Middle East Press On: Syria, Türkiye, Gaza, Hamas, Palestinians, Netanyahu, Turkiye-US Relations, and Israel: New Age Islam's Selection, 29 March 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
29 Mar. 25
· Syria Is Back... When Will We Be Back?
· Türkiye’s Bold Climate Strategy: A Model For Global Sustainability
· When will Gaza’s residents revolt against Hamas?
· Palestinians deserve better leadership
· Authoritarian politics: Netanyahu’s war on Israeli institutions
· A new dimension in Turkiye-US relations
· How US college campuses became playgrounds for radical Islam
· Israel's not a dictatorship, but it's headed toward becoming one
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When Will Gaza’s Residents Revolt Against Hamas?
March 28, 2025
By Motasem A Dalloul
Earlier this week, hundreds of Palestinians in the war torn Gaza Strip took to the streets, protesting against the continuous brutal Israeli genocide and calling for ending Hamas’s control of the besieged enclave. The largest protests, which included around 500 people, was held in Beit Lahiya, in the northern Gaza Strip.
A number of people chanted some slogans against the Palestinian resistance and against Hamas. One of the speakers said: “We, the people of Beit Lahiya, are the people of peace. We love peace and we want the war to come to an end.”
Israeli and pro-Israel media, officials and a number of anti-resistance social media influencers exploited these protests and used them as a tool to attack the Palestinian resistance movements, especially Hamas. Even Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz hailed the protests and said that the apartheid state is betting on them in its attempt to defeat Hamas.
Such protests would have been appreciated but they were solely aimed at the Israeli occupation, which has been carrying out unprecedented livestreamed genocide with full impunity and support from the entire world.
Unfortunately, we saw how these protests were exploited and derailed from their goal as prominent Palestinian Authority employees led them and well-known fugitives and even Israeli propagandists like Edy Cohen took part in inciting people, who hate the resistance, to join them.
An Israeli journalist called me five months ago and told me that the Israeli people are fed up with the longest war they have ever experienced and so they have revolted against their government, urging it to end the war. Then, he asked me: “When will Gaza’s residents revolt against Hamas?” He told me that Israeli leaders had been waiting for such a moment.
In fact, during the course of the Israeli genocide in Gaza, Israeli leaders and their allies have been trying to blame Hamas and the other Palestinian resistance movements for every war crime the Israeli occupation army has been carrying out in the besieged enclave. They have been setting the scene to justify their pre-planned exterminator of the Palestinians in Gaza ahead of annexing the enclave.
Israel does not differentiate between one Palestinian and the other. All of them are enemies that must be eliminated because they will never give up resisting the occupation which forced them out of their homes, stole their land and has been massacring them ever since.
A lot of people have short-term memories so are unable to recall the Israeli occupation’s atrocities against us and abusive calls and remarks as well as false claims made by Israeli leaders against us. Therefore, they might not be interested to know the Israeli leader who said: “The best Palestinian friend is the Palestinian who is dead.”
Let me remind you that in a televised speech at the start of the genocide, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu borrowed the word “Amalek” from the Jewish Bible, describing the Palestinians as Amalek. This implied that there was a commandment which stipulates that Palestinians must be destroyed by Jews.
Netanyahu’s former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant described the Palestinians as “human animals,” justifying his order to cut electricity, fuel and water supplies going to Gaza. Under international law, such supplies must be provided free of charge for people living under occupation, but Palestinians pay for them.
Then, Deputy Knesset Speaker Nissim Vaturi wrote on X that Israelis had one common goal — “erasing the Gaza Strip from the face of the earth.” Meanwhile, Israeli Heritage Minister Amichay Eliyahu suggested that Israel drop a nuclear bomb on Gaza and said there were “no uninvolved civilians” in Gaza.
Moshe Feiglin, the founder of Israel’s right-wing Zehut Party and former Likud MK, called for the complete destruction of the besieged enclave. “There is one and only [one] solution, which is to completely destroy Gaza before invading it. I mean destruction like what happened in Dresden and Hiroshima, without nuclear weapons,” he said.
He also clearly said that Israel’s goal should not be to eliminate Hamas, but rather the whole people of Gaza. “Gaza should be razed… This is our country,” he said.
Echoing US President Donald Trump’s remarks about the forced expulsion of Gaza residents, Israeli Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi demanded the swift expulsion of the Palestinians, stating that cutting electricity and water supplies would force them to leave to Egypt.
Far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich also said cutting electricity, water and humanitarian aid to Gaza would accelerate Trump’s plan.
While Vaturi said: “Nakba. Expel them all… If the Egyptians care so much for them – they are welcome to have them wrapped in cellophane tied with a green ribbon.”
Another MK, Ariel Kallner, said: “Nakba to the enemy now! This day is our Pearl Harbour. We will still learn the lessons. Right now, one goal: Nakba! A Nakba that will overshadow the Nakba of 48. A Nakba in Gaza and a Nakba for anyone who dares to join!”
Israeli leaders and people do not differentiate between the Palestinians. They have been killing Palestinians indiscriminately and targeting areas even though they are certain no resistance fighters are located there.
Regarding the peace the protesters called for, have they forgotten that we should have been living in peace since 1993 when the PLO signed the Oslo Peace Agreement that led to the then major Palestinian resistance movement Fatah to demilitarise? What happened to us? They continued killing us.
It is not the Palestinians who should prove they are peaceful, but the Israelis. However, this will never happen as long as they enjoy the support of the hypocritic super powers and Arab leaders.
This will also never happen if the Palestinians lay down their arms and stop their legitimate resistance. Resistance is our honour and dignity and is the only way to regain our freedom.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250328-when-will-gazas-residents-revolt-against-hamas/
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Palestinians Deserve Better Leadership
March 28, 2025
By Osama Abu Irshaid
We distinguish between the great and the small when it comes to critical and pivotal situations, and how they deal with them. Those who rise to the challenge in leadership, understanding, responsibility and management are judged as great. Those who fail in such situations are judged as small. Of course, we are not talking about age as much as we are talking about mental and practical maturity, and the ability to overcome trivial matters, personal grudges, bitterness, partisan feuds and political disputes when dealing with major events.
The matter becomes even more urgent when it comes to the fates of nations and major issues. This requires leadership and political maturity, as well as courage, wisdom, foresight and the ability to formulate visions, projects and plans and implement them. It also requires the ability to inspire confidence and hope among the people, and the ability to differentiate between marginal and vital issues.
This is what makes a person in a position of responsibility a leader, not just an official. Unfortunately, this is what the Palestinian people lack in their current official leadership. The official Palestinian leadership is not only aging, but its lack of creativity and inability to offer visions for the future has afflicted the entire Palestinian cause with paralysis that equates to the paralysis of willpower within that leadership. It is as if the erosion that occurred over time in the structures of the individuals in this leadership — physically, psychologically, and mentally — have extended to the entire Palestinian cause.
Israel resumed its brutal genocidal war in the Gaza Strip on 18 March. Hundreds of Palestinians, mostly women and children, were killed as they slept in their tents or prepared for the pre-dawn meal ahead of another day of fasting during the holy month of Ramadan, despite having little food or water under the crippling Israeli blockade.
Israel has never respected or upheld its commitments under the ceasefire agreement, which came into effect on 20 January.
The war of extermination against the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip continued during the ceasefire, albeit more slowly and with less intensity. What was the response of the Palestinian Authority, which watched with suspicious silence as another war of extermination and ethnic cleansing was waged by Israel against the Palestinians in the areas under its control in the West Bank? The response was shameful in every sense of the word. The Palestinian Authority equated the oppressor with the oppressed.
It equated the killer of its people with a portion of its people being slaughtered by the knife of this criminal killer. Even at the moment the Palestinian blood was being shed, when the blood of its people was flowing, the official Palestinian leadership was unable to set aside its political differences, partisan disputes and bitterness with Hamas. “We condemn Hamas’s irresponsible actions” (without clarifying what he was condemning), said Palestinian presidential spokesman Nabil Abu Rudeineh, on the same day Israel resumed its massacres of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. If this isn’t a decisive standard for defining smallness, what is?
A week earlier, Abu Rudeineh himself had issued a statement on behalf of the Palestinian presidency condemning Hamas’s contacts with “foreign parties” and its conducting negotiations without a “national mandate”. This was in reference to meetings held by the movement’s leaders with US President Donald Trump’s envoy for prisoner affairs, Adam Boehler. Regardless of whether those meetings were wise or not, the audacity with which the PA spoke of a “national mandate” is astonishing.
It is as if the PLO leadership has ever sought a national mandate for all the agreements it signed with Israel, starting with the Oslo Accords in 1993, or as if the PA leadership had ever sought to secure a national mandate for its blatant security cooperation with Israel. Did the PA obtain a national mandate when it launched “Operation Protect the Homeland” in and around Jenin refugee camp (December 2024), during which it killed its own people while targeting Palestinian resistance in the camp, before its security forces retreated after the Israeli army advanced into the camp in January, as well as other cities and towns in the West Bank, to complete the mission, without the PA taking any action?
If Hamas is damaging the Gaza Strip, as the PA leadership claims, then the PA itself is also damaging not only the West Bank and Gaza Strip, but the future of the entire Palestinian cause and the Palestinian people as a whole. Mahmoud Abbas repeatedly mentions “sole Palestinian legitimacy” and “unified arms”, as he recently did during the emergency Arab summit in Cairo in early March, as if this legitimacy has been granted to him, despite the fact that his presidential term constitutionally and legally ended in 2009.
When the Palestinian factions, including Fatah, agreed to hold presidential and legislative elections in 2021, he decided (unilaterally) to cancel them. As for the PLO, which Abbas refuses to reform and has turned into a scarecrow that he can use whenever he wants to use the stick of “legitimacy”, it itself has lost legitimacy after it calcified and became an arena for absurdity, political immaturity, and a lack of representation.
The Palestinian cause is currently at a crossroads. Scenarios of displacement from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank are no longer mere concerns; they are a glaringly obvious reality to anyone who refuses to turn a blind eye, ignore, or play dumb. The war of genocide and ethnic cleansing is underway.
The Palestinian cause desperately needs leadership and senior leaders who have their sights set on the nation, the people and their interests. It certainly does not need small officials who are there with the approval of the occupation and its allies, haunted by political illusions, bitterness, personal grudges and factional rivalries. The Palestinian people have proven themselves to be a great people, but they have failed to create an official leadership that matches their greatness and sacrifices.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250328-palestinians-deserve-better-leadership/
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Authoritarian Politics: Netanyahu’s War On Israeli Institutions
March 28, 2025
By Dr Binoy Kampmark
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is waging a war on many fronts. He has ended the tense ceasefire with Hamas in Gaza in a spectacularly bloody fashion and has resumed bombing of Hezbollah positions in southern Lebanon. Missiles fired at Israel from the Houthi rebels in Yemen also risk seeing a further widening of hostilities.
Domestically, he has been conducting a bruising, even thuggish campaign against Israeli institutions and their representatives, an effort that is impossible to divorce from his ongoing trial for corruption. He has, for instance, busied himself with removing the Attorney-General, Gali Baharav-Miara, a process that will be lengthy considering the necessary role of a special appointments committee. On 23 May, the cabinet passed a no-confidence motion against her, prompting a sharp letter from the Attorney-General that the Netanyahu government had ventured to place itself “above the law, to act without checks and balances, and even at the most sensitive of times”.
High up on the Netanyahu hit list is the intelligence official, Ronen Bar, the Shin Bet chief he explicitly accuses of having foreknowledge of the Hamas attack on 7 October, 2023. “This is a fact and not a conspiracy”, a statement from the Prime Minister’s office bluntly asserted. At 4.30 am that morning, “it was already clear to the outgoing Shin Bet head that an invasion of the State of Israel was likely.”
The PMO failed to mention Netanyahu’s self-interest in targeting Bar, given that Shin Bet is investigating the office for connections with the Qatari government allegedly involving cash disbursements to promote Doha’s interests.
While Bar has been formally sacked, a measure never undertaken by any government of the Israeli state, the Israeli High Court has extended a freeze on his removal while permitting Netanyahu to consider replacement candidates.
It is the judiciary, however, that has commanded much attention, pre-dating the 7 October attacks. Much of 2023 was given over to attempting to compromise the Supreme Court of its influence and independence. Some legislation to seek that process had been passed in July 2023, but the Supreme Court subsequently struck down that law in January 2024 in an 8-7 decision. The relevant law removed the Court’s means to check executive power through invalidating government decisions deemed “unreasonable”. In the view of former Chief Justice, Esther Hayut, the law was “extreme and irregular”, marking a departure “from the foundational authorities of the Knesset, and therefore it must be struck down.”
Even in war time, the Netanyahu government’s appetite to clip the wings of an active judiciary remained strong. In January 2025, it made a second attempt, with a new, modified proposal jointly authored by Israeli Justice Minister, Yariv Levin, and Foreign Minister, Gideon Sa’ar. The law, passed by the Knesset in its third and final reading on 27 March, alters the committee responsible for appointing judges. The previous nine-member judicial selection committee had been composed of three judges, two independent lawyers and four politicians, equally divided between government and opposition. Now, the relevant lawyers will be government and opposition appointees, intended to take effect after the next elections.
The convulsions in Israeli politics have been evident from various efforts to stall – if not abandon – the legislation altogether. The law changing the judicial appointments committee had received 71,023 filed objections. While it passed 67-1, it only did so with the opposition boycotting the vote. Benny Gantz, the Chair of National Unity, wrote to Netanyahu ahead of the readings pleading for its abandonment. “I’m appealing to you as someone who bears responsibility for acting on behalf of all citizens of this country.” He reminded the PM that Israeli society was “wounded and bleeding, divided in a way we have not seen since October 6 [2023]. Fifty-nine of our brothers and sisters are still captive in Gaza, and our soldiers, from all political factions, are fighting on multiple fronts.”
The warning eventually came. To operate in such a manner, permitting a parliamentary majority to “unilaterally approve legislation opposed by the people, will harm the ability to create broad reform that appeal to the whole, will lead to polarisation and will increase distrust in both the legislative and executive branches.”
Before lawmakers in a final effort to convince, Gantz, citing former Prime Minister Menachem Begin, issued a reminder that “democracies fall or die slowly when they suffer from a malignant disease called the disease of the majority”. Such a disease advanced gradually till “the curtain of darkness slowly [descended] on society.”
Gantz also tried to press Levin to abandon the legislation ahead of the two Knesset plenum readings. In a report from Channel 12, he called it a “mistake” to bring the legislation forward. The response from Levin was that the legislation was a suitable compromise that both he and Sa’ar had introduced as a dilution on the previous proposal that would have vested total control in the government over judicial appointments. The revision was “intended to heal the rift of the nation”.
Healing for Netanyahu is a hard concept to envisage. His authoritarian politics is that of the supreme survivalist with lashings of expedient populism. Sundering the social compact with damaging attacks on various sacred cows, from intelligence officials to judges, is the sacrifice he is willing to make. That this will result in distrust in Israeli institutions seems to worry him less than any sparring from accountability and posterity’s questionable rewards.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250328-authoritarian-politics-netanyahus-war-on-israeli-institutions/
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A New Dimension In Turkiye-Us Relations
Dr. Sinem Cengiz
March 29, 2025
Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan’s discussions with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington last week covered a wide range of issues including defense, trade, and regional concerns.
Diplomatic corridors in Ankara and Washington are busy preparing for visits by the two presidents, Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Donald Trump. Last week they had a phone conversation described by Turkish officials as “highly positive” and by the US as “transformational.” Turkish-American relations are clearly taking a new direction and adopting a new dimension
The relationship between the two NATO allies is often framed around structural issues that include a long list of grievances on both sides. With each change of US administration, these issues have remained unresolved, or in many cases worsened.
One is the Syrian Arab Republic. Fidan said Trump should withdraw US troops from Syria, which would be cost-effective for Washington. Turkiye is clearly signaling to the US that regional countries are taking full responsibility for combating Daesh, so there is no longer a need for the US to legitimize its presence in Syria or its support for the PKK under the pretext of fighting the militants. Trump may be convinced, as the dynamics in Syria have dramatically shifted in favor of Turkiye, a country that is now increasingly important for the US to cooperate with.
A second point of divergence concerns Russia. Under the Biden administration, Ankara’s close political and economic ties with Moscow were a source of tension. However, Trump views Moscow through a different lens, which Ankara sees as an opportunity. When examining the leadership styles of Russian, Turkish, and American leaders, it becomes clear that there are more commonalities than differences in how they approach politics. Ankara and Washington seem keen to capitalize on the personal ties between their leaders, as Turkiye and Russia do.
A third unresolved issue are the obstacles to defense industry cooperation. Ankara expects the US to lift sanctions and start technical talks on the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act and the F-35 program. During his first term, Trump refrained from imposing sanctions on Turkiye following its acquisition of the Russian S-400 air defense missile system in 2019. However, he eventually imposed sanctions in 2020, when relations reached a low point. Several issues contributed to this deterioration, including US cooperation with the Kurdish militias in Syria that are considered a threat by Ankara, Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, and the Abraham Accords. Ankara’s strong reactions to these developments clearly influenced Trump’s decision to impose sanctions and remove Turkiye from the international F-35 program, in whch it was both a manufacturer and a buyer.
Despite these challenges, defense cooperation is the cornerstone of Turkish-American relations. Turkiye’s admission to NATO received substantial support from the US, due to Turkiye’s perceived military strength and its strategic position. Especially in the current geopolitical climate, both states are aware that they do not have the luxury of allowing this cooperation to deteriorate. Not surprisingly, Rubio sought Turkiye’s support for peace initiatives in Ukraine.
During Fidan’s visit, Erdogan said Turkiye and the US should and would achieve meaningful cooperation for the sake of regional stability “despite all the challenges, and despite the lobbies seeking to poison the cooperation between our two countries.” This highlighted the role of lobbies in shaping Turkish-American relations.
The US political system is structured in a way that allows pressure groups and lobbies to exert considerable influence over the policymaking process. Countries aiming to influence US foreign policy often lobby Congress or the White House. The Armenian, Greek, and Jewish lobbies are particularly significant, especially in shaping Turkish-American relations. The Armenian lobby’s focus is on issues related to Turkiye and Azerbaijan, while the Greek lobby centers on disputes in Turkish-Greek relations, such as the Aegean Sea and Cyprus. The Jewish lobby, which historically supported Turkish-Israeli relations, has shifted its stance because of deteriorating relations, particularly regarding the Gaza war.
The central point remains how Turkiye and the US prioritize material interests over politics. Fidan’s visit took place amid the biggest protests in Turkiye in over a decade, sparked by the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoglu and other opposition figures. The US State Department said it would “not comment on the internal decision-making processes of another country.” This was notable, as the US would typically seize any opportunity to comment on Turkish domestic politics. This clearly reflects the Trump administration’s pragmatic approach to foreign policy and its focus on material interests rather than politics.
If a new era in Turkish-American relations is to begin, it must be built on a sincere convergence that respects both national and regional interests. Only then can such convergence lead to a meaningful shift in Turkish-American relations and the broader Middle East. However, in Turkish-American relations, every convergence seems to carry a hidden divergence. The devil that lies in the detail is the unpredictability of the Trump administration’s policies and the uncertain evolution of regional dynamics.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2595206
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How Us College Campuses Became Playgrounds For Radical Islam
By Adam Milstein
March 29, 2025
What do a Yale scholar, a Columbia student, a Georgetown researcher, 60 colleges and universities under investigation for relentless antisemitic eruptions, and Hamas have in common? In traditional times, the answer should be absolutely nothing.
Institutions such as Yale, Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania, Georgetown, and Columbia were once guardians of liberal democratic values, committed to fighting hatred and violence. Yet, today, this is far from the case.
A dangerous alliance has formed between the progressive movement in the United States and radical Muslim groups, using the guise of victimhood to create an anti-American coalition. Though antisemitic and anti-Israel at its core, the ultimate goal of this Red-Green coalition is far broader: the systematic destruction of America from within.
To accomplish its goal, the movement has exploited American institutions, using democracy itself as a tool to undermine the very values that have made the United States the world’s most successful democracy.
For years, the Islamo-leftist alliance has been laying the groundwork to infiltrate academia, starting with faculty and staff before trickling down to students. With foreign funding funnelled into higher education institutions, this campaign of radicalization has steadily gained ground.
The results became undeniable after Hamas’s October 7 barbaric attack on Israel when the alliance mobilized in force, targeting America and its closest ally, Israel.
Over the past several years, the Red-Green network of terror sympathizers has systematically radicalized young minds, fostering a generation that views America as an illegitimate entity.
They push for open borders, the abolition of law and order, and the delegitimization of democratic governance, all under the banner of “justice” and “liberation.” But their goals are clear: to dismantle the very foundations of American society.
The consequences are visible. Radicalized student mobs have stormed administrative offices, taken over campus buildings, and issued violent threats against those who dared to dissent. Freedom of speech has been suffocated unless it aligns with the Islamo-leftist narrative.
The terror connection: The threat within
We now have evidence linking these radical campus activists to terror groups openly calling for the destruction of America.
Consider Helyeh Doutaghi, an Iranian academic recently suspended from Yale for her involvement with Samidoun, a US-designated terrorist entity. Doutaghi has openly called for a fight against America and the overthrow of its so-called “dictatorship.”
Then there’s Mahmoud Khalil and Columbia University Apartheid Divest, a student-led initiative that seeks to dismantle both Israel and the United States. CUAD views America as an imperialist power, referring to its own activism as a fight from “within the belly of the beast.” Khalil and CUAD activists have led aggressive protests, disrupted campus events, and pressured universities to cut ties with pro-American institutions.
Now, Khalil’s legal case has become a rallying cry for leftist activists, who misleadingly frame it as a free speech issue while conveniently ignoring his open hostility toward the United States. His support among the progressive Left underscores the extent to which the Islamo-leftist alliance has gained influence, shaping the next generation of political extremists.
The collapse of the progressive movement
The progressive movement has long harboured radical elements, but for many years, they remained on the fringes. Today, however, the radicals are no longer on the fringe; they are setting the agenda.
Leading progressive organizations now openly embrace slogans like “Globalize the Intifada” and “Bring Down the Empire.” Many young students chant these phrases without understanding their true meaning, believing they are fighting for “justice.” Yet, these are not metaphors. The Red-Green radicals themselves admit they are direct calls for violence against American citizens.
At its core, the movement’s anti-American rhetoric represents a direct attack on the principles that define this nation.
The United States was founded on liberty, democracy, and the rule of law, principles that have made it the freest and most prosperous country in history. But the Islamo-leftist alliance sees these values as obstacles to its agenda. It embraces socialism, authoritarianism, and the suppression of free speech through intimidation and mob violence.
By radicalizing young Americans through university protests and social media propaganda, this movement is fuelling a domestic insurgency designed to destabilize the nation from within.
This movement is not just a campus issue. It is a national security threat. It aligns itself with America’s foreign adversaries, openly supporting authoritarian regimes like China, Iran, Qatar, and Venezuela while demonizing US foreign policy.
Radical activists in the US describe American military efforts against Hezbollah and the Houthis, both designated as terrorist organizations, as “American terrorism.”
Their hostility toward national sovereignty is evident in their push for open borders, knowing full well that a country without borders ceases to be a country at all. This is not about humanitarianism; it is about eroding America’s strength, identity, and ability to defend itself.
The radicalization of American academia is no longer a fringe issue. It is a clear and present danger to national security. What we see on college campuses is a symptom of a larger problem: an organized effort to undermine America from within.
Universities, media outlets, and political institutions must stop legitimizing these extremist groups in the name of free speech. Law enforcement must take decisive action against those inciting violence. And American citizens must recognize that this fight is not about Jews or Israel; it is about the future of the United States itself.
By exposing and holding these extremists accountable, we can ensure that America remains a beacon of democracy and freedom.
It is time for Americans to unite in defence of our country, reaffirm our commitment to its founding ideals, and resist the forces seeking to divide and destroy us. The future of the nation depends on it.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-847917
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Israel's Not A Dictatorship, But It's Headed Toward Becoming One
By Shuki Friedman
March 28, 2025
Is Israel marching toward authoritarian rule? A look at the streets, the media, and the social networks reveals a turbulent society that is highly critical of the government.
On the surface, we are as far from autocracy as East is from West. But this is precisely the point: Democracies do not collapse in a single day. They weaken, retreat, and gradually shed more and more protections for individual rights, sometimes with fanfare but often through a gradual, unseen process.
Today’s Israel is a vibrant democracy. However, if you aggregate all the government’s actions, it is clear that the democratic infrastructure is unravelling.
We are witnessing a series of actions that could lay the ground for a centralized, unchecked government that will take us down the slippery slope. One where there will be nothing to stop the slide into an authoritarian regime.
Let’s connect the dots. In the last two years, with a pause for an intense war for our existence, the government has been attacking all checks on state institutions. The attorney-general, the Supreme Court and the judicial system, the head of the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) are all in the crosshairs.
This is not just another clash between the branches of government but a strategy with a single purpose: to discredit, weaken, and dismantle any opposition to government policy.
The attorney-general “hinders” the prime minister from implementing policies as he wishes, not because she is political, but because she enforces the law and the rulings of the High Court of Justice. Even if every decision she makes is not immune from criticism, replacing her with a confidant or consigliere would transform the role from gatekeeper to a cog in the machine.
The same pattern is repeated in the attempt to oust the Shin Bet chief, which is made to seem technocratic but is actually timed closely with the launch of a new investigation of the prime minister’s associates.
The Supreme Court of Israel under attack
Israel’s Supreme Court is under attack with unprecedented intensity – the justice minister is boycotting its chief justice amid recent ministerial declarations that the government will not comply with its rulings.
At the same time, the judiciary is rapidly becoming politicized. The initiative to change the method of appointing judges is expected to make the process much more political. The result will not only be a proliferation of “conservative” judges but a system where every judge aspiring for elevation will cater to the whims of the politicians appointing them.
This is a fundamental change: from a court designed to check and balance to a system that toes the government’s line. Politicization will become a scourge affecting not just the Supreme Court but the entire judicial system.
And it is not just the judiciary and public security that are under threat. A series of laws concerning police oversight, restrictions on press freedom, limitations on civil society organizations, and further erosion of checks on absolute governmental power are in the works.
Each of these may be justifiable on its own but taken together, they form a clear and repugnant pattern: reducing the operational scope of independent institutions and intrusive scrutiny of anyone who might check the government’s power.
The danger is not that the prime minister wishes to become a dictator; it is that the infrastructure to make this possible is already being built. It is not a matter of intention but of capability. As history and political psychology have taught us, when power is available, the temptation to wield it arises.
Israel is still far from there. But it is moving toward it with alarming speed. Red lines have been blurred, the political culture has coarsened, and principles once taken for granted, like judicial independence or the protection of oversight institutions, have become subject to debate.
This is a dangerous erosion of law but also spirit. When gatekeepers weaken, when politics subsumes professionalism, and when checks and balances are removed, the danger of changing Israel’s character increases. Israel is still a vibrant democracy, but will it remain so?
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-847924
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Syria Is Back... When Will We Be Back?
By Issam Chehadat
Mar 28, 2025
Every year, as Eid approaches, many in the Arab world, especially Syrians, recite the famous line by the poet Al-Mutanabbi: "O Eid, in what state have you returned? With what has passed, or with something renewed?"
This verse has been used to express the sorrow and miserable conditions – whether economic or social – that have coincided with the arrival of the holiday. However, this year, the situation is entirely different. Syrians will not mourn their Eid today nor repeat the lament of Al-Mutanabbi, a grievance they have echoed for 14 years.
The Eid approaching this year is a true celebration for them, marked by a double joy: that of victory and freedom. Instead, they may find themselves humming the song by Kazem Al-Saher: "Eid and love, tonight the people are celebrating, If you were with me, our Eid would be doubled."
Today, Eid in Syria is celebrated doubly, providing a great opportunity for reunions and strengthening family ties.
14 years of absence
Many Syrians have returned to their homeland after the fall of the Assad regime and the liberation of Syria from its tyrannical, bloody grip. Many others will return during Eid al-Fitr. But who has returned, why, and is this return permanent or just a visit? Some have returned from Türkiye, others from Europe or Arab countries, particularly Lebanon and Jordan. While no official statistics are available, many people have likely returned for a short period, mainly to check on their situation and visit their relatives, often elderly parents who stayed behind.
At airports and border posts, journalists ask new arrivals: "How long has it been since you last came?" The most frequent answer is: "Between 12 and 14 years." The next question is: "Why did you return?" The dominant answer is: "To see my mother or father. To see Syria"
Thousands of Syrian families were forcibly displaced, and many young people preferred exile over joining Assad’s army against their own people.
Some have returned permanently, especially those who lived in displaced persons camps in northern Syria. Since Dec. 8, 2024, roads between regime-controlled areas and opposition-held zones have been opened, allowing displaced persons to return to their villages. However, most cannot return due to a lack of housing and destroyed infrastructure.
Meanwhile, the residents of the Rukban camp, located on the Syrian-Jordanian border in a remote and barren area, returned. This camp housed thousands of Syrians who preferred to live in harsh conditions rather than return to regime-controlled areas. Others have returned from neighbouring countries like Lebanon and Jordan, where refugees in Lebanon have faced significant racism and persecution.
Similarly, many young people eager to rebuild, along with investors wishing to invest in their country, have also returned.
It would be unfair to criticize those who choose to stay in camps rather than return home. Today’s Syria is unrecognizable. Sarah, a Syrian who returned to spend Eid with her family, shared: "When you pass through cities and towns completely destroyed, you can't help but wonder what happened to the people who lived there."
According to the U.N., about 2 million Syrians are still living in tents in north-western Syria, more than four months after the fall of the regime. In a report published on March 18, the organization noted that a small minority of the 1.95 million displaced people have returned to their villages. Nearly 1 million of them do not see any hope of returning soon due to a lack of housing and basic services. However, more than 1 million camp residents will return within 12 months.
Stories of return
Noor left Syria at the age of 12 and returned as a young adult. Her memories of the country are vague and reinforced by family stories. Spending a week in Idlib before returning to the Netherlands, she observed families setting up tents on the ruins of their homes. Rebuilding is expensive, but a home remains a home, even in ruins, for some.
Omar, on the other hand, returned to Damascus after 10 years of exile in Türkiye. His assessment is damning: “Everything is outdated. Public transportation, taxis and even private cars are from another era. Damascus feels frozen in 2010, or at best, 2013. It’s like a step back in time, with no progress or renewal.”
Hiba, a Syrian who has lived in Türkiye for 12 years, rejoiced at the fall of the regime but felt a pang of sadness upon rediscovering her hometown. “I avoided looking at pictures of Damascus for years to avoid fuelling my nostalgia. But after the liberation, I began searching for every image and video of Damascus on social media, trying to remember the names of markets, alleys and cafes. It’s not Damascus that has changed; it’s me who has forgotten.”
On March 17, Filippo Grandi, U.N. high commissioner for refugees, emphasized: "With the arrival of spring, the end of Ramadan and the start of the school year, we expect to see more refugees and displaced people return to their cities."
According to recent surveys by the UNHCR, 80% of refugees hope to return someday and 27% plan to return within the next year. Syria is liberated, but many challenges remain before all its children can return home for good.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/syria-is-back-when-will-we-be-back
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Türkiye’s Bold Climate Strategy: A Model For Global Sustainability
By Esra Karataş Alpay
Mar 28, 2025
As climate change accelerates, countries worldwide are being forced to reckon with its devastating consequences. Extreme weather events, water shortages and rising temperatures have made the climate crisis an inescapable reality. Among the nations stepping up to meet this challenge, Türkiye has distinguished itself with a sweeping climate agenda aimed at reducing emissions, enhancing sustainability and fostering international collaboration. With ambitious policies, groundbreaking research initiatives and a growing circular economy, the country is charting a course toward a greener future.
Yet experts emphasize that the road ahead remains steep. While Türkiye has made commendable progress, meaningful climate action requires continued innovation, structural transformation and global cooperation.
Confronting the climate crisis
The urgency of the climate crisis is evident in the latest data. According to the World Meteorological Organization, 2024 marked the hottest year in recorded history, with global temperatures surpassing pre-industrial levels by 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit). Over the past decade, extreme weather events have caused an estimated $2 trillion in damages worldwide.
For Türkiye, a country located in the Mediterranean Climate Basin – a region the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) identifies as particularly vulnerable to rising temperatures – the risks are especially pronounced. Droughts are projected to last two to three times longer than the global average, threatening water supplies, agricultural production and economic stability.
“The climate crisis extends beyond natural disasters, posing threats to agriculture, industry, water resources and migration dynamics,” says Orhan Solak, deputy director of climate change at Türkiye’s Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change.
Türkiye has responded with decisive action. In 2021, the country ratified the Paris Agreement, committing to a net-zero emissions target by 2053. It has since updated its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), pledging to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 41% by 2030. To accelerate the transition to a low-carbon economy, the government has introduced a Climate Law, which, once enacted, will establish a National Emission Trading System (ETS), directing revenues toward green technologies, carbon capture projects and hydrogen energy development.
At the local level, the government is developing Climate Change Action Plans, empowering provincial governments to implement climate adaptation strategies. Over two years, Türkiye has outlined 89 sector-specific strategies as part of its 2053 Net-Zero Road Map.
Urgency of water scarcity
Among the many consequences of climate change, water scarcity looms as one of the most pressing threats to Türkiye’s future. With climate models projecting prolonged droughts and declining water reserves, the country is taking steps to ensure sustainable water management.
“The degradation of water quality and reduction of water quantity are among the most tangible impacts of climate change,” says associate professor Hatice Eser Ökten, an environmental engineer and advisor at Izmir Institute of Technology. “Especially in our region, water stress is expected to increase significantly in the coming years.”
To address this challenge, Eser and her colleagues launched the Water4All Doctoral Training Program in 2022, a pioneering initiative aimed at developing expertise in sustainable water management. Supported by a 4.68 million euro ($5.03 million) grant from the European Commission’s MSCA Cofund program and the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Türkiye (TÜBİTAK), the program is a collaboration between Izmir Institute of Technology, Istanbul Technical University, Middle East Technical University and Gebze Technical University.
The initiative is designed to train a new generation of water experts through an interdisciplinary approach, combining environmental science, electronics, urban planning, materials science and energy research. “Beyond its scientific ambitions, Water4All is also making an impact by training young researchers from Africa and the Middle East – regions where water scarcity is already a crisis,” Okten adds.
In parallel, Türkiye has intensified national water conservation efforts through its National Water Plan (2019-2033), implementing smart irrigation techniques, expanding wastewater recycling and investing in advanced water treatment facilities. These measures are critical in ensuring long-term water security amid rising climate risks.
Recycling, circular economy
While energy transition and water conservation remain central to Türkiye’s climate agenda, the role of sustainable waste management is increasingly gaining recognition. Recycling, once a niche industry, is now at the heart of the country’s circular economy strategy.
“Recycling is not just about waste reduction – it is a key pillar of our transition to carbon neutrality,” says Osman Kaytan, general manager of the Paper Recycling Industrialists Association (AGED).
The stakes are high. In January 2025, global temperatures reached 13.23 degrees Celsius (55.81 degrees Fahrenheit), marking the hottest January on record. Scientists warn that without aggressive emissions reductions, shifting ocean currents, accelerated glacial melting and rising sea levels could soon lead to mass displacement and the flooding of major coastal cities.
Against this backdrop, Türkiye has introduced a range of policies to bolster its waste management sector. The Zero Waste Project, launched in 2017, has significantly improved recycling rates and reduced plastic consumption. By 2023, 27 million tons of waste had been reintegrated into the economy, and plastic bag usage had declined by 80%.
Türkiye is also in the process of establishing a Green Taxonomy, a framework that will direct financial investments toward sustainable projects. Meanwhile, the government is developing the Türkiye Green Fund, which will support businesses and municipalities investing in eco-friendly technologies.
Forest restoration remains another key pillar of Türkiye’s sustainability strategy. Over the past two decades, the country has planted more than 5 billion trees, increasing its forest cover and expanding its carbon sink capacity. Türkiye now ranks among the few nations that have successfully grown their forested areas in recent years.
Comprehensive approach
Türkiye’s response to climate change is characterized by a multi-pronged approach, integrating renewable energy investments, water conservation strategies and a rapidly evolving circular economy. But as experts stress, the fight against climate change is far from over.
“We are currently living in the era of climate change,” says Okten. “Addressing these challenges requires continuous innovation, cross-sector collaboration and global commitment.”
Solak echoes this sentiment, emphasizing that Türkiye’s long-term climate policies must remain adaptable to emerging scientific insights. “The climate crisis is not static; our response must be dynamic and forward-thinking.”
Meanwhile, Kaytan sees Türkiye’s recycling initiatives as a testament to the broader transformation underway. “The shift toward sustainability is not just a governmental obligation – it is an economic opportunity and a societal responsibility.”
As Türkiye moves forward with its ambitious sustainability goals, its policies and initiatives offer valuable lessons for other nations navigating the complexities of climate action. While challenges remain, the country’s efforts reflect a growing recognition that environmental sustainability is not merely an aspiration – it is an imperative.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/turkiyes-bold-climate-strategy-a-model-for-global-sustainability
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