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Islamic Ideology ( 2 Jul 2025, NewAgeIslam.Com)

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Anti-Patriarchal Resonances in Hadith Literature: Recovery of the Prophetic Ethos of Gender Justice

 

By V.A. Mohamad Ashrof, New Age Islam

2 July 2025

The interpretation of Islamic scripture, particularly the vast and intricate corpus of Hadith—the recorded sayings, actions, and tacit approvals of the Prophet Muhammad—has, for much of history, been refracted through a patriarchal lens. This interpretive framework, often shaped by the socio-cultural norms of post-prophetic societies rather than the pristine ethos of the revelation itself, has frequently been marshalled to construct and reinforce systems of male authority, circumscribe female agency, and codify gender-based hierarchies as divinely ordained. This has led to a widespread perception, both within and outside Muslim communities, that the tradition is inherently and irredeemably patriarchal. However, such a conclusion arises from a hermeneutic of submission to historical patriarchy, not from a critical engagement with the sources themselves. A dedicated re-examination, informed by what can be termed an anti-patriarchal mind-set—one that consciously seeks to identify and dismantle hierarchical, oppressive, and unjust gender structures—reveals a profound and persistent counter-narrative embedded within the very fabric of the Hadith literature.

This paper will argue that the Hadith corpus, when read in concert with the overarching Quranic principles of justice ('Adl), compassion (Rahmah), and the inherent dignity of all humanity (Karamah), contains significant anti-patriarchal resonances. These are not isolated anomalies or mere acts of personal kindness, but are, in fact, foundational elements of the prophetic Sunnah (normative practice) that actively contest assumptions of inherent male superiority, advocate for profound reciprocity in spousal relations, normalize and dignify male participation in the domestic sphere, and unequivocally affirm the theological, social, and legal rights of women. This hermeneutical project is not an anachronistic imposition of modern feminist values onto a pre-modern text. Rather, it is an act of recovery, an excavation of the emancipatory potential that resides within the tradition itself. By meticulously highlighting these often-overlooked or marginalized textual moments, we can reconstruct an Islamic ethical framework that fundamentally challenges rigid patriarchy. This framework demonstrates with compelling evidence that the Prophetic example and the lived reality of the early Muslim community contained potent and transformative seeds of gender justice, offering a powerful resource for contemporary Muslims striving to build equitable societies.

To achieve this, this paper will be structured around several key thematic areas where the anti-patriarchal thrust of the Hadith is most evident. First, it will explore the deconstruction of gendered labour through the Prophet’s active and consistent participation in domestic work, thereby challenging the public/private and male/female dichotomies that underpin patriarchal systems. Second, it will analyse the dynamics of the marital relationship, showcasing how prophetic practice and the conduct of early companions modelled reciprocity, mutual consultation, and female assertiveness, directly confronting norms of unilateral male authority. Third, the paper will examine the robust evidence for women's public voice, intellectual authority, and civic participation, demonstrating a model of community life where women were active agents in shaping theological and legal discourse. Finally, it will delve into the profound theological transformation articulated by figures like 'Umar ibn al-Khattab, whose personal journey from a pre-Islamic patriarchal mind-set to an Islamic recognition of women’s divinely-ordained rights encapsulates the revolutionary impact of the faith. By synthesizing the arguments, evidence, and documentation from these domains, this paper will present a coherent and comprehensive case for the powerful anti-patriarchal ethos that animates a significant portion of the Hadith literature.

Theoretical Framework: An Anti-Patriarchal Hermeneutic

Before proceeding to the textual analysis, it is imperative to establish the theoretical framework guiding this inquiry. The interpretive lens one brings to a text fundamentally shapes the meaning that is derived from it. For centuries, the dominant hermeneutic applied to Islamic texts concerning gender was patriarchal, assuming male authority as the default and interpreting ambiguous texts in a manner that reinforced this hierarchy. An anti-patriarchal hermeneutic, in contrast, proceeds from a different set of foundational assumptions, rooted in the core message of the Quran itself.

This hermeneutic is premised on the Quran's unequivocal declaration of the spiritual equality of all human beings. The famous verse in the Quran states that all of humanity was created from a single pair, male and female, and made into nations and tribes to know one another, with the noblest in the sight of God being the most righteous (49:13). This verse dismantles any ontological basis for racial, tribal, or gender-based superiority. Furthermore, the Quran explicitly lists believing men and believing women side-by-side, promising them identical spiritual rewards for identical virtues, from submission and faith to charity and chastity (33:35). As Islamic feminist scholar Asma Barlas argues, the Quran's "radical reconceptualization of God" as utterly transcendent, beyond gender, form, or human-like attributes, is the ultimate theological undoing of patriarchy, which often relies on projecting masculine characteristics onto the divine to sacralise male authority (Barlas, p.134).

Therefore, an anti-patriarchal hermeneutic uses these overarching Quranic principles of justice ('adl), equity (qist), and human dignity as the ultimate criterion (al-furqan) for interpreting the Hadith. When a Hadith appears to contradict this clear Quranic ethos, the hermeneutic demands critical scrutiny. This does not mean summarily rejecting Hadith, but rather engaging in a deeper analysis of its context, authenticity, language, and its relationship to the broader corpus of revelation. As Amina Wadud posits in her ground-breaking work, the Quran must be read holistically, allowing its universal principles to inform the interpretation of its particular rulings (Wadud, p.9-10). The same principle applies to the relationship between the Quran and the Hadith; the latter must be understood as an elaboration and practical embodiment of the former, not as a contradiction of it.

This approach actively resists the tendency to universalize culturally specific or context-bound statements. It recognizes that the Prophet Muhammad was legislating and guiding a community in a specific time and place, and his words often addressed particular situations. The task of the interpreter is to discern the underlying universal principle from the specific historical application. For example, a command given to a 7th-century Arabian audience might have a surface meaning tied to that context, but its underlying objective—promoting justice, preventing harm, ensuring fairness—is timeless. An anti-patriarchal hermeneutic seeks to recover and apply that timeless objective. It is, in essence, a search for the most just and equitable reading of the tradition that the texts themselves will allow, grounded in the belief that God’s message is ultimately one of liberation and justice for all of humanity.

Deconstructing Domesticity: The Prophetic Model of Shared Labour

A foundational pillar of virtually all patriarchal systems is the rigid gendering of labour and space. This system creates a dichotomy between the "public" sphere of politics, commerce, and authority, designated as male, and the "private" or "domestic" sphere of household maintenance and caregiving, relegated to women. This division is never neutral; the male, public sphere is valorised and associated with power, while the female, domestic sphere is devalued, rendered invisible, and seen as subordinate. The Prophet Muhammad’s personal example, as meticulously recorded in the Hadith, serves as a powerful and direct assault on this patriarchal construct. Through his consistent and unremarkable participation in household tasks, he modelled an ethic of shared responsibility that dissolved the artificial boundary between male leadership and domestic life.

The most vivid and widely cited testimony comes from his wife, Aisha, a key authority on his private life. When asked what the Prophet did at home, her answers paint a picture of a man fully integrated into the fabric of his household. In a narration recorded in the Musnad of Imam Ahmad, she states, "He was like any other human being: he would clean his clothes, milk his ewe and serve himself" (Ahmad, Musnad 6:256; al-Albani, Silsila Sahiha 671). The phrasing here is profoundly significant. By describing him as "like any other human being", Aisha (R)  normalizes these activities. She frames them not as extraordinary acts of condescension from a great leader, but as the ordinary, necessary tasks of human life that are incumbent upon everyone. This implicitly refutes the patriarchal notion that certain individuals, by virtue of their gender or status, are exempt from the labour of self-sufficiency and household maintenance.

Another, more detailed narration, also in the Musnad of Ahmad, specifies that the Prophet would "sew his own clothes, mend his own shoes and do whatever other work men do in their homes" (Ahmad, Musnad 6:121; al-Albani, Sahih al-Jami' 4927). The act of sewing and mending is particularly subversive. These were tasks almost universally associated with women in his socio-historical context. By performing them himself, the Prophet directly challenged and blurred the lines of gendered labour. The concluding phrase, "whatever other work men do in their homes," is a subtle but powerful critique. It suggests a reality where men were involved in domestic work, countering a revisionist history that might seek to erase male participation in the home entirely. It presents an integrated model of life where work is defined by need, not by gender.

The consistency of this practice is confirmed in a famous Hadith from Sahih al-Bukhari. Al-Aswad ibn Yazid, a prominent early scholar, made a point of asking Aisha directly: “What did the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him, do when he was with his family?” Her reply was unequivocal and concise: “The Prophet would be in the service of his family, doing household chores, and when the time for prayer came, he would go out” (Bukhari 644). The Arabic phrase Fi Mihnat Ahlilihi is potent; it translates literally as being "in the profession" or "in the labour" of his family. It denotes a consistent state of being, an active and ongoing engagement, not an occasional helping hand. The juxtaposition of this service with the call to prayer is also critical. It shows that his domestic responsibilities were his default state, from which he would depart only for the obligatory public ritual of prayer. This hierarchy of priorities—service to family as the norm, interrupted by public worship—inverts the patriarchal model where a man’s public life is his primary identity and his involvement at home is secondary or optional.

As Kecia Ali astutely notes in her analysis, these actions by the Prophet "disrupt conventional expectations of masculine behaviour" (Ali, p.78). In the tribal context of 7th-century Arabia, where masculinity was often performed through martial valour, poetic prowess, and public authority, the image of the leader of the community quietly mending his own shoes is a radical redefinition of power. It disassociates leadership from domination and exemption, and re-associates it with humility, service, and self-reliance. This prophetic model provides a powerful theological and ethical resource for challenging contemporary patriarchal norms that continue to burden women with the entirety of the "second shift" and devalue the essential labour of maintaining a home and raising a family. It establishes a Sunnah of domestic partnership, a prophetic precedent for a masculinity that is not threatened by, but is in fact enhanced by, its active participation in the full spectrum of human life.

Recalibrating the Marital Dyad: From Hierarchy to Reciprocity

The marital relationship is a critical site for the construction and maintenance of patriarchy. It is within the institution of marriage that norms of male dominance and female submission are often most intensely codified and enforced. Here again, the Hadith literature provides a wealth of counter-narratives that challenge the model of a hierarchical, authoritarian marriage, instead promoting a vision of partnership based on mutual rights, reciprocity, compassion, and even a validated space for female assertiveness. The life of the second Caliph, 'Umar ibn al-Khattab, a man known for his formidable personality and pre-Islamic patriarchal disposition, provides some of the most compelling evidence for the transformative power of the Islamic message on this front.

A famous and instructive anecdote, cited by Mazheruddin Siddiqi, recounts a man who, frustrated with his wife's sharp tongue, went to 'Umar's house to seek the Caliph's intervention and recourse. Before he could knock, he overheard 'Umar’s own wife speaking loudly and sharply to him. The man, disheartened, turned to leave, thinking that if the mighty Caliph faced the same domestic challenge, he could surely offer no help. 'Umar, noticing the man's retreat, called him back. Upon hearing the reason for his visit, 'Umar offered a perspective that is remarkable in its acknowledgment of his wife's uncompensated labour and his own dependence on her:

"'[My wife] cooks my food, washes my clothes and suckles my children, thus relieving me of the necessity of employing a cook, a washer man and a nurse, although she is not in the slightest degree responsible for this? Not only that, I enjoy peace of mind on account of her and I am protected from committing the sin of adultery. In view of these advantages, I put up with her excesses. You should also do the same.’" (Siddiqi, p.83-84).

This response is profoundly anti-patriarchal in its implications. First, 'Umar explicitly acknowledges that the extensive domestic and caregiving labour his wife performs is not a legal or religious obligation upon her ("she is not in the slightest degree responsible for this"). This refutes the patriarchal assumption that such work is a wife's inherent duty. Second, he frames his tolerance not as a magnanimous act of patriarchal grace, but as a fair and logical exchange for the immense benefits he receives. He conducts a pragmatic, almost economic, analysis that recognizes her contributions as valuable services. Third, his reasoning reframes the relationship in terms of interdependence and mutual benefit, completely undermining the notion of a husband's absolute right to demand unquestioning compliance. His advice to the other man is to practice forbearance based on gratitude and a recognition of rights, not to assert his authority and demand submission.

An even more powerful narrative, found in Sahih al-Bukhari, shows 'Umar's wife not only speaking her mind but grounding her right to do so in the ultimate authority: The Sunnah of the Prophet. The Hadith relates that 'Umar once raised his voice at his wife, and she responded in kind. When he expressed his outrage at her retort, she delivered a stunning rebuke, reminding him that he had no right to be indignant when the Prophet's own wives, including 'Umar's own daughter Hafsa, would respond to their husband similarly. She highlights that the Prophet would allow his wives to express their opinions and even stay cross with him for a whole day without silencing them. The climax of her argument is a direct and irrefutable challenge to 'Umar's patriarchal posturing: "and he [the Prophet] is better than you"(Bukhari 5505).

This narrative is a masterclass in anti-patriarchal resistance from within the tradition itself. 'Umar's wife is not merely being "disobedient"; she is making a sophisticated theological and legal argument. She leverages the normative example of the Prophet to assert her own rights and to critique her husband's behaviour. She establishes the Prophet's tolerance for female assertiveness as the true Islamic standard, against which 'Umar's expectation of silent deference falls short. The Prophet’s acceptance of such reciprocal and sometimes contentious dialogue, as cited by 'Umar’s wife, establishes a powerful precedent for female voice and agency within the marital home. It directly contradicts the rigid interpretations developed by later jurists that demanded absolute and silent wifely obedience. As Amina Wadud argues, such interactions are indicative of "a model of reciprocity and mutual consultation" that was inherent in the Prophet's own relationships, challenging the authoritarian models of husbandly conduct that would later emerge (Wadud, p.88).

These examples from 'Umar's life are complemented by numerous direct teachings from the Prophet himself that frame marriage in terms of kindness and mutual rights. His famous statement in his Farewell Sermon, "Treat women well", was not a mere suggestion but a final, binding instruction to his entire community (Bukhari 5186; Muslim 1466). In another widely cited Hadith, he ties a man's very character to his treatment of his family: "The best of you are those who are the best to their families, and I am the best of you to my family" (Tirmidhi 3895). By making himself the benchmark, he inextricably links righteous masculinity with gentle and just conduct within the home. This collective body of evidence—from the Prophet's actions, his direct commands, and the way these were understood and enacted by his companions—builds an undeniable case for a marital ethos based on the Quranic principles of love and mercy (30:21) and mutual rights and responsibilities (2:228), an ethos that stands in stark opposition to patriarchal hierarchy.

Women's Public Voice and Intellectual Authority

Patriarchy functions not only by controlling the domestic sphere but also by systematically excluding women from public life, particularly from spheres of intellectual and religious authority. It seeks to silence women's voices and render their contributions invisible. The early Islamic period, as reflected in the Hadith and historical reports, presents a vibrant counter-model where women were not only present but were active, authoritative, and indispensable participants in the shaping of the community's religious, intellectual, and even political life.

The foremost example of female intellectual authority is, without question, Aisha bint Abi Bakr. Far from being confined to the private quarters, Aisha emerged after the Prophet's death as one of the most prolific and influential scholars of her generation. She is credited with narrating over two thousand Hadiths, but her role extended far beyond mere transmission. She was a Mujtahida—an independent jurist capable of deriving legal rulings. The classical sources are replete with instances where she critically evaluated and corrected the narrations and interpretations of senior male Companions, including Abu Hurayrah, 'Abdullah ibn 'Umar, and even the Caliph 'Umar ibn al-Khattab.

A classic example is her forceful refutation of a Hadith attributed to Abu Hurayrah which suggested that a man's prayer is nullified if a dog, a donkey, or a woman passes in front of him. Aisha (R)'s response was one of indignation and sharp correction: "You have equated us (women) with donkeys and dogs! By God, I saw the Prophet praying while I used to lie in my bed between him and the Qibla, and when I had a need, I would dislike to face him, so I would slip away" (Bukhari 514). Her correction was not based on abstract reasoning alone, but on her own direct, lived experience and intimate knowledge of the Prophet's practice. She asserted her superior knowledge in this matter and successfully prevented a deeply misogynistic interpretation from gaining normative traction. This willingness to publicly debate and correct her male peers demonstrates a level of intellectual confidence and communal acceptance that is unthinkable in a rigidly patriarchal system. The sheer volume and unquestioned authority of her narrations and juristic opinions in the classical Sunni tradition attest to an early Islamic environment where female scholarship was not an anomaly to be tolerated, but a central pillar of the tradition's preservation and development.

This phenomenon of female public voice was not restricted to the elite circle of the Prophet's wives. A celebrated incident from the Caliphate of 'Umar ibn al-Khattab illustrates the agency of an ordinary woman in shaping public policy. It is reported that 'Umar, while delivering a sermon from the pulpit, attempted to set a cap on the amount of Mahr (dower) that a man could give to his wife, arguing that high dowers were becoming a source of social competition and hardship.

A woman from the congregation stood up and publicly challenged the Caliph. She quoted the Quran directly back to him: "...and you have given one of them a Qintar (a large amount of gold), so take not one thing from it" (4:20). Her argument was simple and powerful: if God, in the Quran, placed no upper limit on the dower, what right did the Caliph have to do so? In a remarkable display of humility and respect for scriptural evidence, 'Umar immediately conceded his error, famously declaring, "The woman is correct, and 'Umar is mistaken." (This incident is recorded in several compilations, including the Musannaf of Abd al-Razzaq, hadith 10420, and the Musannaf of Ibn Abi Shaybah, hadith 16362).

This event is a powerful testament to a civic culture where a woman's knowledge of scripture empowered her to hold the highest political authority accountable in a public forum, and where that authority submitted to the correctness of her argument.

Perhaps the most profound validation of female voice comes from an event that shaped the Quran itself. The story of Khawla bint Tha'laba is immortalized in the opening verses of Surah al-Mujadila ("The Pleading Woman"). Her husband had pronounced a pre-Islamic formula of divorce upon her (Zihar), which left her in a state of limbo, neither married nor free to remarry. She went to the Prophet to plead her case, arguing passionately about her plight and that of her children. Aisha, who witnessed the encounter, described her as disputing and complaining to God. Her plea was answered directly by divine revelation: "Indeed, God has heard the speech of the one who argues with you concerning her husband and directs her complaint to God. And God hears your dialogue; indeed, God is Hearing and Seeing" (58:1). The revelation went on to abolish the unjust practice of Zihar. This incident is of immense significance. It demonstrates that a woman's plea for justice could be the direct cause of divine legislation, her voice resonating from earth to the heavens and being enshrined in the eternal text of the Quran. It is the ultimate affirmation of women's standing as moral and legal subjects whose concerns are worthy of divine attention and intervention. As Karen Bauer observes, such narratives of female participation "provide a counterpoint to interpretations that emphasize only restriction and control," offering a rich resource for envisioning a more inclusive and participatory vision of Muslim community life (Bauer, p.112).

The Theological Revolution: Umar's Testimony and the Dawn of Rights

The shift from the pre-Islamic era, known as Jahiliyyah (Age of Ignorance), to the Islamic period was not merely a change in religious doctrine; it was a fundamental reordering of social consciousness, particularly concerning the status and worth of women. The most profound and personal testimony to this revolutionary transformation comes, once again, from 'Umar ibn al-Khattab, a man whose life straddled both worlds and whose personality was emblematic of the stern patriarchal values of his tribe. His own words, recorded in Sahih al-Bukhari, serve as an unimpeachable confession of the anti-patriarchal impact of Islam on his own worldview and that of his society:

“By God, in Jahiliyya, we used to have no regard for women whatsoever. But when Islam came and God made mention of them, this caused us to realize that they have rights upon us...” (Bukhari 5505).

This single statement is a dense and powerful summary of the entire argument for Islam's anti-patriarchal thrust. Let us deconstruct its components. First, 'Umar's admission about the Jahiliyyah period is stark and unsparing: "we used to have no regard for women whatsoever." This sets the baseline. It acknowledges the historical reality of an extreme patriarchy where women were not considered subjects of regard or importance. Second, he identifies the catalyst for change: "when Islam came and God made mention of them." The "mention" of women by God refers to the extensive and transformative passages in the Quran that addressed their status. This includes verses affirming their spiritual equality with men (33:35), verses establishing their independent economic rights, such as the right to inherit property (4:7, 4:11-12) and to own and control their dower (4:4, 4:20), and verses outlining mutual rights and obligations within marriage, enjoining kindness and prohibiting mistreatment (2:228, 4:19). This Quranic discourse forced a radical re-evaluation of women's place in the divine and social order.

The final part of 'Umar's statement is the most crucial: "...this caused us to realize that they have rights (haqq) upon us." The shift is from a state of disregard to a consciousness of rights. This is not a language of charity, chivalry, or benevolent paternalism. Haqq is a potent Islamic concept, signifying a just and binding claim, a divinely ordained entitlement. To recognize that women have rights is to recognize them as legal and moral subjects with inherent worth and agency, whose claims upon men and upon society are not favours to be granted but duties to be fulfilled. This theological shift, from viewing women as dependents or property to viewing them as rights-bearing individuals before God, is the very bedrock upon which any anti-patriarchal reading of the Islamic tradition must stand. 'Umar's personal evolution embodies the societal transformation that Islam initiated, moving from a deeply entrenched patriarchy to a new paradigm defined by divinely mandated rights and responsibilities.

This transformation is underpinned by the Quran's revolutionary theology. As argued by Asma Barlas, patriarchy ultimately requires a patriarchal god to sustain it. By presenting a God who is absolutely one (ahad), transcendent, and beyond all gendered descriptions, the Quran "unlinks God from masculinity and, by extension, from all systems of patriarchal privilege" (Barlas, p.134). This theological foundation makes the continued justification of patriarchy in God's name a profound contradiction. The Quran's insistence on justice as a primary virtue (4:135, 5:8) and its establishment of a universal human identity rooted in servitude to a single, non-gendered God provide the ultimate framework for gender equality. 'Umar's testimony is the human echo of this divine revolution, the lived experience of a man whose patriarchal certainties were dismantled by the word of God and the example of His Prophet.

Reclaiming an Emancipatory Heritage

The Hadith literature, for too long read through a lens darkened by centuries of patriarchal culture, reveals a luminous and compelling counter-narrative when approached with a hermeneutic of liberation. While later juristic interpretations and cultural accretions often constructed a formidable patriarchal edifice using selective readings and decontextualized Hadiths, the corpus itself contains a rich, deep, and persistent vein of anti-patriarchal principles and narratives. These are not marginal or exceptional; they are central to the prophetic model of a just and compassionate society.

This paper has demonstrated that the prophetic Sunnah actively subverted the patriarchal norms of 7th-century Arabia in multiple, decisive ways. The Prophet Muhammad’s consistent and active participation in de-gendered domestic labour dismantled the artificial and hierarchical division between the public and private spheres, dignifying the work of the household and modelling a masculinity of service and humility. His interactions with his wives, and the precedents they set for the wider community, recalibrated marriage from a relationship of command and control to one of reciprocity, mutual consultation, and recognized rights, even validating a wife's right to assert her opinion. The active and authoritative roles played by women like Aisha in shaping the intellectual and juristic tradition, and the empowerment of ordinary women to hold even the Caliph accountable, point to a vibrant public square where female agency was not only tolerated but valued. And most fundamentally, the theological revolution of Islam, encapsulated in the personal transformation of a staunch patriarch like 'Umar ibn al-Khattab, replaced a culture of female disregard with a divinely mandated consciousness of women's rights (Huquq).

These Hadiths and the ethos they represent do not merely depict isolated acts of kindness or personal preference. They model an alternative relational structure, a different way of being human together, one that is based on the Quranic ideals of reciprocity, shared responsibility, mutual respect, and the recognition of the inherent human dignity and God-given rights of all people, irrespective of gender. To recover and centre these narratives through an anti-patriarchal lens is not, therefore, an imposition of alien modern values onto the tradition. It is, in fact, a profoundly authentic and vital act of reclaiming the original emancipatory potential that lies at the very heart of the Islamic message. It allows for a hermeneutic that aligns seamlessly with the Quran's core call for justice ('Adl), goodness (Ihsan), and human equality before the One God. In a world where gender-based oppression continues to be perpetrated, often in the name of religion, this recovered prophetic ethos offers powerful and indigenous resources for challenging injustice and building Muslim societies that are truly reflective of the liberation and equity promised in their foundational texts.

Bibliography

Ahmed, Leila. Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992.

Ali, Kecia. Sexual Ethics and Islam: Feminist Reflections on Quran, Hadith, and Jurisprudence. London: Oneworld Publications, 2006.

Barlas, Asma. "Believing Women" in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Quran. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002.

Bauer, Karen. Gender Hierarchy in the Quran: Medieval Interpretations, Modern Responses. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015.

Mernissi, Fatima. The Veil and the Male Elite: A Feminist Interpretation of Women's Rights in Islam. Translated by Mary Jo Lakeland, New York: Perseus Books, 1991.

Siddiqi, Mazheruddin. Women in Islam. Lahore: Institute of Islamic Culture, 1975.

Wadud, Amina. Quran and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman's Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

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V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship.

 

URL:   https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-ideology/anti-patriarchal-hadith-literature-prophetic-ethos-gender/d/136049

 

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