Middle East Press On: Falun Gong, Dafa, IDF, Refugees, Al Aqsa: New Age Islam's Selection, 10 May 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
10 May 2025
Israelis, Cherish Your Lives And Stay Away From The Cult Organization 'Falun Gong'
Hamas Cannot Be Contained, It Must Be Completely Dismantled
Israel's War With Hamas Tests Boundaries Of The Jewish State's Freedom Of Speech
Netanyahu's Coalition Should Take Notes From Israel's Real Leaders: IDF Reservists
It’s Time To Trust Iraqi Youth With The Country’s Future
No Milk, No Diapers: US Aid Cuts Hit Syrian Refugees In Lebanon
‘We Climbed Walls To Get To Al-Aqsa,’ Palestinians Speak Of Increasing Restrictions
Why Turkiye-UK Ties Are Soaring
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Israelis, Cherish Your Lives And Stay Away From The Cult Organization 'Falun Gong'
By Zhang Guoping
May 10, 2025
“Falun Gong” (also known as “Falun Dafa”), is a cult organization that has long been active in Israel and inflicted grave harm upon the Chinese people. It is imperative to expose its hypocrisy, so that the innocent Israeli people well not be deceived or even lose their lives following the cult.
“Falun Gong” is an outright cult that has no difference from Japan’s “Aum Shinrikyo” or America’s “Branch Davidians” and “The Order of the Solar Temple”. “Falun Gong” masquerades as “Qigong,” meditation, or a religious group under the cloak of the so-called “physical wellness,” “disease treatment,” and promotion of “truthfulness, compassion and forbearance.”
In reality, however, it engages in rumor-mongering, fraud, and psychological manipulation. It extorts money from its followers, coerces them into refusing medical treatment, and even induces suicide and self-harm. In China alone, it has caused the deaths of over 1,000 people. Its litany of crimes is utterly appalling.
"Falun Gong's methods antithetical"
What “Falun Gong” has been doing is completely antithetical to the teachings of any legitimate religion in the world and represents nothing less than a scourge upon human society. Li Hongzhi, the so-called leader of “Falun Gong,” has blatantly proclaimed himself the Messiah, an outrageous affront to the followers of all other religions. An increasing number of countries as well as their citizens have recognized the true nature of “Falun Gong” and have banned its activities within their borders.
“Falun Gong” has also peddled deception around the world through its so-called “Shen Yun” performances, falsely claiming to represent the Chinese culture. In fact, these performances have no connection whatsoever with the Chinese culture. It is merely a propaganda and money-laundering tool for the cult.
According to reports by The Hill and The New York Times, “Falun Gong” laundered $67 million through “Shen Yun” performances, while subjecting performers—particularly, those underage performers—to psychological abuse, financial exploitation, and unlawful confinement. This cult, along with its performances, is a defilement and distortion of authentic Chinese traditional culture and a fraudulent, manipulative, and toxic deception to everyone.
I hope our dear Israeli friends, could open your eyes, see through the deception and manipulation of “Falun Gong”, cherish your lives, and stay away from the claws of this cult.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-853395
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Hamas Cannot Be Contained, It Must Be Completely Dismantled
By Gabi Siboni, Erez Wiener
May 9, 2025
Hamas cannot be contained. It must be dismantled: militarily, politically, and administratively.
Following the collapse of the ceasefire and Hamas’s rejection of the hostage deal, Israel has no alternative but to pursue this objective decisively and in full, and the recently-approved Chariots of Gideon operation, which will include the army remaining in conquered areas longer-term to prevent the rebuilding of terror infrastructure, is a promising step toward these objectives.
Anything short of that will leave the Gaza Strip a launchpad for future attacks and the Israeli home front exposed to continued threat.
The campaign, as it has been carried out until now, cannot make do with just degrading Hamas’s capabilities temporarily. It must remove Hamas as the ruling authority in Gaza, separating it from the civilian population that it uses for cover and leverage. That requires more than firepower. It requires control – over territory, over humanitarian aid, and over the conditions that allow the organization to regenerate after each round of combat.
How will the IDF handle Hamas in the future?
In past operations, the IDF applied the “raid method” – entering enemy areas, destroying targets, and withdrawing. That approach has proven inadequate. It has allowed Hamas to survive, reorganize, and present each round of fighting as a strategic achievement.
By contrast, in areas where Israel has held territory, such as the Netzarim and Philadelphi corridors, Hamas has suffered meaningful losses, and its leadership has expressed concern about the shift in Israeli operational posture.
That posture must now be applied consistently. The objective is not merely to enter and strike, but to stay and dismantle. Captured areas must be cleared, held, and governed, even if only temporarily, by forces that prevent the return of Hamas control, whether overt or indirect.
This requires a parallel policy for managing the civilian environment. The primary lever Hamas uses to maintain power and international relevance is its control over the civilian population. During the last ceasefire, it diverted humanitarian aid for its own use, deepening its hold on the Strip.
TO COUNTER this, Israel must establish humanitarian zones under indirect security oversight. These zones should be administered by vetted international organizations with logistical and protective support provided by private security contractors. This approach has been used successfully in the past. It would reduce civilian exposure to combat, allow for more focused operations in Hamas-controlled zones, and deny the organization access to the population it exploits.
Within these areas, conditions should also be created to enable voluntary emigration. While politically sensitive, this option must be addressed realistically. Gaza’s long-term instability is not only a function of Hamas’ power but of a deeply entrenched ideological environment that supports continued armed resistance. Deradicalization efforts have little chance of success, and reconstruction alone will not shift the strategic calculus.
Those in Gaza who no longer wish to live under Hamas rule or in the shadow of continuous conflict should be given the opportunity to leave. Most of the population holds refugee status under international law and is eligible for resettlement support. International frameworks exist that can assist with such processes, provided there is political will and strategic coordination. Emigration should not be imposed, but it should be facilitated for those who seek it.
None of this is possible without full Israeli control over the Gaza crossings and the Philadelphi Corridor, both above and below ground. Nor is it possible without a sustained Israeli presence in the Strip.
Gaza should be divided into territorial sectors, each managed by a dedicated operational command, with capabilities for intelligence gathering, area control, and population oversight.
This model, which has been proven in Judea and Samaria, where it has been in force since Operation Defensive Shield in 2002, provides the only viable structure for preventing Hamas’s return and for stabilizing the area over time.
The hostages remain a national priority. However, Hamas’s current demands, including the full withdrawal of Israeli forces, render a comprehensive deal unfeasible under current conditions. Partial releases may be possible, but only under sustained military pressure.
This war is being closely watched in Tehran and by its proxies. The outcome in Gaza will shape the strategic environment in the region for years to come.
If Hamas remains in power, it will serve as proof to Iran and its proxies that Israel lacks the will or capacity to finish what it starts. If Hamas is removed – not just militarily, but as a ruling authority – the signal will be the opposite.
Col. (res.) Prof. Gabi Siboni is a senior consultant to the Israel Defense Forces.He served as director of the military and strategic affairs program and the cyber research program of the Institute for National Security Studies from 2006-2020.
Brig. Gen. (res.) Erez Wiener is an expert in military affairs and doctrine at the Jerusalem Institute of Strategy and Security. He served in key command roles in the IDF, including as commander of the Duchifat Battalion and the Etzioni Brigade, as aide to the chief of staff, and as head of the Southern Command operational planning team.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-853289
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Israel's War With Hamas Tests Boundaries Of The Jewish State's Freedom Of Speech
By Asif Efrat
May 9, 2025
The Israel-Hamas War is repeatedly testing the boundaries of freedom of speech and protest in Israel. Attempts to restrict freedom of expression began even before October 7, 2023, as part of the judicial overhaul promoted by the government.
However, the war provides an excellent pretext for the government to act against those who criticize it and its policies, call for an end to the war, or express sympathy for the suffering of the population in Gaza.
Last month’s “letters protest” – a series of public petitions by various groups whose signatories demand an end to the war – constitutes an interesting test case for the boundaries of freedom of speech during wartime.
The letter that launched the protest – “The Pilots’ Letter” – was published in the media as an advertisement signed by approximately 950 reserve and retired aircrew fighters. The signatories demanded “the return of the hostages home without delay, even at the cost of immediately ceasing the war.” The letter also claimed that “the war primarily serves political and personal interests, not security interests.” Therefore, the signatories called for Israeli citizens “to mobilize for action, everywhere and in every way.”
It should be noted that the letter did not call for refusal to serve, disruption of order, or violent protest, but only for mobilization to stop the war.
Air Force says pilots' protest goes beyond freedom of speech
However, Air Force Commander Maj.-Gen. Tomer Bar responded to the letter severely, claiming it exceeded the boundaries of freedom of speech. Bar determined that there was no place for such a letter during wartime and that the reserve soldiers who signed it would not be able to continue serving in the IDF. The letter was followed by letters from other groups of veterans and reservists, such as the tank crew-men, or work-affiliated groups, such as university professors.
The Institute for Liberty and Responsibility at Reichman University examined the public’s position on freedom of speech and the pilots’ letter through a survey of a representative sample of 1,490 respondents. The survey was conducted from April 21-27.
The survey findings show that a majority of the Israeli public (67%) agrees with the demand expressed in the letter – returning all hostages even at the cost of stopping the war. As expected, the responses show a significant gap between political camps. Opposition voters support stopping the war for the return of hostages by a large majority of 88%. In comparison, only 41% of coalition voters expressed support.
WHILE THE public supports the primary demand expressed in the letter, Israelis are divided regarding its legitimacy. Only 52% of the public believe it is appropriate to publicly criticize the government’s management of the war and demand an end to the war.
Support for public criticism of the government is particularly low among coalition voters.
As mentioned above, 41% of coalition voters expressed principled agreement with the demand to end the war for the hostages’ return. Still, only 19% of them think public protest expressing this demand is legitimate, while 68% believe it is illegitimate. Additionally, 74% of coalition voters agree with the air force commander’s decision to impose sanctions on the letter’s signatories and end their IDF service. We see, therefore, that for most coalition voters, criticism of the government and demands for policy change – ending the war – fall outside the legitimate boundaries of freedom of speech.
It should be noted that even a minority among opposition voters have reservations about the public criticism expressed in the pilots’ letter: 15% of them felt the letter was illegitimate; 20% agreed with the sanction imposed by Bar.
The public’s sentiments regarding the pilots’ letter join other data showing diminishing tolerance for expressions of criticism and protest against the government during wartime.
However, precisely during wartime, it is vital that the public voice its opinion and criticize the government, certainly when that government is conducting a prolonged campaign that exacts enormous costs without a clear objective. But even when criticism is voiced moderately – without challenging government authority and threats – it is perceived as illegitimate by most coalition voters and even by a small minority of opposition voters.
Freedom of speech and the public oversight of government it enables are essential components of democracy. We must fight to preserve this right in order to influence the course of the current war and to be able to influence and restrain any future government. Criticism is sometimes uncomfortable. But democracy relies on every person’s right to speak their mind aloud – even if it challenges the state’s actions, especially during wartime.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-853270
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Netanyahu's Coalition Should Take Notes From Israel's Real Leaders: Idf Reservists
By Yaakov Katz
May 9, 2025
There really is something unique about the Israeli people, and if we needed further proof, we got it once again this week.
The reservists who received call-up orders – men and women who have already fought in this war and many who only recently returned home – are once again being sent to the battlefield. These people have spent months away from their families, jobs, and lives, and finally got a short break. Now, with little notice, they are being called back – some for another 100 days of service.
And yet, they show up.
Despite predictions that motivation would plummet after more than a year and a half of war, the response rate to the latest round of call-up orders is remarkably high. It is no longer the 150% response we saw in the immediate aftermath of October 7, but still in the 90s, well above expectations. It is a testament not just to resilience, but to the national ethos of responsibility and commitment that exists here in Israel.
But that resilience was matched this week by an incredible political slap in the face. As reservists prepared to return to the battlefield, the Knesset opened its summer session with one key item on its agenda: passing a new IDF draft law that would, once and for all, codify the exemption of haredim (ultra-Orthodox) from military service.
Israeli reservists left with few choices
Imagine being one of those reservists. You’re sitting at home on Sunday night, catching your breath after months of war, just starting to rebuild your life, business, and marriage. You sit with your children at dinner. And then, as you watch the news and see the prime minister bending over backwards to appease his haredi coalition partners, your phone buzzes. It’s a WhatsApp message from your unit. You’re being called back.
Your spouse and kids look at you with anguish. They’ve barely had time with you. But you text in the unit group: “I’ll be there in the morning.”
THIS IS not a normal situation. And yet somehow, the country accepts it. Because Israel functions despite its government, not because of it. It manages because tens of thousands of Israelis – men and women, young and not-so-young – keep showing up, knowing that most of the 120 Knesset members do not really care.But the truth is that they don’t do it for them. They do it because they know that if they don’t come, the state they love and the homes they defend will not survive.
But we must stop pretending this is sustainable. This government, which is responsible for the failures that led to the Hamas invasion on October 7, continues to miss opportunity after opportunity to lead with courage.
The most glaring failure remains the government’s refusal to outline and implement a clear plan for Gaza. Is the war about returning the hostages or eliminating Hamas? Or is it both? If it is about removing Hamas from power, there needs to be a new governing entity in place, but the government refuses to decide.
It moves between conflicting goals, based on political interest rather than what is right for the nation. As a result, Hamas has managed to rearm, and 59 hostages remain in captivity.
Could this have been handled differently? Almost certainly. Everyone knows that the war cannot end in victory without the hostages’ return and the establishment of a new, stable authority to govern Gaza. If that is the objective, then we should be building toward it. Instead, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu continues to follow the fantasies of Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, who speak openly about reoccupying and resettling the Gaza Strip.
There may be one person with the leverage to change this: US President Donald Trump. He is scheduled to visit the Middle East in a few days and has hinted that he will make an important announcement regarding Gaza. His repeated calls for humanitarian aid to reach the Palestinians suggest that he may try to push Israel to hold back on expanding the ground operation.
Privately, some IDF officers are hoping he succeeds. Without a political plan, a broader invasion risks just doing more of what has already been tried. More soldiers will be killed, more hostages will die, and whatever sliver of international legitimacy Israel still retains will be gone. We will be right back where we started, except worse.
WHILE THAT debate plays out, another national disgrace unfolds in plain sight: the refusal to draft the haredim.
Let’s be blunt: This is a stain on the country. It is a betrayal of every reservist who drops everything when called and reports for duty. They don’t do this because of a medal they might receive or some future tax break; all they want is equality and a basic social contract where everyone shares in the national burden. After 77 years, that should not be too much to ask.
And yet, the government is working against its own people.
There are rare exceptions, people like Likud MK Yuli Edelstein, chairman of the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, who has pledged to block any legislation that further entrenches this injustice. But Edelstein stands mostly alone and, in the end, can easily be pushed aside by Netanyahu, who has done so to others who stood in his way.
This situation can still be turned around. But it requires real leadership, a kind that is willing to take political risks in service of the national interest. It requires placing the good of the country ahead of narrow coalition interests.
When it comes to Gaza, that means fighting Hamas with determination while laying the groundwork for a postwar reality that prevents its return. That means considering real alternatives for governance in Gaza, including ones that have a Palestinian component.
When it comes to the haredi draft, it means saying no to ultra-Orthodox demands, even at the risk of losing the government and doing now what should have happened years ago – drafting everyone. Yes – everyone.
The reservists understand this. They uphold the country’s security and dignity out of choice. What they deserve in return is a government that respects their sacrifices and not one, like we have now, which abuses them.
The reservists are doing their part. It is time for the government to do the same.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-853273
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It’s Time To Trust Iraqi Youth With The Country’s Future
By Ahmed Windi
May 9, 2025
If Iraq is to collapse, it won’t be from bombs or ballots. It will be from the silence of a generation we failed to listen to. For far too long, Iraqi youth have been spoken of in the language of suspicion. As if their only destiny lies in protest squares, detention centres, or on smuggler boats bound for European borders. The state may regard them as a problem to pacify. Donors treat them as a statistic to file. Policymakers, it seems, are less interested in uniting the nation than in legislating its fractures. All the while, Iraq quietly loses its greatest asset, its youth.
Yet the truth remains defiantly clear: young Iraqis are not Iraq’s ticking time bomb, they are its only viable future.
Consider the reality. Iraq is the fifth most climate-vulnerable country on Earth. In 2023, over 140 days of dust storms choked Iraq’s skies. Now, in May 2025, as I sit writing through yet another haze of grit and ash, I wonder, how many more warnings do we need before we call this what it is: a crisis, not a season? Water scarcity is draining life from southern farmland, leaving once fertile soil saline and cracked. The sons and daughters of farmers are walking away, not just from their family’s land, but from a country that offers them no alternative. For their peers in the north, and frankly for the rest of Iraq, migration has ceased to be a distant dream of opportunity; it has become the only escape from a room whose walls are closing in with every passing day.
But despair is not the full story. In cities like Sulaymaniyah and Nasiriyah, young people organise environmental clean-ups with no government support. In Baghdad, tech hubs teach coding while the power flickers. In Erbil, artists carve out new narratives in a culture long hijacked by clerics and commanders. These efforts are not protests; they are proposals. And they demand a serious answer. Yet serious answers require serious reform.
Iraq’s education system is a relic of an industrial age, disconnected from today’s job market. While 92 per cent of children enrol in primary school, only 57 per cent make it through lower secondary education. Vocational training is sparse. It takes Iraqi youth an average of two years to land a first job, if they land one at all. Youth unemployment stands at 32 per cent, and rises further for women and university graduates.
Even those who manage to navigate the system are condemned to a relentless cycle of political exclusion and civic fatigue. With only 16 per cent of youth bothering to engage in elections, the upcoming polls aren’t just a failure, they’re a funeral procession for hope, a stark reflection of a generation’s quiet surrender to a broken system. Trust in the judiciary and government hovers around a dismal 15 per cent. Volunteering rates are half the regional average.
The dismantling of the United States Agency for International Development programmes under the new U.S. administration has disrupted key youth initiatives in Iraq, including job creation, peacebuilding, and digital training. With youth unemployment exceeding 32 per cent, this withdrawal risks abandoning a generation already struggling for stability. If the Iraqi government wishes to step into the vacuum, it must not replicate the old errors. Ministries must stop co-opting youth for photo ops and begin funding them directly. Independent, youth-led NGOs need protection, not interference. Civic spaces should be expanded, not surveilled. And registering a grassroots organisation must not require the patience of a monk or the connections of a warlord. This isn’t charity; it’s a matter of survival.
We need a national youth strategy that treats young people as architects of the state, not inheritors of its rubble. That means reforming education with market needs in mind. Expanding mental health services and destigmatising care is a necessity. A 2023 data revealed that almost 30 per cent of young Iraqis reported depression and anxiety. How much longer can this silent crisis be ignored? Creating decentralised, accessible funds for youth entrepreneurs, especially beyond Baghdad and Erbil. Lowering the age of candidacy. Ending the criminalisation of peaceful protest. Protecting student unions. And above all, listening, because Iraq’s youth are already speaking. Loudly.
The 2024 Iraq national census tells a clear story: 60.2 per cent of Iraqis are in the working-age group, and 36.1 per cent are under 15. But demographics are not destiny. Without urgent, sustained investment, these figures are a forecast of failure.
Young Iraqis are not apathetic, they are exhausted. Not radicalised, but radicalised against incompetence. They are not lost, they are locked out. And if they are to flee this country, it will not be because they hate it. It will be because it refused to believe in them.
What would Iraq look like if we built it around their ambition, instead of our fear?
That’s a question worth answering, before someone else does it for us.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250509-its-time-to-trust-iraqi-youth-with-the-countrys-future/
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No Milk, No Diapers: Us Aid Cuts Hit Syrian Refugees In Lebanon
By Thomson Reuters Foundation
May 9, 2025
Amal Al-Merhi’s twin ten-month-old daughters often go without milk or diapers.
She feeds them a mix of cornstarch and water, because milk is too expensive. Instead of diapers, Amal ties plastic bags around her babies’ waists.
The effects of their poverty is clear, she said.
“If you see one of the twins, you would not believe she is ten-months-old,” Amal said in a phone interview. “She is so small and soft.”
The 20-year-old Syrian mother lives in a tent with her family of five in an informal camp in Bar Elias in Lebanon’s Bekaa Valley.
She fled Syria’s civil war in 2013 and has been relying on cash assistance from the United Nations refugee agency UNHCR to get by.
But that has ended.
Amal and her family are among the millions of people affected by US President Donald Trump’s decision to freeze USAID funding to humanitarian programmes.
Since the freeze, the UNHCR and the World Food Programme (WFP) have had to limit the amount of aid they provide to some of the world’s most vulnerable people in countries from Lebanon to Chad and Ukraine.
In February, the WFP was forced to cut the number of Syrian refugees receiving cash assistance to 660,000 from 830,000, meaning the organisation is reaching 76 per cent of the people it planned to target, a spokesperson said.
Meanwhile, the WFP’s shock responsive safety net that supports Lebanese citizens cut its beneficiaries to 40,000 from 162,000 people, the spokesperson added.
The UNHCR has been forced to reduce all aspects of its operations in Lebanon, said Ivo Freijsen, UNHCR’s country representative, in an interview.
The agency cut 347,000 people from the UNHCR component of a WFP-UNHCR joint programme as of April, a spokesperson said. Every family had been receiving $45 monthly from UNHCR, they added.
The group can support 206,000 Syrian refugees until June, when funds will dry up, they also said.
“We need to be very honest to everyone that the UNHCR of the past that could be totally on top of issues in a very expedient manner with lots of quality and resources – that is no longer the case,” Freijsen said. “We regret that sincerely.”
‘We need help’
By the end of March, the UNHCR had enough money to cover only 17 per cent of its planned global operations, and the budget for Lebanon is only 14 per cent funded.
Lebanon is home to the largest refugee population per capita in the world.
Roughly 1.5 million Syrians, half of whom are formally registered with the UNHCR, live alongside some four million Lebanese.
Rebels ousted former Syrian leader Bashar Al-Assad in December, installing their own government and security forces. Since then there have been outbreaks of deadly sectarian violence, and fears among minorities are rising.
In March, hundreds of Syrians fled to Lebanon after killings targeted the minority Alawite sect.
Lebanon has been in the grips of unyielding crises since its economy imploded in 2019. The war between Israel and Hezbollah is expected to wipe billions of dollars from the national wealth as well, the United Nations has said.
Economic malaise has meant fewer jobs for everyone, including Syrian refugees.
“My husband works one day and then sits at home for ten,” Amal said. “We need help. I just want milk and diapers for my kids.”
Dangerous Choices
The UNHCR has been struggling with funding cuts for years, but the current cuts are “much more rapid and sizeable” and uncertainty prevails, said Freijsen.
“A lot of other questions are still to be answered, like, what will be the priorities? What will still be funded?” Freijsen asked.
Syrian refugees and vulnerable communities in Lebanon might be forced to make risky or dangerous choices, he said.
Some may take out loans. Already about 80 per cent of Syrian refugees are in debt to pay for rent, groceries and medical bills, Freijsen said. Children may also be forced to work.
“Women may be forced into commercial sex work,” he added.
Issa Idris, a 50-year-old father of three, has not received any cash assistance from UNHCR since February and has been forced to take on debt to buy food.
“They cut us off with no warning,” he said.
He now owes a total of $3,750, used to pay for food, rent and medicine, and he has no idea how he will pay it back.
He cannot work because of an injury, but his 18-year-old son sometimes finds work as a day labourer.
“We are lucky. We have someone who can work. Many do not,” he said.
Amal too has fallen into debt. The local grocer is refusing to lend her any more money, and last month power was cut until the family paid the utility bill.
She and her husband collect and sell scrap metal to buy food.
“We are adults. We can eat anything,” she said, her voice breaking. “The kids cannot. It is not their fault.”
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250509-no-milk-no-diapers-us-aid-cuts-hit-syrian-refugees-in-lebanon/
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‘We Climbed Walls To Get To Al-Aqsa,’ Palestinians Speak Of Increasing Restrictions
May 9, 2025s
Restrictions on Palestinian access to Al-Aqsa Mosque increased significantly during Ramadan this year compared to previous years and continue to be tightened.
Palestinians from the occupied West Bank are now almost completely barred from entering the mosque.
A doctor from the city of Nablus, who spoke on condition of anonymity, claimed he and his friends climbed Israel’s illegal Separation Wall to get to Al-Aqsa Mosque.
He said: “We entered Al-Aqsa Mosque by the grace of God alone, despite all the difficulties, but God allowed us to enter, praise be to God.”
Mohammed Uddin, 21, a British tourist who visited the Aida refugee camp in the West Bank during Ramadan said the Separation Wall is so large some of the children are not able to see the sunrise or sunset.
“The wall would be looming over us. There are some kids there who haven’t seen the sun rise or the sun set.”
The Separation Wall is a heavily fortified concrete structure with watchtowers, soldiers and military camps surrounding it. To climb the wall and then navigate around checkpoints, soldiers and settlers is an incredibly difficult task.
The end of Ramadan led to a decrease in the number of foreign tourists and Palestinians visiting Al-Aqsa Mosque, emboldening Israeli occupation forces to tighten restrictions and turn more people away.
M.S., an imam at Al-Aqsa Mosque who spoke on condition of anonymity, said: “In Ramadan, it was less complicated to enter, but now it’s gone back to being even more difficult, and the mosque is closed for the brothers from the West Bank all year.”
Increasing threats
Threats against Al-Aqsa Mosque have been circulating among Israeli settler organisations.
The Palestinian Authority’s Ministry of Foreign and Expatriate Affairs warned on 19 April of calls by Israeli settler organisations to attack and demolish the mosque and build a temple in its place after posts circulated in Hebrew on social media platforms.
Last April an AI-generated video depicting the destruction of Al-Aqsa Mosque and construction of the so-called “Third Temple” was published on numerous Israeli platforms under the title “Next year in Jerusalem”.
The Palestinian ministry said this was “systematic incitement to escalate the targeting of Christian and Islamic holy sites in occupied Jerusalem.”
“The ministry calls on the international community and its relevant UN institutions to deal with this incitement with utmost seriousness and to take the measures required by international law.”
The mosque has been stormed frequently by Israeli settlers and far-right politicians, under the protection of heavily armed Israeli police.
The most recent of which occurred on Tuesday when Israeli settlers stormed the mosque under police protection, among the group was far-right Rabbi Shimshon Alboim, who leads a group advocating for the mosque’s demolition in order to build a Jewish temple.
Last August, right-wing Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir caused outrage by saying he would build a Jewish synagogue in the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound while also provocatively storming the mosque at least six times since taking office in 2022.
The restrictions on the entry of Muslim worshippers to the mosque means settlers and occupation authorities face less resistance at the site and their efforts to change the status quo may materialise.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250509-we-climbed-walls-to-get-to-al-aqsa-palestinians-speak-of-increasing-restrictions/
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Why Turkiye-UK Ties Are Soaring
Dr. Sinem Cengiz
May 09, 2025
The defence cooperation agreement signed last week between Turkiye and the UK marks the latest step in a growing relationship, reflecting how Ankara and London are drawing closer as their strategic interests increasingly align.
The Turkiye-UK Defence Industry Cooperation Council Charter was officially signed by the two countries, formalizing and institutionalizing their collaboration in the defense sector. This agreement marks the beginning of a new phase in strategic cooperation between Ankara and London. Citing a “changing global security environment” and “common threats,” these two NATO allies highlighted the importance of deepening their ties in the defence sphere.
In 2023, the Turkish and British defense ministers signed a statement of intent on defense cooperation, which included plans for joint training exercises and enhanced security collaboration. Another clear sign of the deepening defense ties between the two countries is the negotiations over a potential sale of Eurofighter Typhoon jets to Turkiye — a deal reportedly valued at nearly $10 billion.
When Keir Starmer assumed office as prime minister last summer, there were concerns that Turkiye-UK ties might lose the momentum they had gained over the past decade, particularly with the shift to a Labour government. However, contrary to these concerns, Starmer gets along well with Turkiye’s leadership. He was even criticized by the leader of Turkiye’s largest opposition party, who accused him of overlooking domestic political issues in Turkiye while focusing on regional security concerns, such as developments in Syria. Since taking office, Starmer has held phone calls with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and met him on the sidelines of international forums, including COP29 in Baku and the NATO Summit in Washington.
This signals a shift in London’s foreign policy toward a more pragmatic approach, recognizing Turkiye’s increasing significance in the Middle East. While there are differing views within the Labour government on Ankara, regional flashpoints such as Syria, Gaza and Ukraine have driven the UK to prioritize cooperation with Turkiye — a crucial NATO ally. The UK has also refrained from publicly commenting on Turkiye’s support for Azerbaijan during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, indicating its desire to maintain strong relations with both Ankara and Baku.
Although the UK had lobbied for Turkiye’s accession to the EU, its own departure from the bloc has significantly reshaped its relationship with Ankara. Brexit has, in many ways, opened a window of opportunity for the UK to strengthen defense and economic ties with Turkiye, including rejuvenating talks on a free trade agreement.
Turkiye today views the UK as a valuable partner in several key areas other than defense, including investment, migration policy and trade. A major point of convergence between the two countries is the issue of illegal migration, particularly in light of the UK’s stricter immigration policies since Brexit. Some analysts have even suggested that one of the driving factors behind the UK’s decision to leave the EU was concerns over Turkiye’s potential membership, which could have led to increased refugee flows from conflict zones into Europe.
Ultimately, both Turkiye and the UK have had to face similar challenges, including the weakening of the EU, the escalating refugee crisis and the growing threat of Russian aggression. Both countries have opposed Russia’s actions in Syria and Ukraine, though Ankara has skillfully navigated its relationship with Moscow, managing to compartmentalize cooperation on certain issues. One example of this is Turkiye’s purchase of the Russian S-400 air defense system, which concerned the UK, as London prefers Ankara to strengthen ties with NATO allies rather than Russia in the defense sector.
There is also the US factor. NATO has been facing serious challenges due to the shift in America’s focus from Europe to the Pacific, Washington’s approach to Russia and the weakening military strength of the alliance’s members. Therefore, the UK has placed defence cooperation at the core of its deepening relationship with Turkiye.
In addition, Turkiye’s growing role in the Middle East — a region in which the UK has key strategic interests — is another driver of the strengthening relationship. One of the most pressing issues on which Turkiye and the UK have similar concerns is the ongoing war in Gaza. British Foreign Secretary David Lammy recently acknowledged for the first time that the UK was working with France and Saudi Arabia on recognizing a Palestinian state ahead of a key UN conference in June. Furthermore, the UK and the Palestinian Authority last month signed a memorandum of understanding on strategic cooperation, which included joint efforts to plan for Gaza’s future in alignment with Arab and Palestinian initiatives.
To close ranks with the regional powers, British Defence Secretary John Healey last November paid visits to both Saudi Arabia and Turkiye, where discussions centred on regional security and deepening defence cooperation. Strengthening ties with Turkiye and other regional powers, such as Saudi Arabia, presents the UK with an opportunity to exert or maintain its influence in the Middle East.
Syria is another area of interest. During a meeting between top Turkish and British diplomats in March, Turkiye and the UK discussed the unconditional removal of sanctions on Syria, focusing particularly on restoring financial flows to the country.
Ankara and London appear to be mutual beneficiaries of this closeness, as their national interests outweigh their political differences. For Turkiye, the UK provides the opportunity to cooperate with a NATO ally that is not constrained by the EU’s conditions, while for the UK, Turkiye serves as a gateway to both its economic and political interests in the region.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2600145
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