Middle East Press on: Bloody, Christmas, Cypriots, Syria, Israel, Netzarim, Jihadism, Genocide: New Age Islam's Selection, 24 December 2024
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
25 December 2024
Remembering 'Bloody Christmas': Tragic Memories That Haunt Turkish Cypriots
Türkiye’s Role In The New Syria
Netzarim Corridor: Israel’s ‘Axis Of Death’ For Palestinians
No Sanctions Relief For Syria Until HTS Proves It Is Done With Jihadism
The Perks For Genocide In Gaza
Israelis Involved In The Genocide Should Face Prosecution Wherever They Go, Including Sri Lanka
Palestinian Christians Facing An Existential Threat
The End Is Near For Armed Militias In Iraq
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Remembering 'Bloody Christmas': Tragic Memories That Haunt Turkish Cypriots
By Esra Karataş Alpay
Dec 25, 2024
Afew days ago, the anniversary of the "Bloody Christmas" massacre was commemorated in honor and memory of those who were martyred 61 years ago during the brutal attacks launched by Greek Cypriots against Turkish Cypriots in Cyprus on Dec. 20-21, 1963. This tragic event, carried out by militants of the terrorist organization EOKA, claimed the lives of 364 Turkish Cypriots and led to the evacuation of 103 Turkish villages. Known in history as "Bloody Christmas," it stands as a somber reminder of the atrocities committed during this dark chapter in Cyprus' history.
Founded in 1955, the EOKA sought to achieve "Enosis," the unification of Cyprus with Greece and transform the island into an exclusively Hellenic territory. This objective set the stage for heightened tensions and conflict between the island's Greek and Turkish communities. The violence in Cyprus saw a significant escalation starting in 1958, with attacks on Turkish Cypriots orchestrated by the EOKA.
In 1963, tensions reached a new peak with the introduction of the Akritas Plan, devised by then-President and Archbishop Makarios III, with support from the Greek military. This controversial strategy aimed to expel Turkish Cypriots and dismantle the bicommunal governance structure established to ensure cooperation between the two communities.
History of planned violence
Violence against Turkish Cypriots by Greek Cypriot nationalists began as early as 1955, escalating in 1958 and peaking in 1963. This period saw the implementation of the Akritas Plan, which aimed to eliminate the Turkish presence on the island. Professor Ata Atun of Rauf Denktaş University in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) emphasized the systematic nature of the violence, which persisted until 1974. "The mass killings caused a trauma to the Turkish Cypriots that would last for years," he noted. “The arrival of Turkish troops in Cyprus on July 20, 1974, marked a turning point for the Turkish Cypriots, providing them with hope for survival and a secure future,” he said.
The intervention by Turkish forces in 1974 was seen as a necessity to protect the Turkish community. “With the arrival of the Turkish soldiers in Cyprus, we held on to life and were able to see our future,” Atun said. The Turkish Cypriots lived under constant threat before Türkiye's 1974 Peace Operation, which was launched to protect and safeguard their community.
Atun asserted that without this intervention, the Turkish population on the island would have faced total annihilation.
Atun also criticized the inaction of United Nations peacekeeping forces, particularly Swedish soldiers stationed in Cyprus during the period of violence. “The U.N. soldiers did nothing. The Swedish soldiers who were serving here at that time did not respond to the requests for help. As a result, Greek Cypriots massacred our people who remained vulnerable in villages,” he stated.
Collective memory
For many, the memories of those days remain deeply personal and painful. Among them is Turkish Cypriot Müride Borat, whose vivid recollections bring the horrors of that time into sharp focus. Ms. Bolat remembers the terror that gripped her family and community as violence erupted, forcing many to flee their homes in search of safety.
In one particularly poignant memory, a red blanket symbolizes survival. “My cousin was a 3-year-old child,” she remembered and said that she had “clung to this blanket as our family escaped the chaos. It became her shield in a world turned upside down. For Emine, another cousin who was a child in the second grade, the memories are equally harrowing.” She recalls the crowded refuge in the home of her late uncle, Cahit Örek, where 50 family members had gathered and sought shelter for four or five days. "The trauma inflicted by the Greek attacks in 1963 has lingered in our memories for years," she concluded.
These personal stories intertwine with the broader historical narrative, painting a vivid picture of the anguish experienced by Turkish Cypriots during those fateful days. The events of 1963 were not isolated; they were part of a series of aggressions aimed at erasing Turkish Cypriots from the island, driving them into enclaves and denying them their fundamental rights.
Commemoration
Defence Minister Yaşar Güler also commemorated the dark anniversary, sharing a visual statement that highlighted the "unforgettable, barbaric and brutal massacre" committed against Turkish Cypriots on Dec. 21, 1963. "The Greek terrorist organization EOKA, which proposed the 'Akritas Plan' to eliminate the Turkish presence on the island, attacked Turkish neighbourhoods and villages," the statement read. "On that dark day, known as 'Bloody Christmas,' 364 of our brothers, including children, the elderly and women, were martyred. Amid these crimes against humanity, 103 Turkish villages were evacuated."
One of the most harrowing tragedies involved the wife of Medical Maj. Nihat İlhan and their three children, who were brutally murdered in their bathtub by EOKA militants. This massacre marked the beginning of the broader conflicts in Cyprus, leaving a deep scar in the collective memory of Turkish Cypriots.
However, the resilience of the Turkish community eventually led to the Cyprus Peace Operation of 1974, which put an end to the massacres on the island and restored hope for the survival of Turkish Cypriots. "Through unwavering determination, Türkiye brought an end to the massacres on the island," Güler concluded. "We curse those who barbarously murdered hundreds of our brothers, children, elderly and women and we commemorate our martyrs with mercy."
As we reflect on the 61 years since the "Bloody Christmas," we must not forget the resilience and determination of those who endured unimaginable hardships. Their memories and sacrifices are solemn reminders of the importance of peace and justice. Let this anniversary inspire renewed efforts to honor the past, heal wounds and ensure that such atrocities are never repeated.
The island of Cyprus has remained entangled in a decades-long conflict between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots despite numerous U.N.-led diplomatic initiatives aimed at achieving a comprehensive resolution. The roots of the division trace back to ethnic violence beginning in the 1950s, which forced Turkish Cypriots into enclaves for safety. In 1974, a Greek Cypriot coup seeking ethnic cleansing and to unite the island with Greece prompted Türkiye, acting as a guarantor power, to intervene militarily to protect the lives of the Turkish Cypriot community. This intervention ultimately led to the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) in 1983.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/remembering-bloody-christmas-tragic-memories-that-haunt-turkish-cypriots
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Türkiye’s Role In The New Syria
By Bünyamin Esen
Dec 25, 2024
The downfall of Bashar Assad's regime in Syria signals a considerable shift in the Middle East. Türkiye, being a significant regional actor, has a unique position to influence the future of post-Assad Syria.
Touched directly by the former civil war in Syria, which shares an 822-kilometer (510-mile) border with Türkiye, nowhere else will the repercussions of this civil war be so severely felt as in Türkiye. The country has hosted nearly 4 million Syrian refugees, has been affected by the threat of cross-border terrorism using the power vacuum in Syria, and faced a variety of economic impacts. Such factors may, according to Ankara’s interests, confirm the strategic importance of securing a stable, democratic and united Syria as a geographical counterpart and brother.
As widely acknowledged, the fall of Assad has made Türkiye a critical actor in the country. Both with its support for the Syrian people displaced by the brutal regime and through its diplomatic and tactical relations with the opposition to the former Baath regime, Türkiye’s influence has grown significantly. However, Türkiye’s position in the post-Assad scenario faces a couple of challenges ahead.
Priorities of Türkiye
One of them is preventing terrorism. Ankara’s goal is to obstruct the de facto gains of terrorist groups, supported by the Western governments, that have become more powerful in northeastern Syria due to the power vacuum created by the civil war. Türkiye should focus on preventing these groups from disturbing the balance and security that has emerged after the fall of the old regime.
Another priority of Türkiye is prioritizing border stability. A secure border would minimize security threats and allow people to return to their country freely and safely. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has emphasized that Türkiye does not intend to send Syrians away by force, as it has not done so over the last 14 years. Instead, a strategy is being drawn up to support the planned return of Syrian refugees alongside the establishment of the necessary infrastructure and democratic system.
A path toward inclusive governance should be paved. A democratic, participatory and representative system in Syria serves Türkiye’s long-term interests in peace and stability in the region and enhances its position as a role model. Ensuring the protection of freedom of thought and freedom of organization in Syria and involving all social groups in establishing the new regime’s mechanisms will be critical in rebuilding and healing this ancient Arab nation.
Contribution to democracy
The establishment of democratic development and the healing of the economic and social wounds caused by the brutal Assad regime are among the main challenges facing the new Syria. The success of the Syrian people offers unique opportunities but also considerable challenges. In this regard, Türkiye has several channels through which it can contribute to the democratic renovation of Syria.
Türkiye has played a major role in supporting the legitimate opposition groups and participating in the Syrian peace talks, including the Astana Process with Russia and Iran. After the fall of Assad’s government, Türkiye aims to shift its diplomatic activism toward supporting international bodies involved in constitution drafting and political transition. Its influence over opposition groups provides Türkiye with a unique position to mediate between different factions and support peacebuilding. As President-elect Donald Trump has highlighted, Türkiye is in a position to hold the keys to the new Syria.
Another significant role for Türkiye would be in Syria’s economic rehabilitation. With nearly half of its population displaced, about 20% of its housing stock damaged and its currency seriously devalued, Syria requires a comprehensive rebuilding strategy. Some analysts estimate that rehabilitation could cost up to $400 billion. Türkiye’s historical and strategic relations with the new regime, as well as its practical experience in managing one of the largest populations of refugees in the world, will provide valuable knowledge for facilitating the safe and voluntary return of Syrian refugees. Turkish companies and financial institutions could help rebuild infrastructure, including transportation networks and energy lines, as Syria’s economy recovers to pre-conflict levels of stability.
The new Syrian leadership is not entirely inexperienced. In Idlib and Afrin provinces, the opposition has managed to govern a population of 5 to 8 million and establish a relatively stable social ground for people. However, they need expensive support in capacity building and technical assistance to manage a country as vast as Syria. Türkiye can share its experience in democratic institutions, governance frameworks and political pluralism with Syria in transition. Capacity-building programs for civil servants, legal experts and local governance actors would contribute significantly to establishing functional and accountable institutions. Removing the cultural residue of the Assad regime from institutions, bureaucrats and political actors will be critical in this regard.
It is clear that a prosperous new Syria would benefit the entire region. Türkiye could provide Syria with access to regional and global markets for trade, investment and economic partnerships. Additionally, Türkiye’s financial institutions are crucial in terms of providing development grants and credit for the new Syria. Emphasizing cross-border trade zones and joint ventures could rapidly accelerate Syria’s economic recovery. Nationalizing the Raqqa-based petroleum production, which was exploited by terrorist organizations during the civil war, is also critical.
Problems, constraints
On the other hand, while the recent process has increased Türkiye's power in the region and created important opportunities for Syria, it also presents certain challenges. Türkiye faces several impediments in contributing to the post-Assad transition of Syria, including the following:
Potential tensions, especially with the claims of the PKK/YPG terrorist organization for autonomy, could strain Türkiye’s efforts. It is crucial to resolve these tensions while maintaining a single, united Syrian state. Securing the Kurdish citizens of Syria from the terrorist organization, which has established an oppressive regime in northeastern Syria, is the key. While adding Kurdish citizens to the Syrian political process is important, excluding the territorial claims of terror leaders from the new Syria is essential.
The differing agendas of Israel, Russia, Iran and Western powers in Syria may hinder the establishment of a new Syrian state. The newly established government must navigate this complex landscape, requiring Türkiye to establish a finely tuned diplomatic process to protect its regional gains.
Türkiye's internal political opposition to its Syria policy limits engagement in the region. To build a broader consensus, the government must enhance communication with the opposition and encourage all political actors to take positions in Türkiye’s national interest.
Strategic recommendations
Türkiye must adopt an inclusive and pluralistic approach to maximize its support for Syria’s democratization efforts. In this regard, strengthening multilateral engagement is crucial. Partnering with international actors, particularly the United Nations, the European Union and the Arab League, will enhance Türkiye’s efforts in supporting Syria’s rehabilitation and political transition.
Building partnerships with local stakeholders is another critical area. Fostering collaboration with civil society organizations, rebuilding democratic nongovental organizations (NGOs) that were wiped out by the Assad regime and forging strategic relationships with grassroots organizations, including key tribes, will strengthen local governance.
It is important to emphasize that stability in the region is essential for Türkiye’s interests. A stable Syria, strongly supported by Türkiye, could open diplomatic and strategic alliances for the country across the Middle East, North Africa and Asia. Establishing a collaborative regional framework to address common security concerns would also limit the warmongering of Israel in the region.
Due to its geographic proximity, historical ties, internal resources and diplomatic influence, Türkiye is a vital player in shaping Syria’s future. Without question, Türkiye, alongside Qatar emerged as a winner with the end of the civil war, favouring the democratic opposition forces. Despite many challenges ahead, Türkiye’s active and balanced foreign policy has the potential to significantly contribute to the creation of a stable, economically sound neighbour, thereby improving the broader region. The success of these efforts depends on how well Türkiye can navigate specific dynamics, balance competing interests and ultimately uphold democratic principles in the region.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/turkiyes-role-in-the-new-syria
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Netzarim Corridor: Israel’s ‘Axis Of Death’ For Palestinians
24 December 2024
Earlier this year, when a rumour spread that Palestinians could travel from southern Gaza to the north, Sabreen Lashin was one of the first to attempt to return home.
But, much to her disappointment, the mother from Gaza City’s al-Shati refugee camp was blocked by Israeli forces occupying the so-called Netzarim corridor, or the “axis of death” as Palestinians refer to it.
Fed up with the miserable life of displacement she had endured in southern Gaza for a year and three months, she refused to give up.
Along with five other women, she attempted to explain to the soldiers the harsh living conditions in southern Gaza.
There, she had been displaced 14 times, each time seeking safety from Israeli bombardment, but to no avail.
“My children can’t find work, and I can’t afford the medication I need," the 44-year-old tells Middle East Eye.
“The constant displacement, hunger, bombings, and humiliation in the south eventually pushed me to make the difficult decision to return to the north, despite the risks.”
At the checkpoint in the Netzarim corridor, some Israeli soldiers listened to her, while others remained silent. All of them rejected her pleas to return to her home.
Without warning, she says, Israeli forces began shooting at people who had approached the corridor, hoping to return home.
“One of the women, a 35-year-old, was shot twice - once in the back and once below her chest,” Lashin told MEE.
She clutched Lashin’s arm, pleading with her not to leave her behind for the soldiers to find.
Lashin had no choice but to drag the woman back toward the south, as the others fled in fear from the sound of gunfire.
As they moved, a tank rolled over the area, threatening to run over the woman.
A soldier stepped out and told Lashin to leave the woman behind, but she refused. "She's still alive," Lashin insisted.
She eventually managed to drag the woman along the road until she reached a group of young men, who helped take the wounded woman to al-Awda hospital in Nuseirat. But tragically, she did not survive.
This was one of 12 attempts Lashin made to return home in northern Gaza, and it likely won’t be the last.
“Each time, I narrowly escape death, but I refuse to give up,” she says.
“I keep hoping that one day the soldiers will show some mercy and let me return.”
At the Netzarim corridor, she adds, the area is filled with military jeeps and tanks, while drones hover overhead, targeting anyone who approaches.
But the risk of dying while attempting to return home is better than staying displaced in the south, she tells MEE.
“I still dream of returning home,” she adds.
“I want to set up a tent on the rubble of my house and live with my children, rather than enduring the humiliation of displacement in the south."
'An axis of death'
Lashin is one of the hundreds of thousands of internally displaced Palestinians whom Israel has been blocking from returning to their homes since the war began last year.
Ahead of its invasion of Gaza in late October 2023, the Israeli military forced more than one million Palestinians in northern Gaza to head south under heavy bombing.
The military promised safety in the south and stated that the relocation would be temporary.
However, the hundreds of thousands who complied have been bombed in the south, including when in schools, makeshift tents, hospitals, and other shelters.
Meanwhile, Israeli troops invaded the so-called Netzarim Corridor, a 6km stretch of land south of Gaza City that divides the strip into its northern and southern parts.
It stretches from the Israeli boundary with Gaza City in the east to the Mediterranean Sea.
The Netzarim route is now reportedly 7km wide and contains military bases. It is used by Israeli forces to monitor and control the movement of Palestinians between northern and southern Gaza and to launch military operations.
Mohammed Hajjo, from Sheikh Radwan in Gaza City, initially refused to leave northern Gaza.
His wife and children moved south at the onset of the war, but he chose to stay and guard the house, assuming their absence in the south would be brief.
But when the war dragged on with no end in sight and severe hunger reached southern Gaza, he decided to cross the Netzarim corridor and move south to help his family.
“I took many clothes for my children because the cold in the tents was unbearable. I also brought clothes for my wife and many other things,” Hajjo told MEE.
His journey was long and filled with fear.
"I walked for a long time along the coast, constantly fearing being sniped or arrested," the 32-year-old father recalled.
When he reached the Netzarim checkpoint, the soldiers stopped him.
"They forced me to throw away everything I had - clothes, supplies - and even took my phone. I saw a large hole filled with items from other displaced families, discarded as though they didn’t matter," he said.
"There were many soldiers, tanks, cameras, and scanning devices everywhere. The landscape had changed so much, but I wasn’t focused on that. I was focused only on getting out of there safely."
The soldiers held him overnight. "They made me take off my clothes, took everything from me, and asked many pointless questions - why I had fled south now, and not earlier," he said. "I thought they would arrest me, but in the morning, they let me go, naked."
A young man saw him on the road and helped him put on some clothes, before he eventually reached his family in Khan Yunis.
Despite the relief of reuniting with his family, the ordeal still weighed heavily on him.
"I was heartbroken because they made me throw away everything my family desperately needed. We had already suffered so much humiliation and degradation during the war. This place, Netzarim, is an axis of death, not just a checkpoint."
Gone without a trace
Hajjo was one of the few lucky ones who managed to reach the Netzarim corridor and come out alive.
Last week, a Haaretz investigation revealed that hundreds of Palestinians, including children, have been indiscriminately shot dead by Israeli soldiers at the Netzarim Corridor.
It has been designated a “kill zone” by the Division 252 commander, according to a senior officer, allowing soldiers to shoot “anyone who enters".
Those killed are posthumously branded "terrorists," even if they are children.
The boundaries of the zone were largely arbitrary and extended "as far as a sniper can see," another member of the division told Haaretz.
"We're killing civilians there, who are then counted as terrorists," he added.
Another soldier referred to a military spokesperson announcing that their division had killed more than 200 "militants" in Gaza.
But of those 200 casualties, only 10 were confirmed to be known Hamas operatives, he said.
Though many are killed, others are arbitrarily detained at the checkpoint and forcibly disappeared.
Intisar al-Attar, 58, lost one of her sons in an Israeli bombardment at the start of the war, forcing her to flee Gaza City south with the rest of her family.
But after months of displacement, her other son, Sami, decided to make the dangerous journey north in the hopes of returning home.
That was three months ago, and al-Attar has yet to hear from him.
"I do not know anything about him. Was he martyred or arrested? I do not know," she told MEE.
Near Netzarim, young men gather at an area called al-Nuwairi, waiting for a chance to return to the north.
Attar says she stands nearby, hoping someone will bring her the reassurance she desperately needs regarding the fate of her son.
But the recent reports of arbitrary killings of Palestinians near the corridor have only added to her fears.
"The soldiers' statements in the news are frightening. They say they shoot anyone who approaches that area," she said.
"I hope the war stops so that I can go to the Netzarim area and search for my son. If he’s dead, I want to bury him. If they’ve arrested him, I want to reassure myself about him."
"My heart has been burning since he left me," she says with tears in her eyes.
https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/netzarim-corridor-israels-axis-death-palestinians
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No Sanctions Relief For Syria Until HTS Proves It Is Done With Jihadism
By Eric R. Mandel
December 25, 2024
A New York Times editorial disguised as a front-page news article demanded, “The West must ease financial controls to help the [Syrian] economy… the way forward starts with sanctions relief.” The writer, Patricia Cohen, claims “there is widespread agreement… the single most important step in rebuilding Syria’s economy can be taken only by the United States: Lift the punishing layers of sanctions.”
Last week, US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Barbara Leaf met with Hayʼat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) leader Ahmed al-Sharaa (Abu Mohammed al-Julani).
She said, “We discussed the critical need to ensure terrorist groups cannot pose a threat inside Syria or externally, including to the US and our partners in the region. Based on our discussion, I told him that we would not be pursuing the Rewards for Justice reward offered.” According to AP, “She told reporters that al-Sharaa had committed to renouncing terrorism.”
Mr. President, taking the $10 million terrorist bounty (Rewards for Justice) off the HTS rebel leader’s head does not magically change his historical record as the leader of a radical jihadist organization with blood on his hands.
The record of Sunni jihadists taking control of authoritarian states and promising moderation and tolerance for Western acceptance is not encouraging. Look at the Taliban in Afghanistan, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, as well as the ongoing chaos in Libya post-Gaddafi.
Let’s look at al-Sharaa’s human rights record before we get giddy and believe the HTS leader’s words. HTS was created 13 years ago by al-Qaeda and ISIS leadership, all US-designated terrorists. The US government reported HTS had “committed the war crime of rape and other forms of sexual violence” last year.
Add to that torture, stringent imposition of Sharia law in the Idlib province they have administered in northwest Syria, running secret prisons, killing journalists, repressing women, executing opponents, and using child soldiers.
As the Washington Institute’s Counterintelligence and Terrorism expert Matthew Levitt wrote, “America’s Syria policy going forward should be based not on trusting new Syrian officials’ words but on verifying their actions… before considering the removal of sanctions.”
Even more damaging to our security interests, one expert featured in the NYT article suggested that our Syrian Kurdish ally (SDF/YPG) abandon its oil field revenue to the jihadist rebels who will lead the next government in Damascus.
“Oil previously provided around half of the country’s revenues, said Joshua Landis, co-director of the Center for Middle East Studies at the University of Oklahoma. Those fields, he said, belong to the government in Damascus and should be returned to its control.”
US foreign aid is a valuable tool for advancing national security interests
I WRITE this as someone who believes in the importance and effectiveness of US foreign aid creating disproportionate American leverage and influence in relation to the monies we invest, despite the views of isolationists. It is one of the most critical tools to advance our national security interests.
Our primary adversary in the world, China, has bested us in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia with its Belt and Road Initiative, undermining our interests by investing in underdeveloped nations. Unfortunately for those nations, they end up accepting unrepayable loans that the Chinese use to manipulate and extort what they want from these poor countries, a blow to US interests.
America’s humanitarian impulse is to help civilians affected by the wars in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria. This noble impulse accords with our value-based interests as a beacon of democracy. But it will be counterproductive and a waste of American taxpayer dollars unless we know the nature of the new government we are assisting and insist on not being taken for a ride.
In Lebanon, the government is still dominated by the Iranian proxy Hezbollah. Reconstruction aid is not a good US investment unless the next Lebanese government is freed from the terrorist group. An election is coming up in January, but I wouldn’t hold my breath for real change in the failed state of Lebanon.
Propping up the government in the hopes that it will encourage Lebanese Christians, Druze, and Sunnis to become independent from Hezbollah’s grip is like rearranging Beirut’s parliamentary deck chairs on the Titanic.
In Gaza, humanitarian aid is essential, but rebuilding the infrastructure of the Gaza Strip before we know for sure Hamas is not returning to power is a poor investment to advance our interests or those of our ally, Israel.
Suppose terrorists like Hamas think the civilian areas they use for weapons factories, holding hostages, and hiding munitions will be rebuilt, as they were after previous wars dating back to 2008. In that case, we are being played again and should say no, thank you.
Other than humanitarian aid of water, food, and fuel that is tightly regulated, at arm’s length from NGOs that are in bed with Hamas, e.g., UNRWA, America should not invest any money in reconstruction until we are convinced Hamas cannot be a military or a governing authority again. This will take time and patience.
ELON MUSK and Vivek Ramaswamy are in charge of a new American agency, DOGE, with a fiduciary responsibility not to waste taxpayer dollars. They think America should cut our foreign aid budget.
Although most Americans think 25% of the US budget goes for overseas aid, in reality, it is closer to 1%. Foreign aid is a potent tool for American influence worldwide on realpolitik and value-based interests.
However, this does not mean prematurely giving reconstruction aid to Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria beyond basic humanitarian needs until the chaos and governing authorities are sorted out.
Before we start to celebrate the rise of HTS and listen to the UN’s envoy for Syria, Geir Pedersen, who said Syrian rebel leaders had issued “reassuring statements” about forming a government of “unity and inclusiveness,” we need to pause and remember the ideologically driven imperatives of HTS’s radical jihadism.
So, while the press reinvents HTS leader Julani, giving him the benefit of the doubt, or the Biden administration prematurely takes the terrorist tag off him, I hope the next administration formulates a plan to help Syria with both carrots and sticks, rewarding tangible moves toward the US position, and continuing the stick of sanctions until it does so.
Therefore, our approach should be humanitarian aid, yes, but no to US reconstruction aid or sanctions relief until Syria is unambiguously not jihadist.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-834753
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The Perks For Genocide In Gaza
By Ramona Wadi
December 24, 2024
In “enemy territory” – Israel’s euphemism for Gaza – it is beyond satire to see the Israeli military destroying Gaza’s infrastructure in order to kill Palestinians, while building infrastructure for its soldiers. Ynet news has reported on the construction of a retreat for Israeli soldiers where they can relax, rest and enjoy comforts including access to water, medical and mental health services, all while committing genocide against Palestinians.
The report describes the facility as “a small beachfront retreat” which “offers soldiers a rare break from their gruelling missions in the Gaza Strip.” It is abnormal to think of luxuries just metres away from the victims of genocide in Gaza, but that is what Israel excels at: normalising the abnormal. And to add to the mockery, the report reads like an advert for a holiday resort. Although so far just confined to the military, Jared Kushner must be proud that his ideas about “prime Gaza beachfront real estate” have already been taken on board.
While Israel is starving Palestinians to ensure that the genocide remains ongoing, Israeli soldiers at the retreat have “lavish breakfasts reminiscent of a hotel buffet”. The report notes that the table is set up on a green lawn. Soldiers have a barbecue area which offers more than standard fast food: “steak and other premium cuts are grilled to perfection.” They also have access to 99 per cent of the medication they may need, they have space for religious worship, a recreation area is under construction and, most importantly, there is a desalination plant that can produce 60,000 litres of drinking water daily.
Palestinians in Gaza, meanwhile, have blended into their surroundings of tents amid tons of rubble, where growing their own food is impossible and food itself is weaponised by Israel to enable it to commit massacres. Their places of worship have been decimated, as have their hospitals. The trauma Palestinians have been exposed to since the 1948 Nakba will require new descriptive terminology, and what of the mental health practitioners who have trauma of their own as a result of the genocide? Israel has destroyed all life in Gaza to construct a colonial society, starting with its soldiers.
Human Rights Watch’s latest report states that since 7 October 2023, Israel has deprived Palestinians of access to water, which was already scarce in Gaza. The World Health Organisation established a minimum of 50-100 litres of water per person daily to meet basic needs. By 2021, each Palestinian in Gaza could only access 83 litres per day. Since 7 October 2023, the amount has fallen to 2-9 litres per person daily, much less than the 15 litres established as a minimum in protracted emergency situations.
In October 2023, Israel’s then Defence Minister Yoav Gallant ordered a complete siege of Gaza: “no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed.”
In contrast to such deliberate deprivation to enhance the prospects of the genocide’s success, Israeli soldiers reap the opposite not as basic human rights, but as perks for committing genocide. Of course, the ultimate perk is the re-establishment of Zionist settlers in Gaza, for which the Israeli military is laying the foundations. The world, meanwhile, not only sits, but rests, idly by.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241224-the-perks-for-genocide-in-gaza/
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Israelis Involved In The Genocide Should Face Prosecution Wherever They Go, Including Sri Lanka
By Asim Alavi
December 24, 2024
No one could have predicted that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would catch the tiger by its tail in Gaza. Every political analyst said that Israeli soldiers would go home after limited incursions to “mow the lawn” in the enclave. We were told to learn from Israel’s “short and sweet” wars. However, Israel’s latest not so short and not so sweet genocide in Gaza is now in its 15th month. Apart from in the ruling circles and among contracted supporters, particularly following the International Criminal Court’s (ICC’s) issuance of warrants for the arrest of Netanyahu and his former defence minister, Israeli war criminals are losing access to public spaces in many parts of the world. Sri Lanka is one such place where war criminals are being chased.
The Brussels-based Hind Rajab Foundation alerted the Sri Lankan authorities on 17 December about the presence in the country of an Israeli soldier who was, it said, in Colombo to relieve the stress built up in Gaza. “Gal Ferenbook,” said the foundation, “is an Israeli soldier responsible for the death of a Palestinian civilian and the degrading treatment of their body.” The Foundation added that it has formally demanded that the Sri Lankan authorities arrest him and cooperate with the ICC.
War tourism in Sri Lanka
Although this soldier was pressured to leave Sri Lanka, it was not the only case of this nature. During the past several months, concern has been voiced in areas where water sports tourism is popular about the arrogant behaviour of Israeli tourists, often related to running unlicensed businesses, threatening the locals and overstaying their visas.
October saw a forceful social media campaign and protests in those areas against bringing Israel’s troubles to Sri Lanka. Activists shared images of Israeli soldiers who have participated in the Gaza genocide.
Last month a new progressive government came to power in Sri Lanka. However, toxic waste dumped clandestinely by the previous government generated more tension among the anti-genocide progressive forces. Facing bankruptcy, the tourism minister devised a Sri Lankan-styled war tourism kit, not for those who want to visit former war zones, but for Israeli war criminals to release stress after exhaustive genocide duties in Gaza. Images shared by social media activists included members of the Israeli commando unit that killed Yahya Sinwar. They are shown snorkelling in Arugam Bay, one of the top ten surf destinations in the world.
Heightened tension prompted Israel’s National Security Council to issue an urgent alert to Israeli holidaymakers in Sri Lanka not to self-identify with the occupation state for their own safety. They were advised to avoid displaying signs of Israeli identity in the public sphere, including shirts with Hebrew slogans that would expose their background; to avoid gatherings of Israelis in public spaces where there is no security; and to contact the local security authorities if they see anything suspicious or unusual.
The Israeli security establishment is apparently in close contact with the security authorities in Sri Lanka and is monitoring developments.
Sri Lanka has never had indigenous Jews like many other countries, and the presence of many Israelis has prompted the Anglican Bishop of Colombo Duleep De Chickera to call out the government for allowing them to overstay their visas and for turning a “blind eye” to the construction or designation of a Jewish place of prayer for them. “The stringent regulations governing the establishment of new places of prayer or worship for our own citizens makes this favour even more puzzling,” wrote the bishop in Groundviews on 23 November 2024.
‘Snorkelling for Judaism’
Moreover, the ultra-Orthodox Chabad House movement advertises Sri Lanka on its website as a “Snorkelling for Judaism” destination. It says that thousands of Jews from Israel go to Sri Lanka each year. One of its facilities in Hikkaduwa apparently includes a synagogue, seven guest rooms, an assembly hall, a high-quality kosher restaurant and an apartment serving the shluchim (a Chabad rabbi and his wife who are sent to a specific location to serve the Jewish population and promote Jewish life) and the T’mimim (students of scripture). It says further that the central Chabad House in Colombo sends yeshiva students for the Jewish holiday seasons, organising Pesach Seiders or prayer services for the High Holidays. This implies that there is a permanent ultra-Orthodox Jewish presence in Sri Lanka with its own seminaries from which students are sent to Israel for further religious study.
According to Sri Lankan political commentator Tisaranee Gunasekara, writing in Groundviews on 17 November, Chabad House is a religio-political structure belonging to the Chabad-Lubavitch Movement. An ultra-Orthodox Hasidic sect, it originated among Eastern European Jews and is evangelical in nature (unlike traditional Judaism), headquartered in Brooklyn, New York, and is spreading fast across the globe.
The movement’s magazine carried an article which highlights the individual cost of Israel’s occupation and treatment of Palestine and its people. It is about a traumatised soldier, the kind who are encouraged to go to Sri Lanka for rest and recuperation: “His story was a very sad one. He had been a staff commander in an elite unit with the Israel Defence Forces, and during his service he suffered a serious trauma. He took pills that only worsened his condition, requiring him to undergo a lengthy period of psychiatric rehabilitation…”
Sri Lanka’s traditional alliance with Palestine
As a founder member of the now defunct Non-Alignment Movement, Sri Lanka has been a vociferous supporter of the Palestinian cause. Stemming from its staunch anti-imperialism, quite remarkably the present National People’s Power government has always remained steadfast in this. It is noteworthy that the current president of the decades old Sri Lanka-Palestinian Friendship Association is a senior minister in the present government.
It is amazing to see the genuine empathy that NPP leaders show towards the Palestinians, and now that it is in government, this is sure to be translated into meaningful action locally and internationally against the ongoing Israeli genocide in Gaza. By building closer relationship with the government, Palestinian advocacy groups and other governments that support the South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) have a lot to gain.
As Bishop De Chickera said in his article, Sri Lanka signed a UN Resolution along with 123 other nations, demanding that Israel must end its unlawful occupation of Palestinian territory within 12 months. “The commendable political will demonstrated in signing the UN resolution on Israel’s occupation of Palestine has a moral sequel. Until the genocide of the Palestinians ends, Israelis who have played a part in the genocide should be on notice that they will face prosecution wherever they go, including Sri Lanka.”
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241224-israelis-involved-in-the-genocide-should-face-prosecution-wherever-they-go-including-sri-lanka/
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Palestinian Christians Facing An Existential Threat
Chris Doyle
December 24, 2024
Every year, at Christmas, much of the world turns its eyes to Bethlehem and the world of two millennia ago. Images of the baby Jesus in a manger surrounded by shepherds and wise men adorn Christian churches across the world.
For the last six decades, this has been completely decontextualized from Bethlehem’s modern-day fate. Few realize the city is Palestinian, let alone illegally occupied. The media often falsely describe it as being part of Israel. By Christmas 2025, that might actually be the case, given the Israeli plans to annex the West Bank.
Scant attention is paid to the fate of Palestinians living there or in Palestine as a whole. Many just lazily think all Palestinians are Muslims.
Very few think of the Christians in Gaza. It was a small but ancient community of about 1,000 before this war. They, like all Palestinians in Gaza, have now endured almost 15 months of suffering that few can imagine, in what many consider to be a genocide. Many worship in the Church of Saint Porphyrius, one of the oldest churches in the world. For more than a year, it has served as a shelter to both Christians and Muslims.
Much of the church is now in ruins owing to an Israeli bombing on Oct. 19 last year that killed 18 people. The deliberate targeting of religious buildings is a war crime in international law. Many mosques have been bombed as well. The loss of Palestinian cultural heritage in Gaza is massive, though far from the most devastating aspect of Israel’s atrocities.
But Palestinian Christians in the West Bank have much to fear too.
Bethlehem, a city already cut off from most of its land, faces complete encirclement by illegal Israeli settlements. Israeli ministers have been accelerating settlement expansion under the cover of war.
In August, the go-ahead was given for the settlement of Nahal Heletz, next to Battir, a world heritage site to the west of Bethlehem. This new settlement in the Makhrour Valley will connect the Cremisan and Al-Walaja valleys and aims to sever the connection to the Bethlehem area. Christians own 91 percent of this valley. Once completed, Bethlehem will lose one of its last areas for agriculture
Tourism, a major source of income in Bethlehem, has ground to a halt. Previously, the city could expect 1.5 million visitors per year. Local businesses have been forced to close.
The Palestinian presence in Jerusalem, including Christians, is arguably under even greater threat. The proportion of Christians in the city’s population has dwindled from about a quarter at the start of the 20th century to less than 2 percent today.
Ever since this far-right extremist Israeli coalition government took office in December 2022, its fanatical supporters have increasingly targeted Christians in the holy city, pointing to a rise in attacks against Christians. Even priests get pushed. Some Israeli extremists have been chanting, “Death to Arabs, Death to Christians.” Many have been spat on. Graves have been desecrated.
Settler bodies have also targeted the Armenian quarter of the Old City, where a large plot of land is at risk of being seized. Armenians, who have had a presence in the Old City since at least the fourth century, have had to mount a constant watch to protect their sites.
All of this is part of a determined strategy to Judaize the entirety of the holy basin of the city. Jerusalem is known as the city of peace, but it is anything but that today. Its times of greatest strength have been when all three major monotheistic faiths have coexisted in harmony.
Palestinian Christians outside the city are cut off. Those in Bethlehem largely cannot go to Jerusalem to pray, even at Easter and Christmas. Some have never even been there. For those in Gaza, it is totally impossible right now, and even before the current war it was almost an impossibility. It is easier for me in London to get to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem than those living 10 km away.
Palestinian Christians are an integral part of Palestinian society. They, like all Palestinians, deserve our solidarity at this time, when their very existence is threatened.
What is perhaps most extraordinary is the way in which many Christian communities, not least in the US, are totally blind to their suffering and the systemic discrimination they face. Christian Zionists, who number in their millions, back the very Israeli occupation that threatens to eradicate a 2,000-year-old Christian presence in the Holy Land.
Yet, even in the ranks of other Christians, the ignorance of the plight of their Palestinian co-religionists is impressive. One could also extend that to those in Lebanon and Syria, who will be marking another tough Christmas. Perhaps, as Christians gather in churches around the world this Christmas, they might spare more than just a passing thought for those that are struggling to keep their faith going in the land where it all began.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2584209
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The End Is Near For Armed Militias In Iraq
Dalia Al-Aqidi
December 24, 2024
Amid shifting regional power dynamics, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken made a notable visit to Baghdad to engage with the Iraqi leadership on the growing influence of armed militias. This visit underscores the Biden administration’s final attempt to stabilize the region while addressing security concerns that directly affect American forces and allies.
During his meeting with Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani, the American official emphasized the importance of curbing the activities of armed militias. Since their formation, these groups have been responsible for a series of attacks on US military personnel stationed in Iraq. The militias have been instrumental in transferring weapons to militants in Syria, which Washington views as a direct threat not only to regional security but also to Iraq’s sovereignty.
The timing of Blinken’s appeal is significant. With Bashar Assad gone and Hezbollah’s recent military defeat, Washington sees an opportunity for Iraq to assert itself. The outgoing administration believes Iraq could act as a stabilizing force in a volatile region, provided its government distances itself from external pressures.
While Blinken refrained from publicly naming Iran during his remarks, his focus on militias and weapons smuggling sent a clear message. The US wants Iraq to step up its efforts in preventing those activities and work toward dismantling networks that threaten further regional stability.
For its part, Baghdad finds itself in a precarious position. Al-Sudani has expressed a desire to prioritize Iraq’s national sovereignty and avoid entanglement in broader geopolitical conflicts. However, balancing this vision with the reality of Iranian influence within Iraq — politically, economically, and militarily — remains a formidable challenge. This diplomatic mission comes as Washington seeks to capitalize on the weakening position of the so-called “axis of resistance” in the region. The collapse of Assad’s hold over Syria and Hezbollah’s significant struggles in its conflict with Israel have disrupted Tehran’s regional strategy. Therefore, Blinken’s visit signals an attempt to consolidate these shifts and prevent Tehran from regaining its footing.
The influence of foreign-funded armed militias in Iraq was not the only issue on the table. The American diplomat also pressed the Iraqi government to shut down the Houthi office in Baghdad, which operates under the leadership of Ahmed Al-Sharafi, known as Abu Idris. This office functions as a hub for dozens of Houthi military leaders who collaborate closely with the Iraqi Hezbollah Brigades, one of the prominent armed groups supported and funded by Tehran.
Although Iraq officially recognizes Yemen’s internationally recognized government, headquartered in Aden, it has never formally acknowledged the Houthis as legitimate representatives of the Yemeni state. Yet, the Houthi presence in Baghdad extends far beyond any standard diplomatic activity. Their operations, led by Abu Idris, remain focused on security coordination, and strategic alliances with Iran-backed groups, including armed militias and certain social organizations. This cooperation allows the Houthis to maintain a level of influence in Iraq despite their unrecognized status, further embedding themselves in the regional network of nonstate actors. In contrast, Osama Mahdi Ghanem, the Yemeni ambassador representing the internationally recognized government, operates through formal diplomatic channels, primarily liaising with Iraq’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
However, the Houthi activities, conducted in parallel to these formal diplomatic efforts, complicate Iraq’s position and raise questions about its ability — or willingness — to control such groups operating within its borders. The rarely noticed existence of the Houthi office in Baghdad serves as a symbolic and practical extension of Tehran’s regional agenda. It provides the Houthis a platform for coordinating military and political strategies, deepening their ties with Iraqi factions, and sustaining their broader influence in the Middle East.
The recent events in Syria bring to mind Iraq’s not-so-distant past as if history is repeating itself. Statues have been torn down, and symbols of authoritarian rule have crumbled under the weight of sweeping change. The fall of Syria’s 61-year Baath regime — built on force, fear, and foreign backing — mirrors what unfolded in Iraq. However, this time, the difference lies in a growing regional consensus to reject armed militias, who have long inflicted suffering and turmoil on the people of the region.
With Donald Trump’s inauguration on Jan. 20, his new administration will ramp up pressure on the Iraqi government to dismantle the Popular Mobilization Forces and to sideline armed militias operating outside state control. That type of pressure was not merely rhetorical; during Trump’s first presidential term, Washington took concrete steps to weaken the influence of militias, like targeting their weapons depots and dismantling their military headquarters. The message was clear: Armed groups should not have a place in a sovereign Iraq.
Recognizing the gravity of the situation, Iraq’s Shiite Coordination Framework quickly convened a series of meetings centered on concerns that Syria’s scenario might soon play out in Iraq. Key militia leaders participated in these meetings, alarmed by what they perceived as a coordinated plan to dismantle the “axis of resistance.”
Iraq urgently needs genuine reforms within its political system, particularly to address the influence of “non-state actors,” groups that exploit state resources while undermining the rule of law and legitimate authority. Reform must begin with one critical step — ensuring all weapons are under the state’s exclusive control. Equally important is holding accountable those responsible for the deaths of thousands of Iraqis, including the young protesters of the October Revolution.
To truly move forward, Iraq must root out financial, administrative, and political corruption once and for all, which requires bold and decisive actions that prioritize transparency and enforce accountability at every level of governance.
The US, regardless of who occupies the White House, will remain committed to a dual mission — supporting Iraq’s stability and sovereignty while working to curb the disruptive influence of armed militias. However, the real challenge lies in whether Iraq can strike this fragile balance — rebuilding its institutions, regaining control, and meeting both domestic and international expectations.
The road ahead is difficult, but the need for reform is clear and pressing.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2584198
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