed by several realities. Among these is that Gaza falls within Egypt’s immediate and primary national security sphere, so, Egypt’s actions there are characterized by seriousness and close attention. The Cairo International Peace Conference, attended by representatives from 34 countries just two weeks after the start of the Israeli war on Gaza in October 2023, is testament to that commitment.
Egypt has been present at every stage of the arduous and highly complex negotiations for the ceasefire. Achieving consensus required tremendous effort. It is worth recalling that the first truce was reached on Nov. 24, 2023, more than 13 months ago, but lasted only a few days despite notable achievements such as an exchange of prisoners, a temporary cessation of hostilities, and increased humanitarian aid.
Egypt was the first country to propose a comprehensive vision not only for achieving a ceasefire but also for addressing Gaza’s broader issues. This vision was based on a phased and gradual approach, acknowledging the complexity of the situation. It proposed three stages of de-escalation, with specific steps in each phase, including halting hostilities, exchanging prisoners, delivering aid, and eventually initiating reconstruction efforts.
The most critical aspect lies in the so-called “day after” the war ends, and how to address five key issues that must be urgently tackled. These are the political question of who governs Gaza, the security and military question of securing the territory, the economic and living conditions related to reconstruction, the social consequences of the war, and the future status of Hamas and other resistance factions. These are highly complex issues requiring immediate and acceptable solutions.
A ceasefire is merely an initial phase that paves the way for the more challenging stage, requiring the combined efforts of Palestinian, regional, and international stakeholders to prevent the recurrence of such wars. The only viable pathway is to initiate political negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians to agree on a two-state solution. This should culminate in the establishment of an independent Palestinian state living in peace, security, and stability alongside Israel. Without this permanent solution, further wars can be expected in the future, whether in Gaza or the West Bank, where the Israeli government is likely to pursue policies to impose sovereignty, especially during US President Donald Trump’s tenure.
The situation following the ceasefire is characterized by several critical aspects. The first is the humanitarian crisis. Gaza’s infrastructure has been severely damaged, leaving millions in urgent need of assistance. Egypt plays a crucial role in facilitating humanitarian aid through the Rafah crossing, ensuring the provision of food, medicine, and reconstruction materials.
The second aspect concerns governance. Hamas had been in complete control of Gaza, while the Palestinian Authority governed the West Bank. This political division is a significant challenge, rooted in political, ideological, and regional disputes. Egypt holds many opportunities to support reconciliation efforts between the two sides. It can host reconciliation talks and provide guarantees to both parties, encouraging them to work toward a unified administration in Gaza. Egypt can also employ diplomatic pressure, economic incentives, and partnerships with regional powers such as Qatar and Saudi Arabia.
Egypt must address this division to foster cooperation among competing factions, ensuring the success of current and future plans for the postwar phase.
The third aspect is the likelihood that some parties in Palestine will use the ceasefire agreement to draw international attention to the reconstruction and stabilization of Gaza. Egypt can leverage this interest to rally global support for a long-term resolution to the Palestinian crisis.
Since peace in Gaza remains fragile, ensuring border security and preventing a resurgence of hostilities remain urgent priorities for Egypt.
Egypt faces several challenges in its efforts to play a significant role in Gaza. Chief among these is the resistance to institution-building in Gaza. Egypt can promote the establishment of neutral committees or entities to manage reconstruction efforts while ensuring transparency and accountability. Donors and international organizations can also be engaged in these initiatives under Egyptian coordination.
Egypt can push for the unification of Gaza and the West Bank under a single Palestinian government, which would help restore the legitimacy of Palestinian leadership, a legitimacy that has been significantly eroded globally and regionally.
However, significant obstacles may hinder Egypt’s efforts. These include Hamas’s resistance to the Palestinian Authority’s control. Hamas may resist relinquishing its pre-war control over Gaza, fearing the loss of political influence.
Regional and international dynamics may also complicate matters, as Israeli policies and responses to Egypt’s efforts, especially concerning border security and the movement of goods and people, could present challenges.
Another challenge stems from the web of interests of regional players such as Iran and Turkiye, who may be deeply concerned about Egypt’s growing influence in Gaza.
Economic constraints are another obstacle, as Egypt is still recovering from a major economic crisis caused by the pandemic and recent wars. These economic challenges may limit Egypt’s ability to provide financial and logistical support to Gaza.
In the past, discussions centered on the dream of refugees returning to their lands after the Nakba of 1948 and the Arab defeat in 1967. Today, the dream has shifted to facilitating a new return following the genocidal war waged by Israel on Gaza. Egypt can play a significant role in facilitating the return of Palestinians, whether across its borders or through its regional partners.
Another dream is the return of the Palestinian Authority to power and control, particularly over Gaza, after an absence of nearly two decades.
This depends on several factors. The first is robust diplomatic engagement. Egypt must maintain open channels of communication with all stakeholders, including Hamas, the Palestinian Authority, Israel, and international actors. Balanced diplomacy is essential for building trust and fostering agreement.
The second factor is the possession of a long-term vision. Short-term solutions will not suffice. Egypt must advocate a comprehensive peace plan that addresses the root causes of the Palestinian crisis, including the Israeli occupation and the Gaza blockade.
The third factor is leveraging regional partnerships. Regional allies can provide financial assistance and political support for Egyptian initiatives in Gaza.
Certainly, security concerns remain a critical factor for ensuring the success of Egypt’s mission. Without addressing these concerns, renewed violence could undermine Egyptian efforts. Coordination with international peacekeeping forces may be necessary to maintain stability.
The ceasefire agreement in Gaza is the beginning of a crucial phase for Egyptian regional diplomacy. Despite significant challenges, Egypt’s geographical position and mediating role give it a unique opportunity to shape Gaza’s future. Success depends on its ability to enhance Palestinian unity, secure international support, and address the region’s humanitarian and security needs. If Egypt can navigate these complexities, it may emerge as a key architect of peace and stability in the Middle East.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2587722
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URL: https://www.newageislam.com/middle-east-press/syrian-halevi-israel-egypt-gaza/d/134425
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