Middle East Press On: Israel, Hamas, Nazis, Gaza, Antisemitism, Trump, Erdogan, Turkiye, and Asia: New Age Islam's Selection, 15 February 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
15 February 2025
1. Should Israel execute Hamas terrorists for war crimes on par with the Nazis?
2. Faith in dark times: How did God allow the hostages to suffer so much in Gaza?
3. Where is home? Israelis who left Israel face minority status, rising antisemitism
4. Trump’s proposals for Gaza: A political gamble with global risks
5. Eurovision lessons: Israel can tackle poverty through participatory policymaking
6. The Gaza genocide and the unravelling of US hegemony
7. Erdogan on tour as Turkiye pivots to Asia
8. Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon would benefit all parties
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Should Israel Execute Hamas Terrorists For War Crimes On Par With The Nazis?
By Jonathan Lieberman
February 15, 2025
I never imagined in my life that I would entertain such radical thoughts as those that have been swirling around my head recently. These are thoughts that make me question my own principles, my values, and the very essence of what it means to be human. They gnaw at me, filling me with a deep sense of sorrow, anger, and despair.
I have spent my entire adult life in the caring profession as a physician – 43 years to date of trying my best to help and to heal people. My duty has always been to preserve life, to alleviate suffering, and to mend broken bodies and fractured spirits. I have held hands with the dying, comforted the bereaved, and fought against illness and pain with every fiber of my being.
Whilst not particularly liberal in my politics, I have never been what one might call right-wing. I have always believed in justice, in morality, and in the rule of law. Yet, I find myself contemplating something I never thought possible: whether Israel should enforce the death penalty for terrorists. There! I have said it. And it does not feel good. It does not feel just. It does not feel like the world I once believed in.
How it feels is wrong and immoral. It is not man’s place to end another person’s life. And yet… I cannot suppress the overwhelming fury and grief that consume me when I see the horrors that have unfolded before our eyes. Hamas has sullied our souls.
When I watch the hostages being released among a frenzy of baying, masked, gun-wielding terrorists, paraded like trophies before a crowd that cheers their suffering, my stomach turns. When I see the few clips of videos I have dared to watch from October 7 – and I have not seen the worst of them by any means – I feel an indescribable pain that twists my soul.
Hostages returned in deplorable condition
WHEN I saw Eli Sharabi’s gaunt face – so hollow, so empty, so wasted – it was a face that would not have looked out of place at the liberation of Belsen. He had been reduced to a mere shadow of a human being, a living skeleton, stripped of dignity and hope. And then, the cruellest blow of all: he did not know his wife and daughters had been slaughtered. What kind of evil allows a man to live in such agony, unaware that his loved ones are gone?
When I looked into the empty eyes of Or Levy, a man whose wife was also murdered on that infamous day, I saw a void that could never be filled. A man who had been robbed not just of his beloved but of his very reason for being. And when I saw Ohad Ben Ami, his body so frail he could barely walk, I felt something within me break.
I begin to ask myself: do the perpetrators of these crimes deserve to be in this world at all?
Their continued presence contaminates society to the degree that perhaps their actions mean they forfeit the right to be called human. And if they are no longer human, do they deserve the rights we afford to humanity? Do they deserve the mercy they denied their victims?
Israeli law allows the death penalty for certain crimes – treason, genocide, crimes against humanity, and crimes against the Jewish people during wartime. Yet, the only execution that has ever been carried out in Israel’s history was in 1962 when Adolf Eichmann was hanged for his role in orchestrating the Holocaust.
Yes, Eichmann was responsible for millions of deaths. And these vile Hamas animals have been responsible for “only” thousands. But murder is not a numbers game.
Are the actions of those who carried out the October 7 massacres – who raped, beheaded, burned, and maimed innocent men, women, and children for one reason only: that they were Jews or Israelis – any different in qualitative terms from what the Nazis did? If this is not a crime against humanity, if this is not a crime against the Jewish people, then what is?
IN SOME ways, Hamas is worse than the Nazis. As horrifying as it is to say, at least some of the Nazis, even as they carried out their genocide, numbed themselves with alcohol and drugs, drowning in the abyss of their own evil.
These monsters, however, celebrate their atrocities. They take pride in their slaughter. They film their brutality and share it with the world, gleefully boasting about their heinous acts. They revel in their savagery, swearing to repeat their bloodshed again and again if given the chance.
And I am beginning to believe that they should not be given even half a chance.
By imprisoning them, we remain responsible for their welfare. We house them, we feed them, we keep them alive – all at the expense of a society they have vowed to annihilate. Why? What justice is there in that? They are undeserving of any welfare, of any protection, of any life.
Worse still, they become pawns in the grotesque and tragic bargaining that takes place – exchanged like currency for our innocent hostages, encouraging further kidnappings and atrocities. How many times must we endure the horror of our loved ones being snatched from us, knowing that their captors will one day be set free to kill again?
And perhaps the most damning truth of all: when they are released, they go back to the same terrorist activities and worse. Yahya Sinwar is the prime example – a man who was imprisoned, who should never have seen the light of day again, but was released in a prisoner exchange and went on to mastermind the very attacks that have shattered our world.
How many more lives must be lost before we acknowledge that our leniency is a death sentence for our own people?
OVER THE years, there have been calls from various sources to enforce the death penalty, the last serious attempt being in March 2023 when a bill was introduced in the Knesset to mandate execution for those deemed to be terrorists.
There will be many in this country who would never have contemplated such a move in the past but who are now reconsidering their position – who, like me, are thinking the unthinkable.
I am deeply saddened to say that I am one of them.
This is not who I wanted to be. This is not the world I wanted to live in. I wanted to believe in redemption, in justice, in humanity. But how do you hold on to those ideals when you are staring into the face of absolute evil?
The grief and rage are all-consuming. I do not recognize myself in this moment, and I do not know if I ever will again.
But I do know one thing: I do not want to live in a world where monsters walk free, laughing at the suffering they have caused, knowing they will never face true justice.
Maybe, just maybe, the unthinkable is the only answer left.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-842074
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Faith In Dark Times: How Did God Allow The Hostages To Suffer So Much In Gaza?
By Moshe Taragin
February 15, 2025
We have endured a year of hardship that has tested our faith.
The savage slaughter of our people and the painful aftermath have left us grappling with profound questions of belief.
We have witnessed moments of euphoric victory during this war, but we have also suffered deep and traumatic losses, our triumphs feeling incomplete as our enemies regroup, retool, and return to their murderous designs.
This past week, our pain has been magnified. The images of our three hostages emerging from a year and a half of torture and deprivation sent shock waves through our hearts and filled us with horror.
The sight of gaunt prisoners being led from confinement evoked painful memories of the Holocaust. Watching our hostages return fills us with joy and jubilation, yet seeing their condition, imagining the horrors they endured, and thinking of those still trapped in the darkness leaves us shaken and broken-hearted.
Once again, we are reminded of the deep hatred directed at Jews, a hatred that persists across generations.
The world’s underwhelming response serves as another painful reminder that, while many may not directly partake in violence against us, much of the world is willing to tolerate the unspeakable suffering inflicted upon our people.
Our faith is being tested in the most agonizing way. How can we explain the relentless horror and violence inflicted upon our people? How is God allowing this to happen – yet again? Are we not promised this land through prophecy? Why must our return be marked by such anguish?
This entire experience shakes the foundations of our faith – our belief in a merciful God and in the prophecies that assured us of this land. Where does faith arise from, and how can we fortify it in these turbulent moments of Jewish history – moments when we need it more than ever?
The mountain
The source of our faith traces back to our encounter with God atop a mountain in the heart of a barren desert.
It was a singular moment in history – an entire nation, three million strong, speaking directly with the divine. That conversation with God at Sinai planted within us an unshakable faith, a reservoir of conviction that has sustained us through the struggles and travails of Jewish history.
Despite generations of oppression and hatred, that direct dialogue with God imbued us with the inner strength to hold fast to our faith, even in the darkest of times.
However, faith is never empirical – Har Sinai cannot be proven through scientific means. Faith demands a leap of belief, a trust that the encounter at Sinai was real and its truth endures.
Once a person takes that leap, faith fortifies itself. But how do we choose faith over doubt, conviction over uncertainty? Faith is not an intellectual conclusion; it is a decision of the heart. What helps us make that decision and take that leap?
People, not ideas
We often assume that faith is rooted in grand ideas articulated by great thinkers. We search for answers in philosophy and theology, believing that ideas alone can sustain belief.
But faith, at its core, does not arise from abstract concepts but from people. It is not ideas that move us, but those who live and embody them. Ideas don’t move people; people move people.
In moments of crisis, uncertainty, and perplexity, we do not cling to theories; we hold fast to those who have passed faith down to us, drawing strength from their presence and example.
As my mentor, Rav Aharon Lichtenstein, wrote in a landmark essay titled “The Source of Faith Is Faith Itself:”
“Without question, during my formative years…, the source and bulwark of my commitment was not so much a cluster of abstract factors or arguments as key persons... What I received from all my mentors was the recognition that it was not so necessary to have all the answers as to learn to live with the questions.
“Regardless of what issues – moral, theological, textual, or historical – vexed me, I was confident that they had been raised by masters far sharper and wiser than myself; and if they had remained impregnably steadfast in their commitment, so should and could I.”
Faith is not merely an intellectual construct; it is a living force, nurtured and transmitted from soul to soul. Some are privileged to encounter great “masters” – towering figures whose lives embody faith in its most exalted form.
But in truth, faith is not only found in the grandeur of scholars and leaders. Often, it shines just as brightly in the quiet devotion of simple people living lives of steadfast commitment. Their unwavering belief, expressed through common acts of dedication, can serve as powerful models for our own journey of faith.
For example, watching Agam Berger emerge from captivity and attribute her survival to her unshaken faith can stir us to greater faith. Her conviction stands as an inspiration – a reminder that faith is not just taught in books or preached from pulpits, but lived, even during crisis.
During these confusing moments in our national history, seek out those in your life – or those whose stories you have encountered – who embody unshakable faith. Hold fast to them in moments of darkness, drawing strength from their conviction.
I know that in my own struggles, I have clung tightly to my own role models who have demonstrated faith. Their light has guided me through my own shadows.
Faith from history
There is a second wellspring of faith – the enduring legacy of Jewish history. We have withstood the test of time, outlasting formidable and fearsome enemies who sought our destruction.
However, our story is not merely one of survival. We have reshaped the world, moulding lofty values – community, family, dignity, education, faith, and morality – that have illuminated human civilization.
Jewish history itself is a testament to faith, a force that strengthens belief with every chapter of our remarkable journey.
But history does more than inspire faith; it challenges us to uphold it. Despite the hardships we face today, we are living in the most extraordinary era to be a Jew. What would our grandparents have given to witness a sovereign Jewish state, to stand beside a Jewish soldier defending our people?
They endured conditions far harsher, far more terrifying, yet they clung to their faith – and in doing so, they secured our destiny. We owe them more than remembrance. We owe them our strength. We owe them our faith. Jewish history doesn’t merely bestow faith; it demands it.
Sometimes, faith is not gifted through inspiration but demanded through obligation. Paradoxically, when we recognize that faith is expected of us, we often find the strength to rise to the challenge and make it our own.
Faith, not answers
Faith does not mean having all the answers. The Holocaust left our people with profound, agonizing questions – questions that remain unanswered to this day. Our current trials, too, have shaken us, leaving us grappling with uncertainty.
One day, the answers will come. Until that day, we hold on to faith. We search for those who embody resilience, who illuminate the path of belief through their unwavering trust. We listen for the echoes of Jewish faith reverberating through history, drawing strength from those who came before us.
We remain loyal to them, summoning the faith that they carved out and that they expect from us. And in that strength, we find the courage to continue.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-841978
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Where Is Home? Israelis Who Left Israel Face Minority Status, Rising Antisemitism
By Brenda Katten
February 15, 2025
How many Israelis decided to leave Israel in 2024? The total was 82,700.
These figures, published by the Central Bureau of Statistics, are quite staggering, especially when compared to 2023 when a comparatively low 55,000 Israelis sought other countries to call home.
On one level, it is understandable that 2024 resulted in a considerably higher number of Israelis choosing to exit the country. It has been at war for considerably longer than during any previous conflict.
An interesting question for those who chose to leave Israel: In contrast to those, who, like myself, chose to come here from another country, how many of those leaving were born in Israel?
To what extent can someone born and bred in Israel comprehend what it is like for the Jew living in the Diaspora?
While Israelis are known to be extensive world travellers, that cannot be compared to actually living as a minority in another country. The word “minority” does not exist for an Israeli Jew living here because this is a unique country, where the greater majority are Jews.
Conversely, the Diaspora Jew remains different and in a minority, however much he or she is accepted. Those who chose to leave their countries of birth for Israel appreciate what it is to feel at home in the Jewish state.
Living in Israel protects Jews from the antisemitism that our Diaspora brothers and sisters are experiencing in the very countries that Israelis are likely to choose as their new abode.
Could anyone have predicted that, following Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre of 1,200 Israelis, the level of antisemitism in the Diaspora would rise to a level comparable to that which preceded the Holocaust?
Antisemitism in the Diaspora
A RECENT Jerusalem Post article described the Australia of the past as “paradise, a haven for Jews outside of Israel.” Today, it is one of many countries experiencing a surge in anti-Semitic acts. Sydney has witnessed a kindergarten – in its suburb of Maroubra – suffer extensive damage, with offensive anti-Semitic slogans scrawled on its walls.
Cars have been set alight and many more graffitied with the vilest anti-Semitic language. Synagogues have been painted with swastikas, and attempts have been made to set them alight on the Sabbath itself.
A cache of deadly guns and bombs was discovered in a property in northwest Sydney, together with a list of Jewish targets in the country’s most populous city.
My thoughts went back to 2002 when, as World WIZO’s public affairs chairperson, I traveled throughout Australia addressing the Jewish community, Jewish and non-Jewish students, and academics on university campuses, plus non-Jewish NGOs. I felt perfectly at ease at every event, Jewish or otherwise.
In Sydney, I spent an interesting morning visiting the Jewish Museum, which offers high school students (the majority non-Jews) the opportunity to tour the museum and meet with Holocaust survivors. The day of my visit coincided with a visit by a group of 16-year-old schoolchildren. I sat in on the talk given by the Holocaust survivor on duty that day. He began by explaining that, subsequent to the end of World War II, Australia became home to the second-largest number of Holocaust survivors after Israel.
Following the talk, the youngsters addressed questions to the speaker.
One of the boys asked, “Why did you choose to come to Australia?” The survivor answered, “I looked at a map of the world and chose the place farthest from Europe.”
The assumption was that Australia was sufficiently distanced from Europe to be a safe haven for Jews. One can only wonder at the thoughts going through a survivor’s mind today, witnessing the unprecedented rise of Jew hatred throughout that country.
Australia is not alone in the upsurge in antisemitism. Canada can compete in terms of attacks on its synagogues and other places with a Jewish connection.
Since Oct. 7, 2023, London, in the United Kingdom, has witnessed a weekly Saturday pro-Palestinian anti-Semitic march attracting thousands of participants. Four weeks ago, an attempt was made to march to the BBC, whose headquarters are situated in London’s West End.
As a synagogue is located in the vicinity of the BBC, the police forbade any protesters from approaching the BBC, fearing it might lead to an attack on the synagogue, likely filled with congregants on the Sabbath.
Among the leaders of this specific demonstration was former UK Labour Party head Jeremy Corbyn. The police arrested 77 of the demonstrators, who attempted to break through the police barrier.
HOW IS it for Jews in the UK? A recent survey conducted by the Campaign Against Antisemitism produced some disturbing statistics. Only one-third (34%) of British Jews believe they have a future in the UK. During the past two years, half of the Jewish community has considered leaving Britain due to antisemitism. Among the 18- to 24-year-olds, two-thirds are contemplating leaving their country of birth. Ninety-two percent believe that the media fuels antisemitism.
The Community Security Trust (CST) – the prime organization that protects the UK’s Jewish community against antisemitism – notes that the unprecedented surge in anti-Semitic incidents immediately followed the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israelis.
The 2,699 anti-Semitic incidents reported to CST in October, November, and December 2023 were three times as many as those reported in the entire first nine months of that year.
While the situation then calmed minimally, the 1,978 incidents in the first six months of 2024 were more than double that of the same period of the previous year. The figure for the whole of 2024 has not yet been published but is likely to be almost the same as in 2023.
Much of Europe has become a bedrock of Muslim fundamentalism – a catalyst for the unprecedented rise in antisemitism within far too many European countries. The United States – once referred to as the “goldene medina” – is not immune from the antisemitism pervading the world.
Perhaps the most frightening aspect is what is happening at universities around the world – especially the Ivy League campuses in the US. Recognizing that future leadership for the country is likely to evolve from those universities is a matter of grave concern.
While living in Israel has its challenges, as we are currently experiencing, it is the place where we, as Jews, can feel at home.
Many of us who chose to come here did so in the knowledge that being Jewish in Israel was more than okay.
Each person has his or her own reasons for making aliyah. Our background and parenting inevitably play an important part in who we are and how we think. Certainly, my father played a role in my decision to make Israel my home.
Born in Warsaw in 1904, he arrived in Britain at the age of eight, together with his siblings and parents. It was my father who gave me a love of what was then known as Yiddishkeit – today we would say “an appreciation of being Jewish.” He also gave me a love of Israel – a country he, sadly, never saw personally – through singing and teaching me songs, in both Yiddish and English. The songs spoke of the hope to return to our land and the significance of those early pioneers. Here is one song, the words of which I recall:
With your packs upon your shoulders
Oh pioneers, pioneers prepare
Come and let us all march eastwards
Out of exile everywhere
Be the road how rough and winding
Who’s afraid of toil and pain?
One breath out of life in Zion
Gives us all our strength again.
IT WAS those pioneers who – through toil and pain – turned a desert into the amazing Israel we know today.
Back to the beginning and to those who seek another land to call home. Having recently commemorated the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, where too many were murdered because no country would give them refuge, poet Robert Frost’s definition of home is particularly apt:
“Home is the place where, when you have to go there, they have to take you in.”
Am Yisrael chai.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-842006
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Trump’s Proposals For Gaza: A Political Gamble With Global Risks
By Elie Podeh
February 15, 2025
Unsurprisingly, the meeting between President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu garnered significant headlines, but far more than expected.
Trump’s proposals to transfer approximately two million Palestinians from Gaza to other countries, along with the United States assuming responsibility for Gaza, were presented as fresh, “outside-the-box” ideas. This framing gave them an air of innovation and creativity, presenting them as concepts previously unconsidered.
While it is certainly a new idea, not all new ideas are necessarily good ones – and some are best left well outside the box. Unlike the “Deal of the Century,” which was presented in January 2020 as a comprehensive 181-page plan, the current proposals emerged as a spontaneous whim announced by Trump just before his meeting with Netanyahu.
They are a mishmash of ideas, lacking any thorough planning that considers the interests and constraints of the various parties involved.
Trump’s proposals are often seen as an attempt to apply business principles to diplomacy – offering an extreme proposal in order to ultimately reach the desired outcome. As the late prime minister Levi Eshkol put it, “I compromise and compromise until I get what I want.”
Trump's polarizing Gaza plan
However, Trump’s approach to Gaza deviates from the core principles of his election campaign, and it risks leading him into confrontations on both the domestic and international stages. This could be especially problematic in his relationships with key leaders like Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince bin Salman, Turkey’s President Erdogan, Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, and Jordan’s King Abdullah II.
Apart from Israel, there appears to be little enthusiasm for this deal from other potential stakeholders. Trump can expect significant criticism from multiple fronts.
First, the American public, along with many across the political spectrum, is likely to oppose such a move. America’s appetite for involvement in overseas conflicts has diminished following the failures in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria – wars that claimed numerous lives and cost astronomical sums of money.
Second, the proposal is vehemently opposed by all Arab states, as it would force them to act against their own interests. More critically, if they were to accept it, they would risk undermining the legitimacy and stability of their regimes.
The Saudi Foreign Ministry was the first to respond on behalf of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, stating that Saudi Arabia would not back down from its position, which has been reiterated since October 7: the establishment of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders, with Jerusalem as its capital.
As a leading power in the Arab world today, Saudi Arabia has set the benchmark for the position of other Arab states. The United Arab Emirates quickly followed suit, reaffirming Saudi Arabia’s stance.
AS FOR EGYPT and Jordan, both have repeatedly expressed strong opposition during the war to any attempt to relocate Palestinians from Gaza. They are concerned about the potential consequences of a population transfer into their territories and its impact on the internal stability of their regimes.
The fact that Trump’s proposal is intended to be implemented consensually, rather than by force, does not lessen their opposition in the slightest. Trump’s threat to use the US financial clout over Egypt and Jordan may backfire and might even damage Israel’s relations with these two important states.
Similarly, Morocco, which has been mentioned as another potential destination for refugees – an action framed as a gesture of gratitude for America’s recognition of Morocco’s annexation of Western Sahara – will also resist being involved. Morocco has long supported the Palestinian cause and the establishment of a Palestinian state, and has even hosted both public and covert meetings between Israeli and Palestinian representatives.
Moreover, cooperating with an American initiative would likely paint the Arab regimes as traitors to the Palestinian cause, undermining their legitimacy by appearing to contribute to the destruction of the Palestinian project.
While Arab commitment to the Palestinian cause has historically been expressed in rhetorical terms, it is deeply rooted in widespread support among the Arab public.
Over the years, surveys have consistently shown the centrality of the Palestinian issue in Arab public opinion and Arab leaders cannot afford to ignore it. It appears that Trump fails to grasp the symbolic importance of the Palestinian issue in the Arab world, mistakenly assuming that everything can be bought with money.
AND WHAT about the Palestinians themselves? Jerusalem, the right of return for refugees, and a strong attachment to the land (known as sumud) are core values within the Palestinian ethos. Trump’s ideas risk turning the October 7 war into a second Nakba, deeply wounding this ethos. They represent an attempt to erase Palestinian identity and deny Palestinians their right to an independent state – a right that is recognized by the majority of countries around the world.
The focus on Gaza overshadowed another equally significant point made by Trump in his speech – his intention to revisit the issue of annexing territories in Judea and Samaria. This could reignite calls for the annexation of Area C, which had subsided following the release of the “Deal of the Century” in January 2020. Reviving these calls now would likely provoke widespread protests across the Arab world and in the Palestinian territories.
It is possible that Trump’s “outside-the-box” ideas were intentionally designed to shock, with the aim of achieving a more modest goal later on. However, there were never going to be any real buyers for these proposals. Moreover, even if these ideas are rejected, there remains an inherent danger in the legitimization, by the world’s most powerful nation, of actions that undermine international norms of behaviour.
If Trump is truly interested in rebuilding Gaza, he might consider replicating the Marshall Plan (it could even be named after him!). The Marshall Plan helped restore Europe after the devastation of World War II, without relocating its residents, and involved an investment of an unimaginable $173 billion in today’s terms.
The storm that followed Trump’s announcement is just beginning, and its outcome remains uncertain. It could end up being little more than a “tempest in a teacup,” but if it turns out to be genuine, storms typically bring damage and destruction. The only question is how much damage and destruction will result.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-842085
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Eurovision Lessons: Israel Can Tackle Poverty Through Participatory Policymaking
By Yoni Blasbalg
February 15, 2025
“My daughter is angry with me. Every day, I send her to school with a chocolate sandwich because I can’t afford anything else. I can’t turn on the air conditioner – I don’t have the money. My children’s shoes are wet from the rain at night, and I have no way to dry them by morning. I have to argue with my daughter about whether to drink milk at night because there might not be enough for breakfast. It hurts me. It’s hell to go through this.”
These heartbreaking words come from Tilshork (Zehava) Ayalew, a single mother from Ashdod whose family has been deeply affected by the current situation, with some of her children serving in the army. Despite her own daily struggles, Zehava goes to the Knesset as an activist with the Network for Living with Dignity of the Tzedek Centers, representing millions of people living in poverty. She gives voice to those who are often ignored or forgotten in policy discussions. For families like hers, life was already difficult before the war; during the war, things became significantly worse. Now, with new economic measures such as increased VAT and rising medication prices, the burden has grown even heavier.
Nearly two million Israelis live below the poverty line, a staggering figure that includes over one million children. According to the latest report on poverty in Israel, the situation continues to worsen, with more families falling into extreme poverty. The National Insurance Institute’s data reveals that more than 25% of households experience food insecurity, while over 40% of children from low-income families lack access to basic educational resources such as books, computers, and Internet connections. Additionally, single-parent households, like Zehava’s, are among the most severely affected, with nearly 30% of them living in dire financial situations.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-841782
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The Gaza Genocide And The Unravelling Of Us Hegemony
February 14, 2025
By Nasim Ahmed
Israel’s war on Gaza has shattered whatever illusions remained about the strength of US hegemony in the Middle East. The essays in a recent study “Debating American Primacy in the Middle East” brings into sharp focus the extent to which the US funded Israeli genocide in Gaza has accelerated global shifts in power, exposing the limits of Washington’s influence and leaving a vacuum that other actors are eagerly filling. The past 16 months, argue the authors, have not only exposed deep fractures in US alliances but also demonstrated the sheer exhaustion of the post-World War II order that once allowed America to dictate the region’s future. What was once an uncontested US-led system is now riddled with challenges from regional and global actors who are increasingly willing to defy American dictates?
According to the study, US primacy in the Middle East has never rested on military force alone. Its dominance was built on a mix of coercion, economic leverage, and the carefully maintained illusion of a liberal international order—one supposedly grounded in rules, institutions and multilateral diplomacy. But Israel’s aggression in Gaza has stripped away this façade, exposing a glaring double standard. The US, which has long positioned itself as a global defender of democracy and human rights, has instead found itself justifying and enabling an ally engaged in actions that violate the very principles it claims to uphold. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruling that Israel’s actions plausibly constitute genocide has put Washington in a position of unprecedented moral and political isolation. Rather than reassess its stance, the US has blocked ceasefire resolutions at the UN and continued to supply weapons, demonstrating that its commitment to “rules-based order” applies only when it serves American interests.
For decades, Washington’s closest Arab allies — Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan and the UAE — have maintained their alignment with the US in exchange for security guarantees. But, as the study details, this arrangement is becoming harder to sustain. The assault on Gaza has ignited public anger across the Arab world at a level not seen since the early days of the Arab Spring, forcing even the most US-aligned governments to reconsider their positions. Jordan, historically one of America’s most reliable partners, took the extraordinary step of supporting the ICJ case against Israel. Saudi Arabia, which had been moving towards normalising ties with Israel under US mediation, has now been forced to shelve those plans indefinitely. The authors of the study argue that the US, once seen as the key regional power broker, is rapidly losing credibility as a mediator, let alone a hegemon.
One of the most striking points made in the study is the extent to which Washington’s commitment to Israel’s security has transformed from a strategic calculation into an ideological fixation — one that no longer serves even Israel’s interests. Far from ensuring its long-term security, US support has helped push Israel into deeper isolation. Since 7 October 2023, Israel has framed its assault on Gaza as an existential fight, but rather than eliminating Hamas, the war has instead made Gaza a global symbol of Western hypocrisy, strengthened resistance movements across the region and increased instability.
The study also points to the impact on America’s traditional alliances in Europe. While European governments have largely followed Washington’s lead in backing Israel, public opinion has shifted dramatically. The scale of destruction in Gaza has mobilised widespread protests and forced European leaders — many of whom have historically been staunchly pro-Israel — to adopt a more critical tone. This marks a significant break from previous US-European relations. For decades, the transatlantic alliance has been a key pillar of US global primacy, yet the study argues that Washington’s handling of Gaza has shown that it can no longer rely on automatic European backing. The Biden administration’s failure to secure a ceasefire despite months of mounting pressure has exposed the limits of its influence, not just over Israel but over its own allies.
Beyond the immediate diplomatic fallout, the study suggests that the broader consequences of this moment will reshape global power structures. The US dollar’s dominance in global trade and the influence of American-led financial institutions are already being challenged, with countries actively seeking ways to reduce their economic dependence on Washington. The BRICS alliance, which includes China, Russia and key Global South economies, is gaining momentum, with several Middle Eastern states expressing interest in closer ties. The study argues that if US primacy means unconditional support for Israel at any cost, then alternative global alignments will only become more attractive.
What emerges from this analysis is not the immediate collapse of US hegemony, but its gradual and highly visible erosion. The US remains a powerful actor, but the study makes it clear that Washington can no longer dictate terms as it once did. Arab states that were once deeply embedded in the American security architecture are actively diversifying their partnerships, strengthening ties with China, Russia and even Iran. The security arrangements that underpinned US dominance in the region for decades are now being renegotiated, with Washington struggling to keep up.
Perhaps nowhere is this shift more apparent than in the failure of the Abraham Accords to withstand the fallout from Gaza. The accords were designed to cement Israel’s integration into a US-backed regional order, but the ongoing assault has rendered them meaningless. Arab states that had normalised ties with Israel, such as the UAE and Bahrain, now find themselves having to publicly distance themselves from its actions. Saudi Arabia, once the key target for US-led normalisation efforts, has decisively stepped back. The study argues that the belief that Israel could maintain these deals while waging an all-out assault on Gaza was always unrealistic — and the events of the past year have confirmed that the future of the region will not be shaped by US-brokered backroom agreements but by the realities of power on the ground.
The study also highlights the internal impact on Israel itself, arguing that the Gaza assault has had devastating consequences not just for Palestinians but for Israeli democracy. The far-right government of Benjamin Netanyahu has used the crisis to push through increasingly authoritarian measures, suppressing dissent, targeting political opponents and further entrenching an anti-democratic state. For years, Israel’s defenders have justified US support by portraying it as “the only democracy in the Middle East,” yet its current trajectory calls that claim into question.
For Palestinians, the study makes clear that the ongoing assault has not just deepened their suffering — it has exposed the complete failure of US-backed diplomatic efforts. The Palestinian Authority, long seen as Washington’s preferred mechanism for managing the occupation, has lost whatever legitimacy it once had. As the study’s authors argue, the idea that a US-led peace process will deliver a just solution to the conflict is now as outdated as the assumption that Washington still has the power to unilaterally shape the region’s future.
The world that is emerging in the wake of Gaza genocide is one in which US dominance can no longer be taken for granted. Regional actors are asserting themselves, often in direct defiance of Washington’s goals. The global order that once revolved around American primacy is steadily shifting — not through dramatic upheavals, but through the cumulative weight of lost influence, realigned alliances, and a growing recognition that the US is no longer the undisputed power it once was.
According to Debating American Primacy in the Middle East, what we are witnessing is not just another moment of crisis, but a turning point. The contradictions of US foreign policy, the fragility of its alliances, and the limits of its power have all been laid bare. The decline of American hegemony is not a future projection—it is unfolding now, in real time, across the Middle East and beyond. The only question that remains is whether Washington will acknowledge this reality and adapt, or whether it will continue clinging to a system of dominance that is already slipping away.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250214-the-gaza-genocide-and-the-unravelling-of-us-hegemony/
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Erdogan On Tour As Turkiye Pivots To Asia
Dr. Sinem Cengiz
February 14, 2025
Turkiye’s engagement with Southeast Asia is often seen as part of a broader strategic pivot that has been evolving in line with its broader foreign policy. Last week President Recep Tayyip Erdogan conducted a tour of Malaysia, Indonesia, and Pakistan, which was significant in many respects and deserves a closer look.
In 2019, Turkiye introduced the Asia Anew Initiative with three main goals: to bolster Turkiye’s defence cooperation by building stronger defence ties with Asian countries; to address the growing demand for defence procurement by increasing Turkiye’s access to Asian markets; and to foster closer economic relations with individual countries and regional organizations of which they are members. The initiative covers various projects from 2024 to 2026. Malaysia and Indonesia play important roles, as both are members of influential organizations such as the ASEAN, BRICS, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and the Developing-8.
Erdogan’s first stop on his tour was Malaysia, which he last visited in 2019. Malaysia is especially important in the context of Asia Anew for several reasons. Malaysia is the 2025 chair of ASEAN, in whose summits Turkiye has participated since 2013. Turkiye is currently a sectoral dialogue partner of the organization, with aspirations to gain full dialogue partner status. Malaysia’s support, as one of ASEAN’s founding members, is crucial for Turkiye to achieve this goal.
Malaysia is also a member of the D-8, an international organization founded in 1997 in Istanbul, along with Turkiye, Iran, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Egypt, and Nigeria. It is also an active member of the OIC, and along with Turkiye has been instrumental in diplomatic efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. One of the key issues discussed during Erdoğan’s visit to Malaysia was the reconstruction of Gaza: Malaysia pledged to support the creation of a fund for this purpose and co-chair the East Asia Reconstruction Plan for Gaza and Palestine. Erdogan emphasized the importance of platforms like the OIC and D-8 to address global humanitarian issues, including Gaza. Malaysia also was the first ASEAN member country to sign a free trade agreement with Turkiye, in 2014.
There is a burgeoning relationship between Turkiye and Southeast Asian states in the area of defence. Malaysia’s Ministry of Defence has identified Turkiye as a key player in the development of its defence capabilities. In particular, Malaysia has shown interest in Turkish maritime defence products. Turkish defence giant STM signed an agreement with Malaysia in 2024for the purchase of three corvette warships. The strong momentum of Turkish-Malaysian relations was evident in the 11 agreements signed during Erdogan's visit.
The president’s second stop was Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim-majority nation and Southeast Asia’s largest economy. The two countries have significantly strengthened their ties in recent years. In 2022, they signed five agreements on defence, technology, forestry, and environmental cooperation. In 2023, they agreed to carry out joint military exercises and enhance their defence industry cooperation. During Erdogan’s visit, an agreement was signed between Indonesian Defence Company Republikorp and Turkiye’s Baykar to establish a drone production facility in Indonesia. President Prabowo Subianto spoke highly of this growing cooperation, noting successful joint ventures with Turkish defence firms such as Roketsan, Aselsan, Havelsan, and Baykar. This visit also marked the first meeting of the High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council of two states, which was established in 2022.
The final leg of Erdogan’s tour took him to Pakistan, which he visited five years ago. Turkiye has a special bond with Pakistan, a middle-sized defence partner where Turkiye has long played a crucial role in strengthening military capabilities. During this visit, Pakistan signed a deal to acquire electronic warfare aircraft — another outcome of the already growing defense cooperation, particularly in areas such as technology transfer, joint production agreements, and arms sales. Turkish defence companies such as Aselsan and Roketsan have worked with Pakistani partners to develop advanced weaponry, enhancing Pakistan’s indigenous defence production and reducing its reliance on Western suppliers. This growing military collaboration has deepened Turkiye-Pakistan relations and solidified Turkiye’s position as an important partner.
The global shift of power from the West to the East, the “pivot to Asia” trend, changing dynamics in the Middle East, and Turkiye’s pragmatic foreign policy have shaped Ankara’s own turn toward Asia. Turkiye is now working to expand its influence in Southeast Asia, a region that has warmly welcomed this involvement. But it is important to consider how Turkiye can further align its strategic objectives with the evolving dynamics of this region and increasing competition among several actors. The personal diplomacy at leadership level with each nation, defence capabilities, and economic potential are Turkiye’s key assets that can support its pivot to Asia. But its Southeast Asia policy needs sustained focus and efforts, moving beyond economic and defence collaboration, and building more on people-to-people relations.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2590247
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Israeli Withdrawal From Lebanon Would Benefit All Parties
Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib
February 14, 2025
Following the ceasefire agreement that was sealed on Nov. 27 last year, Israel was supposed to withdraw from Lebanese territory by Jan. 26. The deadline was last month extended to Feb. 18. However, as we approach that date, Israel is showing no signs that it will withdraw in time. Its withdrawal is necessary for Lebanon to have any kind of stability or state-building.
Israel has been successful in decapitating Hezbollah’s leadership. It used advanced technology to assassinate the group’s field leaders. Later, it conducted the attack on Hezbollah pagers, in which more than 3,500 top operatives were simultaneously either killed or maimed. Israel followed this attack with an intensive bombing campaign, in which it killed all commanders of the group, starting with Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah.
According to the ceasefire agreement, Hezbollah needs to withdraw north of the Litani River. The deal also includes the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1559, which orders all Lebanese militias to disarm. Meanwhile, Israel was supposed to withdraw by the end of an initial 60-day period. However, it did not. The excuse that Israel presented was that it needs to clear the south of the country of all arms depots and pockets of resistance. This is why it keeps bombing parts of the south and the Bekaa Valley every now and then.
What is obvious is that Israel and the new US administration do not believe in soft power or the ideas of nuance and narrative. They only believe in hard power. They believe that the only way to get rid of Hezbollah is to kill all its operatives and dry up all its sources of funding. What they do not realize is that by adopting this method they are undermining the Lebanese state.
Hezbollah’s military muscle can be weakened, but the idea of Hezbollah cannot be eradicated as long as there is any form of Israeli occupation or breach of Lebanese sovereignty. Hezbollah’s argument, on which it bases the legitimacy for its existence, is that the Lebanese army cannot protect Lebanon from Israeli aggression. Hence, a guerrilla force is needed.
If Israel wanted to act intelligently, it would withdraw before the next deadline and allow the Lebanese state to take the credit. This way, Beirut could show the Lebanese people, including Hezbollah that the Lebanese state can repel the Israelis and protect the country from its aggression by using diplomacy. However, the Israeli leaders’ arrogance, coupled with American permissiveness, is undermining the Lebanese state.
Though Hezbollah is weakened militarily, its narrative is being strengthened at the expense of the Lebanese state’s prestige. When the 60-day period finished, the people of the south rushed back to their homes. Israel shot 22 people dead. This was a blow to the Lebanese state. It showed that the state was unable to protect its own people. Hezbollah will not be weakened as long as its audience feel that they need protection. Israel might kill the commander and disrupt the chain of command. However, it will only be a matter of time before the group restores its chain of command and grooms new leaders.
The US, which brokered the ceasefire, should show respect and empower the Lebanese state in order for the Lebanese people to trust it. If the average Lebanese, especially in the south, does not feel that the state can protect them from Israeli aggression, they will revert to Hezbollah for protection. They will send their children to be enlisted in the group. They will contribute from their hard-earned money to finance the group.
However, this is not how the US has acted. During her visit to Lebanon last week, Deputy Special Middle East Envoy Morgan Ortagus thanked Israel for defeating Hezbollah. Israel had just destroyed half of the country and the US envoy, speaking at the presidential palace, thanked it. This announcement undermined the Lebanese state and exacerbated the country’s internal divisions. It also reinforced the perception among Lebanese Shiites that the state cannot protect them. The Shiites feel alienated and hurt and Hezbollah is taking advantage of that.
At the same time, the camp that is antagonistic to Hezbollah feels empowered. Progress MP Mark Daou said that the speaker of the parliament, who is an ally of Hezbollah, should walk the line, otherwise he should be wary of a woman’s shoe (referring to Ortagus) or to a boot (probably referring to a military boot). The supporters of Hezbollah and Amal were deeply offended by his disrespectful comments toward their leadership. They accused him of being an agent for the Israelis.
This is a watershed moment for the Lebanese — a moment where the people should rally around the state and focus on institution-building and the conducting of reforms. However, the Israeli presence is creating a point of contention between the Lebanese who are happy that Hezbollah has been defeated and the supporters of the group, who feel alienated by the rest of Lebanese society. It is also a distraction from state-building and a gift for corrupt politicians to derail the progress toward reforms.
The US, which has the upper hand, should have a strategic view. It should pressure Israel to withdraw, while getting enough guarantees from the Lebanese state that it will pressure Hezbollah to disarm and to morph into a political party on a par with the other parties in the country. However, the US seems to prefer hard power and a blunt approach. This approach entails the risk of internal unrest.
The US should realize that the only viable alternative to Hezbollah is a strong Lebanese state that can deliver security and services to its citizens. This cannot happen as long as Israel occupies parts of Lebanon and infringes on its security. The US should pressure Israel to withdraw by the deadline of Feb. 18.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2590240
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URL: https://newageislam.com/middle-east-press/israel-hamas-nazis-erdogan-turkiye/d/134630
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