Middle East Press On: Hypocrisy, Pro Israel, Indonesia, Right Wing: New Age Islam's Selection, 12 June 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
12 June 2025
Global Sanctions Against Israel Ministers Show Dangerous Hypocrisy
As Gay Tourism Dries Up, Israel Must Offer A Fresh Outlook On Pride Week
Muddling Through The 'Madleen': How Israel Got The Better Of Greta Thunberg
Are Israeli-American Relations Losing Their Special Status?
A Troubling Trend: The Rise Of Pro-Israel Voices In Indonesia
The Haredim And Netanyahu: Will The Traditional Right Wing Camp Fall Apart?
Saudi Youth Key To The Kingdom’s Growth
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Global Sanctions Against Israel Ministers Show Dangerous Hypocrisy
By Jpost Editorial
June 12, 2025
At first blush, reasonable people around the world may look at Tuesday’s decision by the UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and Norway to sanction far-right Israeli ministers Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir as understandable.
After all, they might say, these are extremists who have said some truly hateful things about Gaza and Palestinians. Surely, barring them from travel and freezing their assets is a proportionate response.
But then a second blush should follow – and with it, the realization that this is an unprecedented diplomatic step: sanctioning ministers of a democratic ally not for their actions but for their words. For rhetoric.
This marks a striking departure from longstanding diplomatic norms and holds Israel to a standard no other country is held to.
Israel is not the only democracy that has had extremists in government. The Netherlands’ Geert Wilders comes to mind. So does Italy’s former interior minister, Matteo Salvini. Even some US officials have made comments that raise eyebrows. Yet none of them have been sanctioned.
Why not? Because until now, that was considered a bridge too far.
Democracies have generally reserved sanctions for autocracies – countries like Russia, Belarus, or Myanmar. The unspoken rule was that democracies, while occasionally electing officials who say outrageous things, have internal systems – elections, courts, free media, and public opinion – to deal with them.
If someone crosses a line, their own public institutions will respond.
That assumption just got tossed out the window.
For the first time, five democratic countries sanctioned elected officials from another democracy. And not for what they did, but for what they said. Their verdict? Israel can’t deal with this itself and needs them to step in.
What arrogance!
Sanctions cross a line
This is more than just a diplomatic rebuke. It’s a line-crossing moment. We’re no longer talking about punishing bad actors for bad behavior – we’re now in the territory of sanctioning speech.
And that raises a tricky question: Who gets to decide when rhetoric, no matter how ugly, becomes grounds for international punishment?
A joint statement from the five countries said the sanctions were due to the ministers’ incitement of violence against Palestinians in the West Bank.
It also added: “We are steadfastly committed to the two-state solution, which is the only way to guarantee security and dignity for Israelis and Palestinians and ensure long-term stability in the region, but it is imperiled by extremist settler violence and settlement expansion.”
In other words, it wasn’t only hateful rhetoric that was the target here, but also the ministers’ rejection of the two-state solution. Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said as much, stating that comments by the sanctioned ministers are an “impediment” to a two-state solution.
Well, here’s a news flash: about 85% of Jewish Israelis, according to a recent INSS poll, now oppose a two-state solution. Why? Because they’ve been mugged by reality – first by the Second Intifada and more recently by October 7.
The vast majority of Israelis no longer see two states as a viable path to peace, not because of ideology, but because of bitter experience.
That doesn’t mean Smotrich and Ben-Gvir’s inflammatory rhetoric is defensible. We find some of their remarks not only irresponsible but morally wrong.
However, these sanctions extend beyond disapproval of rhetoric and into the realm of sanctimonious virtue signaling. If these governments want to condemn Ben-Gvir and Smotrich’s speech, that’s their prerogative. But the double standard here is deafening.
These countries are saying they won’t engage with the far-right ministers because of incitement to violence, but they have no problem sitting down with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, whose government pays monthly salaries to terrorists – and their families – who murder Israelis.
If these countries want to be taken seriously, perhaps they should start by addressing the insightful rhetoric heard on their own streets – chants like “Globalize the Intifada,” “Free, free Palestine,” or “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.”
Going after Israeli ministers while ignoring this isn’t virtuous; it’s hypocritical. And it should be called out as such. We commend US Secretary of State Marco Rubio for rejecting the sanctions and making it clear they are anything but constructive.
As he put it, the sanctions “do nothing to promote a ceasefire in Gaza, bring the hostages home, or end the war.” Then he added, “We remind our partners not to forget who the real enemy is.”
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-857395
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As Gay Tourism Dries Up, Israel Must Offer A Fresh Outlook On Pride Week
By Imri Kalmann
June 11, 2025
Let’s face it: Pride Week 2025 in Tel Aviv marks an unprecedented low in LGBT tourism.
It’s not just a decline in numbers – it’s the palpable emptiness in the streets that used to echo with foreign languages, smiles, and spontaneous flirtations. This downturn is the result of a dramatic mix of circumstances, primarily the ongoing security situation since October 7, which has cast Israel in a negative international light.
Tourists – especially gay travellers, who seek safety, openness, and ease – simply don’t feel secure coming here.
But it would be a mistake to blame everything on security. Tel Aviv has become one of the most expensive cities in the world. A premium-priced destination must offer premium value – in quality, service, and uniqueness.
There must be deeper investment in local tourism, nightlife, and entertainment. Municipal and national services must be upgraded – from airport welcome kits and attraction passes to easier access between Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and other major destinations.
Pride events are shifting across the globe
Globally, Pride events are also shifting. Some have lost momentum. The LGBT movement is undergoing a transformation – distancing itself from divisive narratives like "Queers for Palestine" or endless identity fragmentation. New, powerful initiatives are emerging – from desert festivals to wellness retreats in the Golan Heights.
The story is evolving, and so must its presentation.
Let’s not forget: Gay tourism is not just colorful – it’s economically powerful. Queer travelers spend more, stay longer, return more often, and share more content. It’s a smart investment. What we need is a unified taskforce – combining the municipality, Ministry of Tourism, airlines, business owners, and event organizers – to create a new roadmap.
Cultural infrastructure, unique festivals, local entrepreneurship, accessible packages, and international partnerships: Pride from Eilat to Metulla.
And the crown jewel? The week that bridges Jerusalem’s pride with Tel Aviv’s is one-of-a-kind. The fusion of a city of faith and a city of freedom is a global asset. Now is the time to offer a fresh, relevant, exciting, and profitable model – for tourists, for the state, and for the community.
Imri Kalmann is the CEO of the destination marketing company Terranova, former Chair of the Aguda, the Israeli LGBT Association, and a Tel Aviv-based entrepreneur in marketing and culture.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-857358
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Muddling Through The 'Madleen': How Israel Got The Better Of Greta Thunberg
By Gil Hoffman
June 11, 2025
On Monday morning May 31, 2010, the producers at Al Jazeera’s Jerusalem bureau did not stop calling me.
They wanted me to go on the air and provide Israel’s perspective on what was happening on the Mavi Marmara ship that was bound for Gaza.
I absolutely refused because I had no way of knowing what had happened on the ship, nor did any of my sources. While Israelis have a reputation for telling you to go straight when you ask for directions, whether they know the correct route or not, I have always educated my children that sometimes the smartest thing to say is “I don’t know.”
The reason no one knew what was happening was that the IDF did not tell anyone and did not seem to care that the other side was controlling the narrative. The soldiers were portrayed as the aggressors and the people on the ship as peace activists, even after they attacked and wounded the soldiers with metal poles and chairs until they lost consciousness.
The escalation ended with nine Turkish activists killed, and Israel was forced to pay more than $20 million to their families and apologize to Turkey in 2016.
Such mistakes could have easily been repeated with this week’s arrival of the Madleen boat carrying 12 activists, including high-profile Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg. An Al Jazeera journalist was on board, ready to report the worst.
Had the IDF stormed the boat aggressively and harmed anyone on board while being livestreamed on the activists’ phones, the incident could have done great damage to Israel’s deteriorating international reputation. Thunberg, 22, has become a heroine to young progressives around the world, making her handling especially sensitive.
But something astonishing happened.
The IDF willingly lost a fight.
How Israel's Foreign Ministry handled the Madleen Gaza flotilla incident
THE ARMY relinquished control over how the Madleen would be handled and framed and gave it over to the Foreign Ministry, which isn’t used to winning turf wars.
Check the IDF’s X/Twitter account and WhatsApp channel in any language. You won’t find a single mention of the Madleen or anyone who was on it. The Foreign Ministry sent representatives to the IDF war room, who were in constant contact with the naval soldiers who intercepted the vessel.
The IDF Spokesperson’s Unit sent photographers who took pictures that quickly became the international narrative of what had happened. The photo of a female soldier giving a sandwich to Thunberg smiling in a frog hat went viral, making Israel look magnanimous.
The naval soldier who told the participants that their aid could be delivered through established humanitarian channels as she was being filmed for social media was also a female, to make the incident seem less threatening.
The Israeli Navy is currently communicating with the “selfie yacht”. Using an international civilian communication system, the Israeli Navy has instructed the “selfie yacht” to change its course due to its approach toward a restricted area. pic.twitter.com/KnSqWrsXU2— Israel Foreign Ministry (@IsraelMFA) June 8, 2025
Under the leadership of Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar and his team, the Madleen started being called “the selfie yacht” to paint its passengers as attention-seeking, self-centered, publicity obsessed, and more interested in a media provocation than helping anyone in Gaza.
The food they brought was mocked, as it constituted not even a single truckload, compared to the 1,200 aid trucks with 11 million meals that Israel facilitated over the past two weeks. Had the Madleen arrived three weeks ago, a better case against Israel could have been made.
Messages released by ministry officials emphasized that the Madleen “celebrities” were safe, unharmed, and in good health. The officials were also smart in what they chose not to say.
“There were thoughts to call it the Hamas Flotilla, but we knew we couldn’t persuade the world that Greta is a Hamas supporter,” a source involved behind the scenes said. “Greta doesn’t look like a terrorist. She looks confused. The world wouldn’t have bought it.”
EVEN PIERS Morgan, who made an ass of himself by shouting at British barrister and pro-Israel international law expert Natasha Hausdorff last week, parroted Israel’s line by calling Thunberg an “attention-seeking narcissist” who cared only about her ego and not any Palestinians.
The Foreign Ministry’s new war room that monitors international coverage quickly relayed the message that American media was focused on rioting in Los Angeles so efforts could be concentrated elsewhere. The war room worked all night two nights in a row, testing different messaging to see what worked and choosing not to implement part of the strategy that proved unnecessary.
It’s better to be over-prepared than under-prepared, a source involved behind the scenes said.
Sources in the IDF revealed that the Navy spokespeople prepared for Greta’s arrival for weeks. They studied what went wrong with the Marmara, and emphasized to naval commanders that the Madleen’s goal was attention, not breaching the blockade.
The soldiers who boarded the vessel were trained on how to speak to the passengers. As an extra precaution, only female soldiers spoke to female passengers and male soldiers to men. A sizable portion of the Spokesman’s Unit was up all night and ready in case something went wrong.
Israeli spokespeople briefly united, cooperating and speaking with almost only one voice to the world in a utopian moment that probably won’t be repeated any time soon. Police did not handcuff Thunberg or subject her to an interrogation to impress National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.
The “almost” outsider voice – of course – refers to Defense Minister Israel Katz, who spoke with the same bluster that has doomed Israel in past international incidents. He spoke to cameras over and over again about subjecting the activists to watch the nightmare video of Hamas attacking Israelis on Oct. 7, 2023.
No one could force them to watch Israelis get murdered as punishment, and even if they saw the video, the Israel haters might have actually enjoyed it. Comedian Elon Gold has a classic joke that antisemites get excited when they go to a Holocaust museum. Attempting to reeducate and preach to the unconvertable was pointless, except for Katz’s own political gain.
Katz calling Thunberg an antisemite also did not help and was re-greta-ble. There have been past incidents that may prove that right, but name-calling is counter-productive.
It is possible the ship could have been stopped from sailing out of Sicily if Israel had better relations with Italian officials. And Egypt being part of the blockade on Gaza wasn’t mentioned anywhere.
And there was plenty of biased and dishonest reporting, as usual.
WHEN CNN spoke to Thunberg, she was not questioned about how she would navigate Gaza, an active war zone in which the Israeli army is fighting a terrorist organization that has embedded itself within the civilian infrastructure.
The Irish Times was quick to increase the scale of the Madleen, referring to it as a “charity boat,” as if a handful of activists with a token supply of aid were spearheading a major humanitarian operation.
In an X post that went viral, the media watchdog HonestReporting revealed that the BBC referred to Oct. 7 as a “massacre” with scare quotes calling it into doubt.
Sickening: Scare quotes around the October 7 massacre.Just when you thought @BBCNews couldn't sink any lower. pic.twitter.com/PCuUltvgYr— HonestReporting (@HonestReporting) June 9, 2025
This article was written on Tuesday, when Thunberg was still on her way home to Sweden. It is still possible that she could say something that could make Israel look bad. Some of her boatmates were set to go to court in Israel, and that could be mishandled.
But it looks like Israel, for the most part, handled the incident well; and especially in tough times like these, any PR victory must be celebrated, including getting the better of Thunberg.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-857336
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Are Israeli-American Relations Losing Their Special Status?
June 11, 2025
The phone call between US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu two nights ago, was described by most Israeli media outlets as favourable, particularly regarding the Iranian issue. It did not, however, dispel the prevailing impression in Israel that there is a negative change in America’s Middle East strategy, notably toward the occupying state. This impression, which extends to circles close to the government, stems primarily from the collapse of a long-held assumption that the US administration will always stand by Israel, and perhaps even be in its pocket. This impression has formed after a series of unilateral steps taken by the Trump administration without consulting or obtaining Israel’s approval.
These steps specifically include: the agreement signed by the Trump administration with the Houthis in Yemen, which did not impose a red light on the continued firing of missiles at Israel, the embrace of what Israel describes as “former Islamists” in Syria, the embrace of Turkiye and Qatar; and the rush to reach an agreement with Iran, which, according to most Israeli readings, would allow it to almost completely maintain its nuclear programme. Regarding the war on Gaza, there is a near-consensus that the US administration’s deep disappointment with Israel’s conduct in the context of this war is a common factor linking all these steps.
According to more than one Israeli bilateral relations expert, these steps prove, first and foremost, that President Trump has no regard for Israeli interests. In his view, American interests and his interests are paramount. Secondly, the US president has traditionally delivered messages to Israel directly, sometimes sharply, and without any restraint. However, Trump has chosen a new method of indirectly delivering messages to his Israeli ally. This includes unwritten means and taking or refraining from taking steps, rather than clear and direct statements.
An example of this is when Netanyahu was surprised to hear about the launch of diplomatic dialogue between Washington and Tehran, without having any prior knowledge of this process, which was being conducted behind his back, despite it being a top priority for him. This was only the beginning of a series of additional steps that did not include any direct public criticism from the White House, but did serve as a serious indication of the declining status of what are described as the special or exceptional relationship between the two countries.
In this regard, it is worth noting, specifically, that Trump’s decision not to visit Israel during his tour of the Gulf states is a clear indication that the special relationship between the two parties is losing its spark and exclusivity.
Naturally, there are multiple suggestions on how Israel should deal with this change. We have found that there are two main approaches: First, the need to examine and understand the root reasons for this change by the Americans, rather than simply saying this is part of President Trump’s nature and temperament. Some who hold this view openly call for examining the limitations of Israel’s power in front of the US.
According to the position of the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) at Tel Aviv University, now is not the appropriate time, nor is Trump the appropriate president, to create a crisis initiated by Israel. A crisis like this might offer some advantages over a normal American administration, but it’s an uncalculated risk for an administration like Trump’s.
The second approach, embraced by the government’s mouthpieces and its prime minister, is that the last thing Israel needs is to surrender and concede. Their argument is that Israel hasn’t always relied on the Americans to ensure its security, as during the first two decades of its existence, the US did not stand by its side, or did it provide it with weapons or economic aid or support it diplomatically.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250611-are-israeli-american-relations-losing-their-special-status/
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A Troubling Trend: The Rise Of Pro-Israel Voices In Indonesia
June 11, 2025
In recent years, Indonesia has witnessed an unusual and disquieting trend: the rise of public figures openly supporting Israel, in stark contrast to the country’s long-standing and deeply rooted support for Palestinian self-determination. Chief among these voices is Monique Rijkers, a Jakarta-based media personality and self-described Jewish Indonesian who has positioned herself as the country’s most visible pro-Israel activist. Her growing platform—ranging from her YouTube channel FaktaIsrael to appearances on national television—signals not only a shift in media discourse, but also a challenge to the moral clarity that has defined Indonesia’s position on Palestine for decades.
Rijkers is no fringe figure. With over 278,000 subscribers on her YouTube channel, she presents a slick, persuasive narrative defending Israeli actions and policies, including military operations in Gaza. One of her most viral videos, “Rekam Jejak Manipulasi Ambulans oleh Hamas” (Hamas’ Ambulance Manipulation Track Record), attempts to discredit the widely documented humanitarian crisis in Gaza by painting Palestinian resistance as manipulative and deceptive. The comments section on this video reveals something deeply unsettling: a growing number of Indonesians echoing her sentiments, not in defence of peace, but in alignment with Israeli militarism.
Her activism extends beyond mere online rhetoric. In 2017, Rijkers attended the Christian Media Summit in Jerusalem, where she was the sole Indonesian among a curated group of 130 international participants. The summit, organised by Israel’s Government Press Office, served as a platform for disseminating state-approved narratives—which Rijkers uncritically amplified. During a staged tour of the West Bank, she fixated on technicalities like the fact that only 5 per cent of Israel’s 629-kilometer segregation barrier is a concrete wall, as if this minor detail somehow mitigated its oppressive function. She marvelled at the ordinariness of President Reuven Rivlin’s residence, contrasting it with Indonesia’s presidential palace to paint Israel as a model of accessibility—a superficial comparison that ignores how Israel’s “open” institutions coexist with systemic exclusion of Palestinians. Through these carefully framed encounters, Rijkers parrots Israeli propaganda, whitewashing apartheid while erasing the violence of occupation.
In 2021, she took her controversial rhetoric a step further. On her Facebook page, she proposed relocating Gazans to Indonesia to form a 35th province named “Gaza.” In this bizarre geopolitical fantasy, the Gaza Strip would be returned to Egypt and the West Bank left to the Palestinian Authority under Fatah—because, in her words, Fatah “doesn’t launch rockets at Israel.” Such a suggestion is not only logistically absurd but fundamentally insulting. It treats occupied, besieged people as pawns to be relocated for the sake of Israeli comfort, erasing their historical, cultural, and emotional connection to their land.
What is perhaps most alarming is the platform she’s been given. Rijkers has appeared on TVOne, one of Indonesia’s most prominent news channels, and has even been invited to speak at Islamic boarding schools such as Ponpes Al-Zaytun. This legitimization of pro-Israel activism in a country where public support for Palestine is historically strong and widespread should raise red flags about whose voices are being elevated—and why.
Another figure pushing a similar narrative—though with far less influence—is Flemming Pangabean, an Indonesian national reportedly living in Israel. He promotes Israel as a land of opportunity for Indonesian workers, touting high wages and encouraging migration. He has even envisioned 100 young Batak Christians—an ethnic group primarily from the highlands of North Sumatra—studying in Israel to prepare for a demographic shift in their homeland. Additionally, Flemming has promoted Israeli universities offering scholarships.
Yet his digital footprint suggests performative rather than impactful motives. His social media engagement is low, and his credibility among Indonesians remains questionable. While Pangabean’s rhetoric lacks Rijkers’ polish and reach, it still contributes to broader efforts to normalize Israeli policy within Indonesian discourse.
Both individuals have called on Indonesia to pursue formal diplomatic relations with Israel, arguing that such ties would benefit Indonesia economically and technologically. Rijkers in particular has made the case that Israel’s expertise in agriculture and cybersecurity could help modernize Indonesian industries. She even suggests this could be part of former President Joko Widodo’s legacy, stating that it would bring “new investors” and mark a shift in Indonesia’s global posture.
But this argument misses a fundamental point: normalization is betrayal. The economic carrots dangled by Rijkers and Pangabean come at the cost of legitimizing an apartheid system. The call to “join the peace train” ignores that Palestinians are still under blockade, occupation, and systemic discrimination. It assumes peace can be achieved without accountability, without dismantling illegal settlements, and without acknowledging the right of return for millions of Palestinian refugees.
The soft power of the media is not lost on Rijkers, who criticizes Indonesian journalism for being too sympathetic to the Palestinian narrative. She claims domestic media rely too heavily on foreign sources, often citing Palestinian or Turkish agencies like Anadolu, which she deems biased. She advocates for more journalists to attend Israeli-hosted events like the Christian Media Summit to get “both sides” of the story. Yet, her version of “balance” is one that equates state-sponsored bombings with resistance, and occupation with order.
The irony here is profound. In a nation where the spirit of anti-colonialism still lives in the memory of its own struggle for independence, figures like Rijkers and Pangabean advocate for alignment with a settler-colonial state. Their rhetoric reframes occupation as innovation, resistance as terrorism, and solidarity as naivety.
The majority of the Indonesian public has thus far not bought into these narratives, steadfastly reaffirming their support for Palestinian statehood and firmly rejecting any plans to normalize ties with Israel. Yet, as figures like Rijkers gain wider platforms—and as their views gradually enter public discourse—it becomes increasingly urgent to reaffirm that the moral arc of justice must not be bent by opportunism or geopolitical convenience.
To be clear, no one is denying Rijkers or Pangabean their right to free speech. But we must be vigilant about the platforms we give them and the narratives they promote. Pro-Israel activism in Indonesia is not just a foreign policy issue; it is a test of our collective memory, our moral compass, and our commitment to standing with the oppressed, not the oppressor.
Let us not allow slick videos or diplomatic illusions to distract us from the horrifying reality on the ground: a people facing genocide, still waiting for justice, and still counting on our unwavering solidarity.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250611-a-troubling-trend-the-rise-of-pro-israel-voices-in-indonesia/
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The Haredim And Netanyahu: Will The Traditional Right Wing Camp Fall Apart?
June 11, 2025
It may not have occurred to David Ben-Gurion 77 years ago, when he approved a limited exemption from military service for a few hundred yeshiva students, that he was sowing the seeds of a crisis that would threaten Israel’s existence. The goal at the time was purely political, as he wanted to integrate the Haredim into the Zionist project. However, the “temporary exemptions” snowballed from individual exemptions to collective exemptions, and then to a system of sacred privileges that the religious parties refuse any change to and which they consider an essential condition for any political alliance.
For years, the spectre of controversy over Haredi military service loomed over Israeli politics. However, the 7 October 2023, attack accelerated the crisis due to the expansion of the aggression on Gaza. Following the intensified confrontations on multiple fronts, the occupation army, which has long boasted its technical capabilities, realised it desperately needed “boots on the ground.” This forced the issue of the Haredi exemption back on to the table, viewing it as blatant discrimination in the name of religion, a practice now opposed by more than 70 per cent of Israelis. Despite attempts at political bypassing, the Supreme Court ruled that Benjamin Netanyahu’s government must respect the principle of equality in performing “national duties” and repeatedly overturned any collective exemption that lacked an explicit legal basis. However, the government resorted to a policy of procrastination and manoeuvres in an attempt to postpone the expected political explosion.
The dilemma is deeper than just a conscription issue, as it touches on the core of the Haredi social structure, based on the idea of “his Torah is his profession” which categorically rejects involvement in state institutions, beginning with the army. Hence, the ultra-Orthodox parties, particularly Shas and United Torah Judaism, insist on passing a comprehensive law guaranteeing a permanent exemption for Torah students, or at least enacting an “emergency law” that maintains the status quo. Meanwhile, Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee Chairman Yuli Edelstein (Likud) rejects any arrangement that does not include immediate sanctions on those who evade drafting. With internal negotiations faltering and public and parliamentary pressure mounting, the opposition Yesh Atid party decided to formally submit, on Wednesday, 11 June, a bill to dissolve the Knesset. The ultra-Orthodox announced their support for the bill if they do not receive solid guarantees regarding the conscription law and sent a unified partisan message to Netanyahu: There will be no compromise on the exemption for Torah students, even at the cost of bringing down the government. This means that the crisis is no longer just about a legal clause or a political settlement, but has entered a phase of an existential conflict over the identity of the state: Is it Jewish in the rabbinic sense, or civil in the liberal sense? Can distinctions continue between a young man serving in elite units and another who is exempted because he wears a black skullcap (kippah) and memorised the Talmud?
Netanyahu faces limited and risky scenarios: passing a comprehensive exemption law that would satisfy the Haredim, but would spark a crisis with the army and the Supreme Court, leading to popular unrest; forcibly enforcing conscription that would lead to an open confrontation with the Haredi community and possibly the disintegration of the coalition; or postponing or introducing a watered-down bill, a tactic that no longer works, as the divisions within the coalition itself have become irreconcilable. With the loss of their old manoeuvring tools, the Haredim, who were the kingmaker in the government, have become a strategic burden that is difficult to contain during this time of war and popular division. The evidence suggests that it is only a matter of time before a collapse, as the lack of a fair settlement regarding equality in military service means that the crisis will escalate until it explodes. The Haredi parties are now ready to set fire to the ship if their key demand is not met.
If they vote to dissolve the Knesset, a scenario we (Israel’s enemies) would like to see, the doors will officially be open for early elections that could oust Netanyahu and his Haredi allies, and perhaps the future of the traditional Israeli right. The public mood has changed, and voters do not look favourably on the alliances that have preserved religious privileges at a time when soldiers are being killed on multiple fronts. With Naftali Bennett’s possible return, it seems that a “post-Netanyahu right” is slowly but surely taking shape. The current crisis reflects a deeper identity crisis and the end of alliances that were once considered sacred.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250611-the-haredim-and-netanyahu-will-the-traditional-right-wing-camp-fall-apart/
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Saudi Youth Key To The Kingdom’s Growth
Zaid M. Belbagi
June 11, 2025
By the year 2100, many of the world’s major economies are expected to have lost 20 percent to 50 percent of their population due to a growing pattern of aging. Japan, for instance, is already facing the impact of this transition, as it is home to one of the highest numbers of aging citizens globally. China is facing a similar challenge. The global population growth rate has dropped from 1.7 percent in 1950 to 0.8 percent in 2025. As such, experts predict that, by 2084, international population growth will stop completely and even turn negative by the end of the century.
Amid these worrying trends, Saudi Arabia stands out. With a young and growing population, the Kingdom is on a path of economic prosperity, youthful ambition and societal advancement. Saudi Arabia’s population reached 35.3 million in mid-2024, with Saudi nationals accounting for more than 55 percent of the total. An annual growth rate of approximately 2.52 percent since 2023 has been driven by both a natural increase and immigration. The average age among Saudis is 26.6 years, compared to the global average of 33.6 years.
High fertility rates in the Kingdom have led to natural population growth at a time of rapid global aging. In 2024, Saudi women had an average of 2.7 children, well above the global average of 2.3. Despite the overall decrease in fertility rates globally, the outlook remains positive for Saudi Arabia as it continues to boast a growing and vibrant young population.
This growth is also deeply rooted in cultural norms. It is a society where large families and children are highly valued. Moreover, the relatively early age of marriage in the Kingdom has also influenced high fertility rates and mitigated the risk of a majority aging population. According to a survey by the Saudi General Authority for Statistics, most Saudi men prefer to marry at about 25.3 years of age and women at 20.4 years.
This youth-led demographic is an asset for Saudi Arabia, holding great promise for the Kingdom’s development and economic goals. Its youth’s energy and ambition are key to building the nation of tomorrow. The government recognizes this potential, as Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman wrote when launching Vision 2030: “Our real wealth lies in the ambition of our people and the potential of our younger generation. They are our nation’s pride and the architects of our future.”
A young population directly translates into an expanding and productive labor force. This is already significantly boosting productivity and driving economic growth in the Kingdom. Saudi Arabia is showing positive indicators in this regard. As of 2024, the labor force participation rate was 66.4 percent and the unemployment rate had dropped to 7 percent. As such, the Kingdom reached its Vision 2030 unemployment target six years ahead of schedule. To cater to this young population, the job market is becoming increasingly dynamic and generating a higher number and more creative range of employment opportunities. More than 364,000 Saudi citizens entered the workforce for the first time last year.
A major asset of the Saudi youth is its entrepreneurial spirit. The Kingdom has seen a 200 percent surge in startups and innovative enterprises across various sectors, from artificial intelligence and fintech to food and beverage. This young demographic brings fresh ideas, digital savviness and a strong risk appetite, which are key ingredients for building a vibrant and competitive entrepreneurial ecosystem.
This trend was confirmed when the Kingdom was last week named Startup Ecosystem Country of the Year by startup research platform StartupBlink. This growth is supported by national initiatives like Saudi Unicorns, Monsha’at and Fintech Saudi, all of which aim to empower and guide young Saudis with innovative business ideas. Instead of relying solely on traditional employment, many young people are now creating jobs themselves, transforming the Kingdom’s demographic advantage into sustainable economic opportunities.
As Saudi Arabia is turning into a country of the youth, for the youth and led by the youth, the biggest changes are those of mindset and vision. The young population is increasingly cosmopolitan, aware of global trends and receptive to societal change. The expansion of sectors such as entertainment, music and cinema is indicative of this transition. The Saudi youth is seeking cultural and recreational experiences that have driven the demand for concerts, film festivals and youth summits.
As such, Saudi Arabia established the General Entertainment Authority and allocated more than $2 billion to support its development. Under the leadership of the crown prince, Vision 2030 has successfully captured the youth’s potential to lead this change.
It is clear that the youth-led Saudi demographic is driving economic activity and cultural change in the Kingdom. The government must consider this shift in its policies. Prioritizing world-class education, training and skill-building is essential, including building partnerships with international universities. Sectors like advertising, sports, entertainment and culture will also become increasingly important, as they align with the interests and energy of a rising young population. Investing in youth is key for the future of Saudi Arabia, as the youth of today is the leadership of tomorrow.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2604147
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URL: https://www.newageislam.com/middle-east-press/hypocrisy-pro-israel-indonesia-right-wing/d/135846
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