Middle East Press On: Gaza Plan, Thanksgiving, AI, Massacre: New Age Islam's Selection, 29 November 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
29 November 2025
Gaza Plan Plants The Seed Of A Fragile Political Transition
'Full-On Israeli' Thanksgiving – With A Side Of Turkey And Candied Yams
How AI Reshaped The Battle For Consciousness In Israel And The Gaza Battlefield
Afraid Of Accountability, Israel’s Government Goes After Its Own Generals
Ireland’s New President Is A Troubling Ally Of Hamas And A Danger For Israel
Beit Jinn Massacre: Syrians Begin Resisting Israeli Occupation Alone
TRT As Strong Voice Of Growing Türkiye
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Gaza Plan Plants The Seed Of A Fragile Political Transition
Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy
November 28, 2025
With the UN Security Council’s adoption of the US resolution endorsing President Donald Trump’s plan for Gaza, the Palestinian file has entered one of its most delicate phases since the eruption of the war. What began as a 20-point proposal circulating through bilateral and regional understandings has now been pushed by Washington into the realm of binding international legitimacy — backed by an unusually broad Arab and Islamic consensus that includes Egypt, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, the UAE, Jordan, Pakistan, and Indonesia. The proposal is no longer merely an American initiative; it has become a political and security framework protected by the authority of the UN, meant to shape the contours of Gaza’s post-war phase, and perhaps the future of the Palestinian question.
Granting the plan international endorsement gives it political and legal weight not seen since Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza in 2005. The next stage will no longer depend on fragmented negotiations or piecemeal mediation efforts, but on a unified international process that enables the formation of a “International Stabilization Force” working in coordination with Egypt, Israel, and newly trained Palestinian police units. Its mandate includes border security, disarming non-state armed groups, securing humanitarian corridors, protecting civilians, and supporting reconstruction. The establishment of a “Peace Council” as a transitional governing body for Gaza through the end of 2027 adds an institutional dimension that goes well beyond the original American paper.
What is new in the final version of the resolution is the inclusion of explicit language referring to the “possibility of establishing a future Palestinian state” — conditional on the Palestinian Authority carrying out major reforms and upon the launch of Gaza’s reconstruction, which together “may create the conditions for a credible path toward self-determination.” Washington also commits to launching direct dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians to define a political horizon for “peaceful and prosperous coexistence,” thus returning, at least on paper, the notion of a political settlement to the table after years of treating the issue purely as a security file.
The resolution also builds on the European role, particularly the EU’s proposal to train 3,000 Gaza-based Palestinian police officers as a foundation for rebuilding a 13,000-strong security force, while expanding the mandate of the European monitoring mission in Rafah to include other crossings. In this sense, the plan becomes a complex web of American, European, Arab, and international roles rather than a unilateral US initiative.
Yet the entry of the project into this phase has not been free of resistance. Moscow immediately submitted a competing draft resolution that mirrors the general idea, but omits two essential elements: the Peace Council, which effectively grants the White House significant influence over the transition, and the ability to form a stabilization force outside UN structures. The Russian draft shifts the center of gravity back to the UN by asking the secretary-general to present “options” for an international force, thus restricting the room for unilateral US manoeuvre. The confrontation is, therefore, not merely a vote of “yes” or “no,” but a clash between two visions: an expansive American design centered on Trump’s 20-point plan, versus a more cautious Russian — and implicitly Chinese — approach. Even with the passage of the US resolution, negotiations, and amendments are likely to continue to reassure Moscow, Beijing, and other hesitant members.
While the adoption of the resolution is undeniably a diplomatic victory for Washington and a rare moment of regional alignment, its implementation represents a far more difficult test. Israel faces deep internal divisions: The nationalist and religious right opposes any withdrawal, any international force, and any expanded role for the Palestinian Authority in Gaza. This resistance could quickly morph into a political crisis or produce on-ground pressures that obstruct implementation.
On the Palestinian side, the picture is even more fragile. Gaza lacks a unified and legitimate governing authority; the Palestinian Authority itself suffers from a crisis of legitimacy and performance; and Hamas’ future remains ambiguous. Will it be politically integrated? Fully disarmed? Allowed to remain in a diminished form? The uncertainty surrounding its role makes the transitional period inherently unstable and vulnerable to collapse.
As for the International Stabilization Force, it remains more conceptual than real. No state has yet declared a clear willingness to operate inside the densely populated and highly volatile “old Gaza” areas. If the force fails to materialize or emerges too weak to carry out its mandated tasks, ranging from border security to disarmament and police support, the entire plan could unravel before it begins.
The economic and reconstruction dimension is no less critical. Without rapid and tangible reconstruction, public trust will erode, and the people of Gaza may perceive the resolution as a continuation of the blockade rather than a path out of it. Experiences in Bosnia, Iraq, and Lebanon show how delayed reconstruction can doom even the most carefully crafted frameworks.
Still, the plan cannot be reduced to a mere repackaging of crisis management. For the first time since Oslo, there is a transitional framework that carries at least the potential for a political evolution, dependent on Palestinian unity, Israeli de-escalation, and genuine international commitment to funding reconstruction and supporting the international force. The resolution plants the seed of a solution, yet simultaneously contains all the ingredients for becoming another mechanism for crisis maintenance if the central challenges of security, governance, and reconstruction remain unresolved.
The US-backed resolution enters its implementation phase with two opposing faces. It is a political opportunity if the necessary elements fall into place, and it may mark the beginning of a broader settlement. But it is equally capable of devolving into an improved form of crisis management if those elements fail to align. Its success hinges on a decisive triangle: Washington-Cairo-the Palestinian leadership. Should this triangle succeed in managing the complex balances and restraining the disruptive actors, Gaza may move from a battlefield to a model of political transition. If not, if Israeli politics remain governed by its current hard-right dynamics, or if Palestinian division persists, then the resolution risks becoming a well-written agreement … with no future.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2624319
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'Full-On Israeli' Thanksgiving – With A Side Of Turkey And Candied Yams
By Herb Keinon
November 29, 2025
On the Friday after the fourth Thursday of every year – for, oh, about the past 35 years – I have bellowed the following song with my good friend Joel over a festive table laden with turkey, cranberry sauce, and candied yams:
“Over the river and through the woods,
The horse knows the way to carry the sleigh,
Through the white and drifted snow!
Over the river and through the woods,
To have a first-rate play;
Oh, hear the bells ring, ‘Ting-a-ling-ling!’
Hurrah for Thanksgiving Day!”
We sing this even though, when we look out through the window, we see only the rolling desert hills of Judea – no river, no woods, no sleigh, and no drifted snow. We also hear no bells ting-a-ling-linging.
We sing this even though it is not even Thanksgiving Day. Rather, it is Friday night, and – for convenience’s sake – we have mashed the Thanksgiving celebration onto the Shabbat meal.
Still, we sing, my Thanksgiving buddy and I, from the top of our lungs as our wives and children look on, bemused as two adult men prove year after year that – excuse the cliché – you can take the boy out of AmericaOpens link in new window., but you can’t take America out of the boy.
Why do we do it? God only knows. Nostalgia. Tradition. Because it’s a great song. Because we’re bored. Because, like the horse in Robert Frost’s seasonally appropriate poem “Stopping by Woods on a Snowy Evening,” the kids “must think it queer,” and we want to annoy them. Who knows why? But we do it – always have, always will. Year after year after year.
'It's what we did'
Explaining this ThanksgivingOpens link in new window. tradition to the kids – the songs, the food, the whole performance – was easy enough. “It’s what we did when we were your age,” we’d say.
We then used the occasion to belt out and introduce them to the other American classics sung on Thanksgiving: “America the Beautiful,” “The Star-Spangled Banner,” “This Land Is Your Land,” “Erie Canal,” and “Colorado” (“If I Had a Wagon”).
The kids had to understand it, I thought, as I carved the turkey and then sliced the pumpkin pie. They’re children of Americans – somehow this all had to have seeped into their DNA: Plymouth Rock, the Pilgrims, the corn, the Native AmericansOpens link in new window., the Detroit Lions – all of it, the whole cornucopia. And in the end, they did get it and even looked forward to it.
But the husband and wives of our children? That was another story. They thought the whole thing just plain odd. There were three customs our kids had to warn their spouses about before bringing them into the family: The first: The Wife blesses the challah on Friday night. The second: We often eat tacos for Shabbat lunch. And the third: Thanksgiving.
The first time my Moroccan daughter-in-law joined us for Thanksgiving, I explained that it was like the pre-wedding henna ceremony – only in reverse.
For what is the henna ceremony if not a Moroccan tradition transplanted to Israel – something the Moroccans did “because that’s what we do,” and then brought it along for the ride when they moved here. A folk tradition they did in MoroccoOpens link in new window., liked, and carried over to Israel.
So, too, is Thanksgiving. I like to call it the American henna. At least that’s how I explained it.
“You feel weird hearing us sing American songs on Thanksgiving?” I asked my daughter-in-law. “Think how we felt with all the undulating, palm painting, and fez-wearing at your henna.”
“Yeah, but the henna is only once,” she said. “This I have to sit through every year.”
She had a point.
Explaining Thanksgiving as the American immigrant equivalent of MimounaOpens link in new window. might have been the better example. But still, how painful – really – is it to sit through a Shabbat meal made especially lavish by the Thanksgiving trimmings, with zmirot for one brief night written not by Rabbi Yisrael Najara of “Ya Ribon” renown, but by Lydia Maria Child of “Over the River and Through the Woods” fame?
Why persist?
But why, indeed, do we persist with this tradition? Why do The Wife and I and our friends continue to mark Thanksgiving so many years after we left America, and on the wrong day to boot? What’s the purpose?
Years ago, it was – to a certain degree – to please my father-in-law, who always seemed to kvell when he asked over the phone what we were doing on Thanksgiving and we answered, “Eating turkey.”
His enthusiasm had nothing to do with Pilgrims or Native Americans – his roots were in PolandOpens link in new window. – but because deep down, he harbored the hope that we might one day return to America.
The fact that we still celebrated Thanksgiving was to him an encouraging sign that a small American ember – our own internal Statue of Liberty torch – still glowed within us, not completely doused by the Zionist fervor that led us from America’s shores. Perhaps, he hoped, upon hearing that we continued to mark the day, we would someday return to those shores.
More recently, we do it just because. Just because we always have. Just because it’s fun. Just because it is who we are.
And, you know what? It makes the kids – or at least their kids – completely Israeli.
How so? Just ask the band Hatikva 6Opens link in new window., which last week dropped the song “Full-on Israeli” with these lyrics:
“If you ask me where my mother is from / First of all, she is a Tel Avivian / From a Jerusalem family that made aliyah in 1890 / She makes the best Algerian couscous in the land / All while speaking fluent French.
“If you ask where my father is from / First of all, he is from Kfar Saba / His shirt from Milan, his jeans from the Arim Mall / His mother and father made aliyah from Warsaw / He is a Mediterranean mix.
“So what does that make me: half-half – quarter-quarter / Why am I still not complete? / What part determines? / If you ask me what I really am?/ A full-on Israeli – totally, completely, absolutely.”
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-876432
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How AI Reshaped The Battle For Consciousness In Israel And The Gaza Battlefield
By David Ben-Basat
November 28, 2025
In past decades, we grew accustomed to thinking that wars are decided through weapons, intelligence and diplomatic capabilities. Yet in today’s era, where public perception has become a strategic resource no less important than gas, oil, or water, it has become clear that the main front is no longer fought only on the ground but also across social media.
The battle for consciousness has become a domain in which artificial intelligenceOpens link in new window. and sophisticated algorithms shape global public opinion, and especially the way the world understands, interprets, and experiences the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Israel, long a focal point of international media attention, now finds itself at the center of a digital storm in which truth does not always prevail, but rather the narrative that looks better on the screen.
The rapid development of AI creates unlimited opportunities, but alongside them, unprecedented dangers. These technologies can generate in seconds fake images, videos, recordings, and “evidence” that appear entirely authentic. For states and organizations with anti-Israel agendas, this capability becomes a powerful weapon.
Terror organizations and hostile actors are already using these technologies. They distribute fabricated images of “civilian casualties”Opens link in new window. that never occurred, animated videos presented as facts, and edited versions of real events designed to spark emotional outrage against Israel.
The fight for attention
One of the most dangerous challenges Israel faces is the fight for attention. Algorithms on TikTok, Instagram and X/TwitterOpens link in new window. reward content that triggers strong emotion – anger, fear and shock. Extreme anti-Israel videos spread at a rapid pace, even when they are built on complete falsehoods.
By contrast, factual and reasoned Israeli public diplomacy loses the competition from the outset – not because of a lack of professionalism or incorrect messaging, but because it cannot evoke the level of emotion required to survive in an ocean of disinformation.
This creates a situation in which the battle for consciousness is inherently unfair. The side spreading bold, dramatic lies receives algorithmic preference over the side presenting factual truth.
The implications are dramatic: thousands of teenagers around the world shape political opinions based on edited clips, short captions or AI-generated images.
Alongside the blatant anti-Israel and antisemitic falsehoods that were exposed and led to the dismissal of BBC executives, even the social media channels of respected news organizations help spread unreliable or misleading information.
The battle for consciousness has become global, decentralized, and without borders. Any online user – even a 15-year-old boy in the Philippines – can become a “journalist” telling the world what is happening in Israel, even if he doesn’t even know where Jerusalem is on the map.
This dynamic serves anti-Israel actors well. Countries like IranOpens link in new window., Qatar, and Turkey invest vast sums in distributing hostile content. They create thousands of fake accounts (bots), operate content farms, and use AI to craft a global narrative portraying Israel as aggressive, cruel and murderous, while the terrorism of Hamas is completely blurred.
In the Israel-Hamas War, we saw this even more clearly. Before the IDF completed any operation, fake videos were already going viral online. Narratives were being created in real time, even when the facts were unknown – or had not yet happened.
Research estimates that at least 30% of political content online about Israel is produced or amplified by nonhuman accounts. This means we are not fighting only a hostile public, but an organized, sophisticated machine with enormous reach and negligible cost.
In many cases, Western media outlets – pressed to publish quickly and appear up-to-date, or shaped by well-known ideological tendencies – adopt narratives born in the incubators of fake content. The result is an echo chamber in which a small lie posted on TikTok reaches the opening segment of major news broadcasts within minutes.
To counter these false publications, official spokespersons alone are not enough. Israel needs a network of students, diplomats, intellectuals, influencers, Jews, Arabs and Christians who support Israel – each one capable of becoming a multiplier of cognitive influence. Israel must also lead a global campaign to define AI-generated fake content as a “cognitive weapon.” Just as cyber weapons are monitored and identified, so too must disinformation be clearly labeled and regulated.
The battle for consciousness is not a passing phenomenon. It will grow, expand, and become more central than any physical battle. Israel’s security needs are no longer confined to its borders; they spill into the digital world, where images can shape history.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-876478
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Afraid Of Accountability, Israel’s Government Goes After Its Own Generals
By Yaakov Katz
November 28, 2025
If someone landed in Israel this week, they could be forgiven for thinking the war is completely over. They could be forgiven for thinking that Israel no longer has troops deployed behind enemy lines in Syria, Lebanon, and, of course, deep inside Gaza. They could even be excused for forgetting that Hamas still holds the bodies of two hostages in Gaza or that the IDF continues to carry out nightly raids and ongoing operations from Jenin to Khan Yunis.
A visitor arriving today might look around and assume everything is fine, that Israel is simply experiencing another routine week in the Middle East. They would see the fight dominating the headlines between IDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir and Defense Minister Israel Katz and conclude that if the two most senior defense officials in the country have the luxury to wage a public battle over officer appointments, then surely Israel must be a country at peace.
The problem is that it is not.
As we saw vividly this week, every “ceasefire” across the region is fragile to the point of fiction. In Gaza, Hamas continues trying to reassert itself, reconstitute its rule, and attack IDF forces.
The much-touted second phase of the Trump plan – which was to include the disarmament of Hamas, the establishment of a new governing authority, and the deployment of a multinational force – remains elusive. No one is stepping in, and no one is taking responsibility. Instead, the vacuum remains.
In Lebanon, the elimination of Hezbollah’s top military commander, Haytham Ali Tabatabai, by Israel just days before the one-year anniversary of the ceasefire only underscores the obvious: There is no ceasefire at all.
Over the past year, Israel has killed more than 300 Hezbollah operatives and struck hundreds of targets deep inside Lebanon, while the Lebanese government has taken zero meaningful steps to curb or dismantle the Iranian-backed militia. Hezbollah is not deterred. It is simply holding its fire as it regroups and rebuilds.
And in Iran, the ayatollahs are rebuilding nuclear facilities, accelerating long-range missile production, and constructing new launch sites to replace those destroyed by Israel in June. The question, according to Israeli defense officials, is no longer “if” there will be another confrontation with Iran, but “when.”
What message does Israel Katz's fight with IDF chief send to soldiers?
Yet amid this reality, the defense minister and the chief of staff are locked in a public, petty, and destructive fight.
You have to wonder what the soldiers in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and the West Bank think when they hear about this. What goes through the mind of a reservist sitting in an APC (armored personnel carrier) in Rafah or a Golani soldier sitting atop a frozen hill in southern Lebanon when they read that their leadership is fighting over promotions and investigations? What do they make of it? What message does it send?
This has to be said clearly: What Katz did to Zamir this week is not about professionalism, governance, or oversight. It is about keeping the spotlight on the IDF and away from the government.
When Zamir took over from Herzi Halevi earlier this year, he inherited a military still in the midst of a high-intensity war and still reeling from the trauma of October 7. Shortly after the war began, Halevi set up multiple investigative teams examining intelligence failures, operational breakdowns, and structural deficiencies. When Zamir replaced him, the two discussed these probes and agreed that they needed to be reviewed comprehensively before deciding on consequences.
This is how Zamir ended up appointing Maj.-Gen. (res.) Sami Turgeman to lead a panel reviewing all the internal probes and delivering recommendations. Turgeman did exactly that. But instead of accepting the findings – and respecting the chief of staff’s authority to restructure the IDF and remove officers who failed – Katz responded by demanding yet another review by the Defense Ministry’s ombudsman.
Here’s the absurdity: The IDF has already investigated itself twice, while the government has not investigated itself even once. Katz is pushing for more reviews not because they are needed, but because they delay the accountability that should fall on the cabinet just as much as on the generals.
This is what Katz wants, and it is also what Netanyahu wants: to keep the conversation focused on tactical failures inside the military rather than strategic failures of the political echelon. Look, for example, at the government’s decision last week to establish a ministerial committee that will recommend the mandate and scope of the commission of inquiry the government is considering establishing. The only thing missing are auditions for who gets to serve on the panel.
Imagine you are suspected of a crime and are brought to a police station. Do you get to choose which detectives will interrogate you? Of course not. That would be a mockery of justice. Yet that is precisely what the government is trying to engineer – a commission that is not independent but rather is designed to stay focused on the IDF, the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), and Zamir’s removal of officers this week.
This is why, for example, government ministers openly talk about the need for a commission to go back to the 1990s and look at the Oslo Accords and to 2005 to talk about the Disengagement from Gaza. They want to investigate the role of the attorney-general, the Supreme Court, and the protesters against judicial reform. In other words, everyone but them.
And this fits a deeper pattern.
Israel's political games, and a government desperate to avoid scrutiny
Earlier this week, Education Minister Yoav Kisch was on the radio discussing a new initiative. The conversation shifted to the Supreme Court, and Kisch repeatedly referred to Supreme Court Chief Justice Isaac Amit simply as “Justice Amit,” pointedly dropping his title. When asked why, he deflected and then finally claimed that Amit was under suspicion for building violations that had never been properly investigated, and therefore, he could not refer to him by his official title.
As the interviewers noted, these are mere allegations. Yet Kisch felt comfortable diminishing the head of Israel’s judiciary on live radio. It is worth remembering that the prime minister is also on trial under charges of corruption, yet no one calls him by anything other than his official title.
But this is the pattern: The government wants civil servants – the IDF chief of staff, the judges, the professionals who are supposed to be independent – to be subordinated to them. Of course the IDF is subordinate to the government; that is how democracies work. But the constant need to interfere in every appointment and to demand endless reinvestigations shows a deeper agenda.
An independent commission of inquiry is existential for Israel since if we do not learn the lessons of what happened, they will repeat themselves. Accountability is also not a luxury; it is the moral backbone of a country. A society where leaders refuse responsibility cannot expect its soldiers to shoulder it for them.
Because here is the truth: The IDF’s soldiers who are deployed right now behind enemy lines – the reservists who leave their families again and again and the units freezing in outposts on the Lebanese border – all look up to political leaders to set an example.
If what they see are political games and a government desperate to avoid scrutiny, then the damage is not just institutional; it is moral.
Israel’s strength has never come solely from tanks, jets, or intelligence. It comes from a shared ethic of responsibility. Our soldiers deserve leadership that is worthy of their sacrifice, and our society deserves a government that seeks truth, not excuses.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-876486
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Ireland’s New President Is A Troubling Ally Of Hamas And A Danger For Israel
November 28, 2025
The election of Catherine Connolly as president of Ireland is not good news for Israel. She stands out even among Irish anti-Israeli politicians.
Connolly, a veteran lawmaker on the far left of the Irish political spectrum, is an outspoken supporter of Palestine and frequently speaks about the "genocide" in Gaza and criticizes "atrocities" committed by Israel. During her campaign she even told BBC News that Hamas was "part of the fabric of Palestinian people" legitimately elected to lead Gaza.
Even Ireland's Prime Minister Micheál Martin criticized those comments and attacked her for being reluctant to condemn Hamas’s actions in the Octover 7, 2023, attack on Israel that ignited the two-year Israel-Hamas war in Gaza.
Connolly later admitted that she “utterly condemned” Hamas’s actions and that its October 7, 2023, onslaught against Israel, which started the war, was “absolutely unacceptable.” However, referring to the lower house of the Irish legislature, she stated that “If we in this Dáil can’t recognize that Israel is a terrorist state, then we’re in serious trouble,” She even went on to criticize Israel’s strikes on Iran’s nuclear program.
Connolly's story brought to my mind a former presidential campaign in which I was indirectly involved.
On October 3, 2011, I got an email from Vincent Browne, presenter of a current affairs television program in Irish channel TV3 and host of the daily program “Tonight with Vincent B".
Vincent wrote to me that David Norris, a forerunner for the presidency, had a gay relationship with an Israeli citizen by the name of Ezra Nawi. Nawi was charged and convicted in an Israeli court for committing statutory rape and having sexual relations with an underage Palestinian boy. Norris wrote to the judges in the case and to other office holders in Israel, pleading for clemency for his former lover, after the conviction had occurred.
One of the letters has emerged in the public domain, that to the judge in the case, but the others have not been disclosed. Norris claims that he received legal advice from Israeli lawyers saying that he cannot disclose these letters because the case was heard in camera.
Brown asked for my advice whether letters written to the Israeli President, ministers in the Israeli government and other public officials could be deemed legally non-disclosable because they referred to a case heard in camera.
I responded since the case was heard in camera, probably because a minor victim was involved, one may not report the proceedings including documents that were submitted in court without the court's permission.
However, this does not apply to the said letters provided that the identity of the minor is not disclosed.
My email reached Brown just in time because that evening he hosted in his show the presidential candidates. Norris had an impressive record on human rights and equality advocacy. His record, coupled with his positivity, public image and charisma, resonates with people made him a sure winner in the coming elections.
The occurrences during the show have been reported by Politico, a current affairs website as follows:
“During Tuesday night's Presidential Debate on TV3, presenter Vincent Browne asked Norris from whom he had received legal advice that the letters could not be released," Politico wrote. "David Norris appeared to be caught unaware and refused to answer the question. Understandably, under the pressurized circumstances of a live television debate."
"Norris may have been unable to recall the name of the legal firm, and could have given an undertaking to clarify the source of the legal advice following the debate. However, Norris had prior notice of the question and knew that a differing legal perspective had been received by TV3”.
At that point Vincent read out my opinion, taking Norris by surprise. His reply was: "The Irish people know me; they know my record. My life is an open book." Nevertheless, as reported by Politico, “the controversy has been very damaging, as was reflected in two opinion polls”, taken after the debate, “which show that Mr. Norris has lost half of his support”. In the end Norris, who at some point led with a 50% majority in the polls, came out last with merely 6.2% of the votes and as a result resigned from the presidential race.
When I was guest of the Trinity College in Ireland, I learned in person of the impact that my opinion had on shaping the election results.
Norris's defeat, Higgins's and Connelly's election
Israel had no reason to regret Norris' defeat. He was an outspoken critic of Israel and even pride himself as being "an anti-Zionist". He blamed Israel for intentionally bombarding UN schools causing the death of children. Norris compared the behavior of Israel to that of the Nazis and as a senator submitted a bill declaring economical contacts with Jews residing in the West Bank a criminal offence.
Yet, the frustration of Norris' election did not yield profits for Israel. Michael Higgins, chair of the Labor party, who was elected was not less hostile. Thus, he used his speech to the country’s Holocaust remembrance ceremony, a speech he had been asked by Ireland’s Jewish community not to make, to lambast Israel, turning what should have been a solemn, serious and apolitical event into a nasty and demonstration of his obsession with the world’s only Jewish state.
Higgins' provocative speech led to the grotesque spectacle of a Holocaust memorial ceremony being marked by security guards dragging Jews along the ground to remove them because they took issue with the hatred being spouted by their country’s president.
If that was not enough, we are faced now with a president who is an open supporter of Hamas. In the midst of the bloody civil war she visited Syria, pledged support for Bashar al-Assad known as "the butcher", met with a terror leader who was charged with committing war crimes and called to "free Palestine."
Indeed, no easy time awaits Israel under President Connolly.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-876526
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Beit Jinn Massacre: Syrians Begin Resisting Israeli Occupation Alone
By Robert Inlakesh
November 29, 2025
During the early hours of Friday morning, an Israeli military unit invaded the village of Beit Jinn, located in the Damascus countryside. Similar raids have become routine in southern Syria, yet this time the locals decided to fight back and, as a result, were subjected to hours of airstrikes.
At around 3 AM local time, what the Hebrew media claimed was an Israeli reservist unit had run an incursion into the Damascus countryside, specifically targeting the village of Beit Jinn. Initially, the Israeli media had reported that a “sweeping” operation had taken place, during which the occupation soldiers were subjected to a sudden, violent ambush.
Initially, the Israeli army radio reported 6 soldiers were injured, 3 were said to have been in serious to critical condition. Syrian local media claimed these three soldiers were killed. Later, Israeli Hebrew media reports indicated 13 injuries had been sustained.
What ensued was a two-hour-long rescue operation, involving drones and helicopters. Some also claimed fighter jets were mobilized. The village of Beit Jinn was repeatedly bombarded from the air and with tank fire, ultimately killing at least 20 Syrian villagers, including women and children. Dozens more were also injured.
A number of competing narratives have since emerged, claiming to characterise the situation that unfolded. The Israeli media began claiming that the military was conducting an arrest operation when they were suddenly ambushed, contradicting previous claims about a sweeping operation.
In the end, the Israeli army announced it had kidnapped a number of Syrian militants that it was pursuing and hence successfully completed its “mission”. There were Israeli claims that these alleged militants were suspected of previously firing rockets and planning past attacks on Israeli forces near Dara’a, but they provided no evidence or the names of those they kidnapped.
What we do know is that a Syrian fighter named Hassan Mohammed Abdul Razzaq al-Saadi was killed in an armed clash with the Israeli military. We also know that the ambush on the occupying force was carried out in close quarters and that an Israeli armoured Humvee was destroyed. It also confirmed that a rescue operation was carried out and that soldiers were transported to different hospitals through airlifts, including to a medical facility in Haifa. It is also apparent that the Syrian force that carried out the ambush was armed with light weapons.
Israel claims that it bombed its own military vehicle after it had already been rendered inoperable. However, there is no crater typically inflicted by such an airstrike, meaning that it is possible it could have been destroyed by the Syrian forces alone.
Another narrative produced by the Israeli media was that due to the clash having been carried out at such a close range, the air force couldn’t immediately intervene. This is also a questionable claim, as reports initially indicated a fear of soldiers being taken captive, likely indicating a loss of communications, and under such circumstances, the infamous Hannibal Directive is routinely triggered.
Regardless of the specific details of the clash, which the Israelis are infamous for concealing, Beit Jinn was besieged after it took place, and emergency services were blocked from entering the village in order to tend to the dozens of civilians wounded. The minaret of a local mosque was struck and a building was bombed, burying civilians beneath it.
Where Does This Lead?
The armed clash, which has been characterised as the most intense since the fall of former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, occurred on the same day that Syria’s new leader, Ahmed al-Shara’a, had previously called for mass demonstrations.
Friday’s pre-planned demonstrations were called for after mass protests across Homs and the Syrian coastal region by the Alawite minority sect inside the country, following various cases of sectarian violence against their communities. Sheikh Ghazal Ghazal, who leads the Supreme Alawite Islamic Council, had urged his people to protest for both equality, also communicate the message of federalism.
Ahmed al-Shara’a responded in a televised speech, after sectarian counter-protests had also taken place, some calling for the extermination of Syria’s Alawites, asserting that the country should do away with sectarianism and reject dividing the country. However, despite his statements about unity, many feared that his call for unity protests, designed to celebrate the current administration, was going to trigger even more sectarian demonstrations.
What ended up occurring was that many of the demonstrations, the largest of which was the well-organized event in Damascus, turned into anti-Israel protests instead. Sectarian chants were still present in Damascus and elsewhere, yet the opposition to Israel’s attack on Beit Jinn and celebrations of its resistance steered the street mobilizations, as many called for retaliation and burned Israeli flags.
So far, the new Syrian leadership has refused to fire a single bullet towards Israeli forces and has attempted, but failed, to disarm many southern Syrian communities. Meanwhile, Ahmed al-Shara’a has welcomed Zionist delegations to Damascus and opened direct communication, as well as participated in negotiations, with the leadership in Tel Aviv. Despite pleas for help from the people of Beit Jinn, no Syrian forces were mobilized to aid them, leaving the village defenceless.
Initially, the Israelis accused the Islamic Group of being behind the ambush against its occupying forces. Al-Jama’a Al-Islamiya, or the Islamic Group, is a Lebanese resistance organisation rooted in the Muslim Brotherhood; its armed wing is called the Fajr Forces. It is also known for its close relationship with Hezbollah, Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and other Palestinian factions. It later denied any involvement.
Blaming the Islamic Group enabled the Israelis to point their finger at Iran and Hezbollah, yet there has been no proof presented to support this notion. Additionally, later reports produced in the Hebrew media had indicated that the ambush was spontaneous and not pre-planned, although this is currently unconfirmed.
Some Syrian telegram channels later began claiming that an ISIS cell had claimed responsibility, yet there were no official statements in this regard, and it is more likely that ISIS supporters were spreading rumours to bolster their image.
Finally, Al-Moqowameh Al-Wataniyeh Fe Souryia, which translates to the Syrian National Resistance in English, released a video message claiming their responsibility for the ambush operation. It is currently unclear who runs this group, yet its logo does appear to be a similar design to Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) aligned movements. It is possible that this group was responsible and had a cell waiting in the village of Beit Jinn, as the Syrian National Resistance has claimed smaller attacks in the past.
As details evidently remain scarce, it is important to consider the direct repercussions of this major event. As a result, the Israeli military is acting in a much more aggressive manner in southern Syria, where it has already occupied over 400 square kilometers of territory. This is a portion of land larger than the Gaza Strip.
Negotiations between the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) leadership and Israel on reaching a “security agreement” recently faltered, reportedly due to Israeli demands that entailed handing over southern Syrian lands to it. Therefore, the Israelis were already adopting a more aggressive approach towards Damascus and this incident only encourages that trend further.
The Israelis have so far taken everything they have sought inside Syria, without any demands or pushback from the leadership of Ahmed al-Shara’a. Damascus even handed over the belongings of infamous Israeli spy Eli Cohen, along with the bodies of Israeli soldiers captured in 1982, without anything in return.
Meanwhile, the Israelis have destroyed the former Syrian Arab Army’s strategic arsenal, seized key water assets in southern Syria, established dominance over the high point of Jabal al-Sheik (Mount Hermon), begun backing Druze separatist militias, murdered hundreds of Syrians, struck the ministry of defense, and even bombed next to the Presidential Palace.
As this has been happening and the occupying forces seize more Syrian lands, Ahmed al-Shara’a has been busy cosying up to the Trump administration, playing basketball with the leaders of US Central Command, not daring to impose any red lines on the Israelis, nor threaten retaliation.
The lack of any threat from the rulers in Damascus is, however, irrelevant to Tel Aviv’s calculations. If Ahmed al-Shara’a were to order any action against them, or even enable Syrian militias to mobilize to confront the occupying forces as they advance, the Israelis would likely eliminate the Syrian leader with an airstrike.
So far, such an option has been avoided by the Israelis, not only due to the closeness between Damascus and Washington, but also because they aren’t currently facing any major threat from Syrian armed groups in the south of the country. A move like this would probably trigger militant groups to attack them, which would require a significant Israeli ground force to combat.
It is therefore more likely that if Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu decides that the Syrian leadership has passed its usefulness to them and is beginning to pose problems, they could, in fact, carry out an assassination operation on the ground. The aim of such an assassination attack, opposed to an airstrike, would be to trigger a power struggle between competing Syrian armed factions, which would weaken and distract them from an even greater Israeli incursion into Syria. Simultaneously, its allied militia forces in Sweida could be called upon to undertake specific military actions.
One potential problem lies in the way of Israel escalating to this extent, the influence of Turkiye in the country, which has already rooted itself in the Syrian city of Aleppo since the fall of Bashar al-Assad. It is unclear just how far Ankara will go to maintain its strategic foothold in Syria. If it seeks to combat the Israeli agenda, it may eventually choose to use proxy forces in order to do this, although such a move would trigger a major crisis and therefore is of lower likelihood.
The Israeli media have recently been claiming that PIJ is building its strength and rapidly arming its fighters inside Syria, allegations that PIJ denies as incitement against Palestinian refugees. It is reasonable to assume that PIJ, which has long been rooted in Syria, does still possess capabilities there, although these claims from the Israelis appear to be geared towards pressuring the Syrian government to undergo a major crackdown against Palestinian groups.
Factually, the current leadership in Damascus is extremely weak. It does not possess a real army, instead drawing its power from militia groups, many of which are sectarian extremist groups only mobilized for the purpose of fighting other Syrian armed groups. If the current administration were to wage war on Israel, it would suffer enormous losses, and Ahmed al-Shara’a would become an immediate target for assassination. But such a development is highly unlikely, as it appears there is no desire to follow this path. If it occurs, it will be because Damascus has lost control of the situation.
Saying this, there really is no other option except resistance for the Syrian people if they hope to unite and rescue their country. This will mean enormous sacrifice, but it is the only way to deter the Israelis from continuing to seize more land and break the country into sectarian mini-states.
The future of Syrian resistance could go in any direction from here. Suddenly, there could be a mobilization of forces to combat Israel, but it is more probable that the Israelis will use their air dominance over the country to impose their will, while refraining from escalating the conflict on the ground. If the Israelis choose to continue escalating on the ground, it indicates that they see the collapse of the HTS administration as imminent.
https://www.palestinechronicle.com/beit-jinn-massacre-syrians-begin-resisting-israeli-occupation-alone-analysis/
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TRT As Strong Voice Of Growing Türkiye
By Mahmut Özer
Nov 29, 2025
Over the past 20 years, Türkiye has undergone a profound transformation across all sectors. From education to health care, from transportation to infrastructure and the defense industry, the country has rapidly addressed its deficiencies and, with a new perspective and a newly constructed language, is advancing confidently toward the future. This period is marked by two key characteristics. First, groups that had long remained on the periphery with highly limited access to public services have been brought to the center, enabling them to benefit easily from these now-expanded services. In this way, the country has carried out a development initiative that has reached all segments of society and all regions. The quality of its human capital has risen, and all parts of society have shared in the increase in collective welfare.
The second characteristic is the continuous strengthening of the capacity of institutions and organizations by relying on the common language established in this new era. As institutions have grown, Türkiye has become stronger; and as Türkiye has grown stronger, this positive feedback loop has further enhanced the development of its institutions. This dynamic, day by day, increases the likelihood of realizing the vision of the "Century of Türkiye." For example, advances in the defense industry have gone beyond serving merely as a component of national security; by pushing employment figures above 100,000, they have also become a powerful contributor to the economy. Similarly, the expansion of service capacity at Turkish Airlines (THY) and AJet has transformed Türkiye into one of the world’s leading aviation hubs.
A similar transformation has taken place at TRT, Türkiye’s first and only public broadcaster. Over the past 20 years, TRT has fundamentally renewed its service capacity and introduced a new vision across many areas – from content to technological infrastructure, from international representation to digital platforms. Today, with 17 television channels, 17 radio channels, 9 international digital news platforms, the international digital platform Tabii, numerous digital applications and games, national and international strategic summits, co-produced feature films, TRT Academy, and dozens of brands, TRT both accompanies Türkiye’s development journey and provides strong representation in international broadcasting.
Broadcasting in 41 languages, TRT has gained a truly global institutional structure through its multinational workforce and expanding network of foreign bureaus. Today, it operates active representations in 18 countries – Azerbaijan, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, China, Germany, Greece, Iraq, Iran, Jerusalem, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, North Macedonia, Russia, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus(TRNC), Turkmenistan, the U.K., the U.S., and Uzbekistan. This organizational structure has provided a vital foundation for TRT to make its voice heard on a global scale.
Just as increasing the domestic production rate in the defense industry from around 20% to over 80% is a strategic achievement, it is equally noteworthy that TRT’s recent breakthroughs have been realized largely through domestic capabilities. Between 2021 and 2024, TRT produced more than 3,700 series, films, documentaries and programs, 73% of which were in-house productions. TRT’s progress has also been recognized internationally through numerous awards. In 2023, TRT World’s "Off The Grid: Ukraine Wartime Diaries" documentary won an Emmy Award; in the same year, TRT Director General Mehmet Zahid Sobacı was elected president of the Asia-Pacific Broadcasting Union (ABU), which has 230 members from 65 countries and reaches 4 billion viewers. Additionally, the chairmanship of the ABU News Group being entrusted to TRT further confirms the institution’s success in international journalism.
Int'l digital platform 'tabii'
In May 2023, TRT launched "tabii" with the aim of creating a domestic alternative to international digital platforms. Established entirely with local resources, the platform entered the market with 30 original productions – making it the digital platform with the highest number of originals at launch. With the slogan “Stories That Unite Us,” tabii seeks to redefine the spirit of the digital age in harmony with our cultural values, thereby positioning itself as a meaningful alternative. Accessible in dozens of countries, offering content in five different languages, and continuously expanding its audience base, tabii is growing into a global brand. Today, Tabii has more than 13 million users and has so far brought to viewers over 60 original productions, more than 600 films and series, more than 600 documentaries and programs, and a total of over 22,000 hours of content.
TRT Academy
Celebrating its 60th anniversary in 2024, TRT established TRT Academy in January of the same year as a modern reflection of its longstanding mission to institutionalize broadcasting education. Launched with the slogan “Where dreams meet experience,” TRT Academy introduces an innovative approach to media education through its modules, courses, podcasts, and books – all developed entirely by TRT personnel. TRT Academy is particularly significant as it is a project realized solely through TRT’s own internal resources. With training modules prepared by expert instructors cultivated within TRT and covering a wide range of topics, TRT Academy opens its doors to students of all ages who are passionate about the media and communication sector. Through TRT Academy, TRT conveys its strong expertise in media, communication, and broadcasting to its target audiences via diverse educational opportunities offered both digitally and face-to-face.
TRT’s mission of serving as a school has been expanded and delivered to wider audiences through this project, which utilizes today’s capabilities and digital technologies within a more systematic structure. At present, TRT Academy’s video trainings consist of 262 episodes across 36 topics, while its face-to-face trainings are organized under 31 training titles. TRT Academy also includes podcasts comprising 50 episodes across six categories, as well as virtual classroom trainings grouped under 16 instructional titles. The 8-book Education Series and the 8-book Cinema Series stand out as complementary components of the training offerings. In addition, experience-sharing webinars are held each month within the scope of TRT Academy, allowing industry professionals to meet audiences through open-access platforms. After completing the training programs, participants can access their documents and certificates via the e-Government portal following the assessment and evaluation processes.
Alternative comms approach
As emphasized in Edward Said’s seminal work "Orientalism," the West does not allow the East – whose boundaries extend far beyond geography – to speak for itself, keeping the authority to produce the East’s representations under its own monopoly. International communication channels play a crucial role in maintaining this monopoly. In this way, the East is subdued, rendered passive and deprived of the right to express its own story in its own voice. With TRT’s multilingual broadcasting and its successful implementation of international digital news platforms, the institution’s growing influence in digital spaces is helping to challenge and diminish the impact of Orientalism in this field.
TRT’s international digital news platforms – TRT World (English), TRT Arabi (Arabic), TRT Deutsch (German), TRT Russian (Russian), TRT Français (French), TRT Balkan (Bosnian, Serbian, Croatian, Montenegrin, Macedonian and Albanian), and TRT Afrika (Swahili, Hausa, English, French) – were joined in 2024 by TRT Español (Spanish) and TRT Farsi (Persian). With this expansion, TRT’s development significantly increases global access to accurate news through these channels. Considering that news has long been framed through a Western perspective, the creation of such an alternative communication pathway contributes not only to the use of communication as a form of soft power but also to allowing voices that are often suppressed or ignored to be heard.
In the context of Orientalism, the East – through TRT’s contributions – has gained the ability to speak for itself and steadily expands its capacity to produce its own representations. Thus, through all these international digital news platforms, which challenge the long-standing, single-sourced global flow of information, what has been unseen is now shown, and what has gone unheard is now conveyed – wherever in the world it may be. In doing so, TRT continues to be not only Türkiye’s voice but also the voice of regions across the world that have long been overlooked or silenced.
Within this framework, Israel’s genocide and war crimes against Gaza have been closely followed by TRT from the very first day. Special content and documentaries have been produced in multiple languages and across television, digital, and radio platforms, including national and international news broadcasts. “I See Gaza,” “Witness,” “Holy Redemption: Seizing the Land of Palestine,” “Digital Occupation,” “The Sole Survivor,” and “Zionism: Manufacturing a State” are just a few of these productions. The documentary “Holy Redemption: Seizing the Land of Palestine,” produced by the TRT World team, won the “Best Documentary and Program” award at the Al Jazeera Balkans International Documentary Film Festival. In addition, national and international strategic media summits and events have featured special sessions, screenings, dedicated segments, and awards focused on Palestine, aiming to draw attention to the genocide unfolding in Gaza and emphasizing its significance across all platforms.
In summary, TRT has significantly expanded its capacity by aligning itself with the momentum Türkiye has gained over the past 20 years, becoming an effective actor both nationally and internationally. While producing a wide variety of content to meet the needs of audiences of all ages, it has also broadened its global broadcasting network, securing a respected position on the international stage. TRT’s strong contribution to this great transformation story – carried out in coordination with Türkiye’s institutions and organizations – is one of the most important guarantees of the sustainability of this national journey.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/trt-as-strong-voice-of-growing-turkiye
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URL: https://www.newageislam.com/middle-east-press/gaza-plan-thanksgiving-ai-massacre/d/137809
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