New Age Islam News Bureau
6 December 2024
· Meet The UAE Women Braving Challenges Of Life At Sea
· Iran's New Hijab Law Seen As 'Vengeful Act' Against Women
· Ban On Girls’ Education Violates Our Resolution: OIC to Taliban
· Jill Biden Champions Women's Health in UAE Tour
· What Makes Bushra Bibi Such A Polarising Figure In Pakistani Politics?
· Muslim Women Issues Neglected In CEDAW Report
· Afghanistan: Ban On Women Medical Training Must Be Repealed: UNHC For Human Rights
· Building Bridges Through Art: My Journey Creating 18 Murals In Israel To Support The Women Of Iran
· Two Afghan activists receive 2024 Diana Award for advocating girls’ education in Afghanistan
Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/meet-women-braving-uae-sea/d/133948
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Meet the UAE women braving challenges of life at sea
6 Dec 2024
Sharifa Yousif. Photos: Supplied
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SharifaYousif had a phobia of the sea since she almost drowned when she was five and lost a brother to it before she could even talk.
Determined to overcome her fears and break through a challenging male-dominated field, her first sea swim 18 years later started with a jump from the top of an 8m-high vessel, as part of a sea-rescue drill during her cadetship programme.
“When I stepped up for the jump, I felt scared, but they warned me not to look down, so I just closed my eyes and jumped; as soon as I hit the water it felt so good to be back in the sea,” the 23-year-old senior cadet told Khaleej Times.
“I asked my peers to jump before me, and when I saw them land safely in the water, I was more encouraged to go for it.”
Intrigued by the unique circumstances of offshore marine life, Yousif enrolled in Sharjah Maritime Academy (SMA) in 2019. Two years later, she began her practical cadetship programme, joining the first batch of young Emirati women at Adnoc Group’s offshore marine force.
The ladies are trained to combat any potential crises on board with emergency response drills on sea rescues, extinguishing fires, first aid, and CPR.
“In case there were any emergencies at sea, we can be self-sufficient and save a person’s life without the need for a paramedic or a firefighter on board.”
The team of seven had to prove they were equally compatible with their male counterparts to endure the long harsh sea journeys.
“It was difficult at first; we were a group of passionate women who wanted to do the job full on. At first, our male colleagues used to give us special treatment and worry about giving us too much load; like they would say ‘this is too heavy for her; don’t wake her up too early, let her rest’, but we proved that we were equally devoted to get the job done.
“Experiencing the job on the ground was very different from studying it in a classroom.”
Even though she could’ve applied for her licence after 12 months of training, Yousif said she decided to voluntarily extend her cadetship to 18 months so she could gain more expertise.
“I was always curious about how vessels remain stable during harsh weather conditions and rough sea. I learned to stabilise the cargo so that it maintains its balance; this is usually the role of a chief mate, but I managed to do it after 18 months of training.”
In two months, Yousif plans to sit for her certification exam to become a maritime officer. “It’ll be an oral test on everything we learnt from A to Z”.
“I am ready for it, I studied very well and gained adequate practical experience; I can’t wait to be an official female maritime officer on board, not just a trainee,” she added. “It’s a big accomplishment; we’re all waiting for it.”
Her first official trip will be a four-month return journey to Japan — her longest by far.
“I will miss my sister’s wedding as it coincides with this mission, I could’ve chosen to stay for the wedding and reschedule assignments, but I’m keen on meeting work priorities.”
She said her family accepted her long absences after her mother convinced them that she had to chase her dreams.
“I will miss a lot on social life though,” she said.
Life on board
Dana Al Adawi, who recently received her marine officer status, said the valuable relationships gained offshore compensate for the social events one misses onshore.
“There are usually 24 crew members on a medium-sized vessel. We socialise and celebrate each other’s birthdays as well as national celebrations, and we have a variety of leisure facilities — a fully equipped gym, a library, TV, internet,” said the 22-year-old.
The support she found from her colleagues, whenever she felt ‘down’, was a highlight for her, she added.
“Working offshore can be very challenging to endure — even men find it difficult. But if you fancy a challenge, this field will give you a beautiful satisfactory feeling.”
Despite her grandfather being a sea captain, working in the sea was not something of interest to Al Adawi while growing up. However, the rarity of the field among her peers was what motivated her to join.
“When I started my cadetship, I was the only woman on board. And when I stood behind the wheel the first time, I felt like I was in a different realm. When we took a break, I told them I felt like I was in a dream, woke up for a bit, and will get back to it after the break.”
She is looking forward to her first offshore trip as an officer in a few months. “I expect it to be a different experience than sailing as a cadet, it will be tougher and more serious,” she said.
Source: khaleejtimes.com
https://www.khaleejtimes.com/uae/meet-the-first-uae-women-to-brave-challenging-life-of-sailing-on-board-adnoc-ship
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Ban on girls’ education violates our resolution: OIC to Taliban
By Fidel Rahmati
December 6, 2024
The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has expressed serious concern over the Taliban’s recent decree banning girls from attending medical institutions.
The statement highlights that Afghanistan’s women are witnessing severe violations of their fundamental rights to education, and the new decree directly contradicts OIC resolutions.
In a statement released on Thursday, December 5, the OIC noted, “In recent days, Afghanistan’s women have witnessed serious violations of their fundamental rights to education. New reports from Kabul indicate that a decree has been issued banning women from studying in nursing and midwifery programs.”
Hibatullah Akhundzada, the Taliban’s leader, issued a decree closing all higher and mid-level medical institutions to girls. Following this decree, the Ministry of Public Health of the Taliban informed officials at medical institutes that girls would no longer be allowed to study at these centers.
The OIC called this Taliban decree “alarming,” “disheartening,” and a direct violation of its own resolutions.
The organization has warned that such a decision could have a negative impact on Afghanistan’s healthcare system, which is already facing significant challenges.
The OIC expressed hope that, through cooperation and engagement with the Taliban, positive measures would be taken to reverse the ban on girls’ education, ensuring that their rights are protected in accordance with Islamic values and the organization’s resolutions.
Source: khaama.com
https://www.khaama.com/ban-on-girls-education-violates-our-resolution-oic-to-taliban
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Jill Biden Champions Women's Health in UAE Tour
05-12-2024
In a final solo foreign tour as first lady, Jill Biden highlighted the critical need for attention to women's health and cancer research during her visit to the UAE. Her visit underscores a strong US-UAE relationship, amid significant military and economic ties between the two nations.
Accompanied by her daughter, Ashley, Biden visited the Cleveland Clinic Abu Dhabi, engaging with doctors involved in cancer research. Reflecting on her own family's painful experience with brain cancer, she underscored the universal impact of such health crises.
Apart from healthcare discussions, Biden appreciated UAE's historic sites, including the Qasr Al Hosn. In a politically nuanced region, her interactions refrained from contentious topics, focusing on collaboration and mutual respect.
Source: devdiscourse.com
https://www.devdiscourse.com/article/entertainment/3183293-thriving-at-the-hornbill-a-cultural-extravaganza-in-nagaland
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What makes Bushra Bibi such a polarising figure in Pakistani politics?
December 6, 2024
Few figures in Pakistan’s political landscape pique as much interest or controversy as Bushra Bibi — the third wife of former prime minister Imran Khan.
Over the last few years, her prominence in Imran’s narrative has provoked allegations ranging from sorcery to her alleged ‘illness of ambition’. On November 26, Bushra’s entry into politics became overt when she led the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf’s dharna to D-Chowk.
The reactions to this move confirm Pakistan’s entrenched misogyny but also, the limits of gendered piety politics. It confirms how women’s political purposes and public presence remain permanently suspect, and men are seen as innocent ‘milk-of-human-kindness’ victims of female scheming. Further, it has clarified that gendered pietist agency is not docile for long but is a decoy to deflect from gender equality and a modesty/ haya-based stabiliser of patriarchy.
On the Bushra factor, liberals and conservatives find common ground but diverge sharply in reasoning. Progressives argue that objecting to the gendered backlash against Bushra reflects naivety and susceptibility to Imran’s populism (suggesting her gender is now irrelevant). Conservatives, on the other hand, mock her for perceived non-compliance with her stated Sharia aspirations and criticise her slightly exposed arms while waving alongside na-mehrams at the protest rally. Meanwhile, the spectrum radicals dismiss everyone’s ‘obsession’ at how street level disruption and anti-establishment sentiment will empower far-right movements — even as land disputes in Kurram escalate into sectarian carnage. Across the board, the demand for scapegoats and retribution intensifies.
Piety is political
Pakistan’s sacred geographies intertwine gender, politics, and piety. The shrine of Piro, a 19th-century female Sufi poet and sexually defiant saint, was erased from Kasur after 1947, reflecting discomfort with her identity as a lower-caste courtesan and Hindu-affiliated figure. In contrast, Bibi Pak Daman’s shrine in Lahore remains a significant site, despite sectarian disputes after its 1967 state takeover.
Figures like Bushra bibi, with her Sufi persuasion, complicate politics — shrine or secular — by unsettling male dominance. It’s not just her marriage to Imran or her rumoured influence over his political decisions, but even her sway at Baba Farid’s shrine that has provoked debates on gender and spiritual authority.
Bushra has been variably labelled a murshid [spiritual guide], a witch-doctor, and a suspected proxy state agent. Many across the ideological divide share suspicions about her rumoured connections with sections of the establishment. Ironically, Imran, who was in fact elevated by the same establishment, remains the unimpeachable supra patriot. In any case, which party has not retained backchannel relations with state powers for negotiations and deal-making?
The gendered nature of political framing — especially, Bushra’s and Imran’s piety politics — simply confirms that inevitably, women claiming agency through religion end up finding little reward as women when challenging patriarchal norms. Treachery tops the list of male suspicions when women assert autonomy.
In the decade following the attacks of 9/11, piety movements in Pakistan became increasingly gendered with the rise in popularity of Farhat Hashmi’s religious schooling network, Al Huda. Piety is different from orthodoxy but resides on the same spectrum of religious politics, and on the gender question, these overlap and work collaboratively. So, by example, Al Huda emphasises religious education to build pious families and Islamic nations, while Lashkar-i-Tayyaba mothers advocate for sacrificing sons as martyrs for Islam. The women of Jamia Hafsa took this further, breaking traditional roles to lead aggressive moral-cleansing campaigns — targeting women as objects of redemption. The momentum has built up into collectives of several pietist women’s movements across the ideological board and who convene each year to oppose the annual Aurat Marches and their fahaash [immodest] feminist and sexual politics.
Varyingly, these movements and actors have been either dismissed as state sponsored religious imposters or, sanitised by scholars who insist on these women’s postcolonial authenticity. Critics pejoratively deny the agency of pietist women and have portrayed them as ‘burqa brigades’ and pawns manipulated by male leadership.
Conversely, the sympathising post-secularists have defended piety politics as appropriate alternatives to ‘liberal-secular’ western feminism and made careers as scholars and policy makers, recommending the instrumentalisation of faith-based approaches to counter religious militancy. There is no accountability for the effects of these “imported” or Western donor-backed, Muslim-tailored “theories of change”, which have gradually supplanted locally rooted resistance strategies — justified under the guise of culturally authentic solutions.
Intersectional sexism
At the time of their marriage, rumours circulated about Bushra’s alleged dream-bearing divine instructions that tied her union with Khan to his eventual rise as prime minister. This narrative fed into stereotypes about women scheming to ensnare men in marriage. More significantly, it underscored the role of oneirocentrism — dream-centred belief systems — as a core element of religion. Connecting visions/ revelations to the social or political is at the heart of the piety experience and in the wave of Islamic populism across the Muslim world, pietist celebrities cleanse their historical slates of polygamy, divorce, or transgressive sexual behaviour by acquiring a pietist persona and pursuits. Yet, the Pakistani elite and the lumpen alike, remain sceptical about Imran’s choice of what he calls his ‘soul-mate for life’.
Bushra’s full veil and performed modesty — which equates women’s virtue with morality — frames her as a relic of conservatism and a symbol of the Islamic state’s gendered moral order. Accurately so, since there is no such thing as an empty signifier, especially in an Islamic Republic, and conservative women have proudly embraced the veil and modesty as self-identifiers. Yet, Bushra also endures conservative disdain akin to the hostility faced by women in public life since Fatima Jinnah’s time.
The scrutiny of political Bushra mirrors that of women like Benazir Bhutto, who faced attacks on her pregnancies, personal life, and leadership. When Benazir became prime minister the first time, feminists hotly debated her choice to cover her head with the dupatta. As activists, these women had battled on the streets to resist General Zia’s attempt to impose an conservative dress code on women and so, they perceived this as a defeatist compromise. However, Benazir’s spirituality didn’t stop her from championing women’s causes and advancing liberal reforms, including signing the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1995 despite vociferous opposition from the Jamaat-i-Islami.
Over the years, increasing women in power has fostered some change and yet, women like Sherry Rehman and Maryam Nawaz, are persistently sexualised; Punjab minister Zille Huma was murdered for her perceived lack of modesty. Misogyny transcends ideology and is often perpetuated by other women who subscribe to patriarchal norms for advantage or male approval.
The iddat case against Bushra underscored how Pakistan’s routine exploitation of female sexuality cuts across classes. Court proceedings dissected her menstrual cycle and sexual history — a routine indignity for underprivileged women. Initially praised as pure and pious by her former husband Maneka, Bushra was later labeled disobedient (nashiza) by him, reflecting patriarchal norms that weaponise women’s personal choices for public shaming.
Ironically, feminist-driven reforms to discriminatory Zina laws (which were resisted by Imran in 2006) shielded Bushra and Imran in the iddat case, sparing them additional charges of adultery. Such liberal concessions often benefit elites while ordinary women remain vulnerable. Parties win legal relief for their own leaders but refuse to reform unequal family laws.
From Benazir Bhutto’s “Daughter of the East” branding to Maryam Nawaz’s “naani” persona, women in power are alternately fetishised as nurturing figures or vilified as threats. Bushra is subject to the same pious/ evil paradox. After the violent suppression of the D-Chowk protests and her fleeing the turmoil with KP Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur, not only were there many sexist comments about her running away with ‘yet another man’, but she also become a convenient scapegoat for the failures of the PTI’s male leadership.
Postfeminist futures
Arguably, Imran Khan has mobilised more urban middle-class women into public spaces (not the same as political office) than any other Pakistani leader. Unlike Benazir Bhutto’s empathetic appeal to gender equality, Imran’s supporters admire his masculine charisma and perceived moral leadership. PTI women supporters have demonstrated defiance against military generals, echoing the strategies and courage of the Women’s Action Forum feminists of the 1980s. Although rooted in vastly different political ideologies, both movements exemplify fearless resistance to a militarised state.
Imran’s populism uses the inclusionary/ exclusionary model and by definition this sustains itself via polarity and division while undermining pluralism and equality. Populist leaders rarely need to defend their overt sexism, as women within their movements often reinterpret and endorse their patriarchal rhetoric. This strategy, evident in the global rise of such leaders, proves far more effective in normalising and legitimising discriminatory attitudes as ‘natural’ and ‘common sense’.
Bushra’s piety complements Imran’s narrative of moral reform, echoing global trends like the US “tradwives” movement that frames submission as empowerment. Bushra, and Imran’s female followers represent this postfeminist phase in Pakistan — dismissing feminism as “Western” and reframing empowerment through religious morality. The harmonising of Islam and feminism has remained unresolved and unproven — the strategic momentum built by secular feminists was drowned out by Musharraf’s millennials whose entire politics consisted of accusations and personalised, random, competitive, under-developed notions yelled across social media.
Feminists do not align blindly with women who are proxies of patriarchal practices. Bushra’s Sharia ambitions, alongside Imran, confirms the distance between female empowerment within conservative bounds, and more secular ideals of equality across genders, classes, and religions.
The erasure of Piro’s shrine and the rise of figures like Bushra represent how women’s piety has shifted from being symbolic of South Asian pluralism to a tool to be used by women for religio-political influence. Pakistan’s future will likely remain shaped by the interplay of piety, populism, and postfeminism. Progressives must navigate these complexities to promote equality by transcending conservatism and restrictive piety, and without undermining electoral mandates or democracy.
Source: dawn.com
https://www.dawn.com/news/1876703/what-makes-bushra-bibi-such-a-polarising-figure-in-pakistani-politics
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Muslim women issues neglected in CEDAW report
Dec 06, 2024
KATHMANDU, DECEMBER 5During national consultation on the draft report to the 90th session of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) Committee here today, it was mentioned that Muslim women's issues were excluded from the situation of Muslim women in CEDAW. As Nepal prepares for the upcoming CEDAW 90th session beginning next year from 3 February 2025 to 21 in Geneva, where eight countries will be reviewed, including Nepal.Nepal is supposed to send a List of Issues (LOIs) within January encompassing Muslim women issues.
Previous LOIs submitted to the committee in 2024 on inclusion of Muslim women and girls in CEDAW reporting had not incorporated anything relating to them.Tanuja Basnet, "The issues of Muslim women and girls included in the draft report based on the issues identified from the provincial consultation."The human rights issues of Nepali Muslim women and girls covered in the last concluding observation said the government's seventh periodic report submission said that not a single specific progress on Muslims women and girls was reported.However, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) submission for LOIs included a few issues, including legal aid, representation in all sectors, multiple forms of discrimination, and child marriage issues.CEDAW's 2018 report emphasised concerns including low enrolments in school and divorce and recommended working on them.Meanwhile, Seraj Ahmad Farooqui, a lawmaker from CPN-UML speaking at the program shared, "Becoming a proud citizen is the first priority of every citizen."He further said, "There is an error in data collection regarding issues in Muslim society. Divorce in Muslim culture is regarded as a disgraceful act. As a result, we need to bring the correct data for meaningful representation."Presenting the existing laws and policies in Nepal to protect the rights of Muslim women and girls and the key areas for reformation, advocate Sharmila Shrestha said, "Muslim women are extremely marginalised and deprived of their basic rights. Maternal death rates and child death rates data are fake; it should be recorded based on community because it is dramatically high in Muslim and Dalit."She further said, "Unsafe abortion is also maximum among Muslim women using medically unrecognised substances. Moreover, they even have ideas about prenatal and postnatal services and check-ups."She said Nepal's legal system ought to recognise the Madrasa education system, as there are several people who completed their education from Madarsa but are not eligible to compete in government sectors.BharatiSilwal Giri delivered her remarks at the opening session of the National Consultation on the Draft Shadow Report prepared by the Nepal Muslim Women Welfare Society to be submitted to the CEDAW Committee."Religious minority is not a dignified word; it needs to be challenged," she said."Religious minority terms should be challenged because it sounds more of discrimination than representation," she said."Right to representation and political participation also need to be ensured. There should be quotas for Muslim women in the federal, provincial and local, including public service."
Source: thehimalayantimes.com
https://thehimalayantimes.com/nepal/muslim-women-issues-neglected-in-cedaw-report
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Afghanistan: Ban On Women Medical Training Must Be Repealed: UNHC For Human Rights
05 December 2024
The ban against women in Afghanistan attending classes at private medical institutions is yet another direct blow by the de facto authorities against Afghan women and girls. It is the latest in a long string of State-sponsored discriminatory measures targeting women and girls in the fields of education, work and others – hijacking the future of the country.
The measure is profoundly discriminatory, short-sighted and puts the lives of women and girls at risk in multiple ways. It removes the only remaining path for women and girls towards higher education and will decimate the already inadequate supply of female midwives, nurses and doctors.
This decision will limit women and girls’ already precarious access to healthcare, as male medical staff are prohibited from treating women unless a male relative is present. Afghanistan already has one of the highest rates of maternal mortality in the world. Women’s presence in the health sector is crucial.
All these measures, taken by men with absolute lack of transparency and without any involvement of those concerned, are clearly aimed at excluding women and girls from public life.
Afghanistan’s de facto authorities hold the effective power and responsibility for the welfare, security, and safety of the entire population.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk urges the de facto authorities to repeal this harmful directive. It is high time women and girls’ human rights are ensured, in line with Afghanistan’s international human rights obligations.
Source: ohchr.org
https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/12/afghanistan-ban-women-medical-training-must-be-repealed
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Building bridges through art: My journey creating 18 murals in Israel to support the women of Iran
By HOOMAN KHALILI/THE MEDIA LINE
DECEMBER 5, 2024
Two years ago, I stood at the beginning of a path I could never have predicted, one that would take me back and forth between Israel and the United States 17 times in 21 months. A path that would cost me every dollar I had and push me physically and spiritually. It all began with a mural in San Francisco, and today, I have completed 18 murals across Israel—artworks that stand as symbols of hope, resistance, and solidarity with the courageous women of Iran.
How It All Began
In November 2022, I helped birth a mural in San Francisco, a tribute to Mahsa Amini and other women who were victims of Iran’s oppressive regime. That mural went viral. A reporter named Emily Schrader saw it, shared it online, and tagged Fleur Hassan-Nahoum, then the deputy mayor of Jerusalem. Within weeks, I found myself sitting in Hassan-Nahoum’s office in Jerusalem.
“I want that kind of mural here in Israel,” she told me. “I want to show the world that we Jews care about the women of Iran.”
For me, that moment felt like an assignment straight from God. Ever since I became a Christian at the age of 4, I’ve felt a strong sense of purpose in my faith. And now, as the deputy mayor spoke, I knew God was calling me: “Hooman, rebuild the bridge between Persians and Jews.”
It was a daunting mission. Each mural would cost about $10,000, and I had no funding other than what I could scrape together myself. But 26 days after meeting Hassan-Nahoum, the first mural was completed and unveiled in Jerusalem on January 9, 2023. It featured Mahsa Amini, SerinaEsmailzadeh, Fereshte Ahmadi, and NikaShakarami—young women whose bravery had ignited Iran’s first woman-led revolution.
Hassan-Nahoum said something that day that stuck with me: “In my seven-and-a-half years as deputy mayor, I’ve never seen anything come together in 26 days. This is a miracle.” And it was. For one brief moment, the world paused to applaud Israel for standing with the women of Iran. It seemed on that day the entire world loved Israel
The Mission Grows
I prayed and asked God, “How many murals do you want me to do?” Within 24 hours, I received two calls—one from a Messianic Jew in Israel and another from a pastor in Kansas City, both telling me the same thing: “God wants you to do 18 murals in Israel.”
I remember thinking, How am I going to do this, God?
But then, doors began to open. The second mural went up in Nazareth after I attended a wedding of Hananya and India Naftali. Ruth Wasserman Lande helped me secure walls for murals three and four in Netanya. By the end of March 2023, I had completed four murals. Then, life threw me a curveball—my back gave out, and I had to spend the summer recovering.
By August, I was ready to continue. Two incredible men, Dan Oryan and Ran Natanzon from Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, helped me find locations for the remaining 14 murals.
October 7 and the Call to Persevere
On October 7, 2023, tragedy struck. Hamas launched a brutal attack on Israel, taking innocent lives, including those of Staff Sgt.Shirel Haim Pour and Cpt. Sahar Saudyan, two Persian Jewish Israeli soldiers. I honestly thought this would be the end of the murals. But God had other plans. I felt a strong calling to keep going.
In December 2023, I unveiled the eighth mural at the Museum of Tolerance in Jerusalem—a mosaic of Mahsa Amini composed of the faces of 1,200 Iranians murdered by the Islamic regime and Haim-Pour’s face as a mosaic composed of the faces of all the victims of October 7. The journey continued, and by October 2024, I had completed all 18 murals.
The Murals and Their Stories
Each mural tells a unique story, and each one holds a special place in my heart:
Jerusalem (January 9, 2023): The first mural, featuring Mahsa Amini and other martyrs, was a bold declaration of solidarity with the women of Iran.
Netanya (March 27, 2023): This mural depicts NiloofarAghaei, a nurse who lost her eye during protests, highlighting the brutality of the Iranian regime. Prince Reza Pahlavi stood in front of this mural when he visited Israel. That picture showed the world that Israel is standing on the side of the women of Iran.
Tel Aviv (January 29, 2024): Here, I honored Queen Esther and included a unity symbol representing the shared history of Persians and Jews.
Neve Ilan (May 15, 2024): This mural featured ToomajSalehi, an Iranian rapper who had been sentenced to death, and it played a role in saving his life.
Eilat (October 1, 2024): The only mural to include New Testament verses, this piece reflected my faith and the hope I see for Iran’s future.
By the time I completed the final mural in Jerusalem’s First Station on October 28, 2024—a collage of all the previous works—I could feel the weight of what had been accomplished.
The Challenges
The journey wasn’t without its struggles. Two murals were removed under pressure. Funding was a constant battle; I was able to raise some money but for the most part, I personally financed every mural, sometimes wondering how I would make it through. But each obstacle only strengthened my resolve.
A Message of Hope and Unity
Through these murals, I’ve seen the power of art transform hearts. When I started, I knew I was standing against the tide of antisemitism and tyranny, but I never imagined how deeply these murals would resonate. They’ve garnered millions of views online and extensive international press coverage. More importantly, they’ve sparked conversations—between Iranians and Israelis, Jews and Christians, people of all backgrounds—about freedom, justice, and the shared values that unite us.
My hope is that these murals inspire the women of Iran to keep fighting, even in the face of unimaginable adversity. I also hope they remind the world that we are stronger when we stand together.
Looking Ahead
As I look back on this journey, I see God’s hand in every step. These 18 murals are more than just works of art; they are symbols of resilience, courage, and faith. They represent the bond between two ancient peoples—Persians and Jews—and the hope for a future where freedom prevails.
This journey isn’t over. I believe that the fight for freedom in Iran is far from finished, and I will continue to use my art to fuel that fire. Through God’s grace, these murals will stand as beacons of hope for generations to come.
What’s Next?
I feel a deep calling to bring the Woman Life Freedom movement to the United States by creating 18 murals on college campuses across the country. Just as the murals in Israel unfolded one by one, each with its own unique power and story, I sense the same pattern will emerge in America. The designs for these US murals will closely mirror those in Israel, and they will include the powerful image of Shirel Haim Pour, whose story has touched so many hearts.
The goal now is to get the first mural up on a college campus as soon as possible. I truly believe that once the first mural is in place, momentum will build, and the rest will follow. This project has the potential to inspire students, ignite conversations, and foster solidarity in ways that are urgently needed in today’s world.
Lastly, I want to extend my heartfelt gratitude to the State of Israel and the people of this land for standing with the women of Iran. Thank you for being the only country in the Middle East courageous enough to champion this cause and for showing the world what it means to stand up for justice and freedom. Your support has been invaluable, and together, we are amplifying the voices of those who refuse to be silenced.
9th mural—unveiled on January 29, 2024, in Tel Aviv features Queen Esther; Elam, an ancient country centered in the far west of modern Iran; Haim Pour; Iranian archery champion KosarKhoshnoodi Kia; and the unity symbol between Iran and Israel
10th mural—unveiled March 29, 2024, in RishonLezion—Haim Pour’s hometown where she was born and raised
11th mural Elvis Diner—unveiled May 15, 2024—of Salehi—in Neve Ilan
12th mural—unveiled May 15, 2024, at the Mateh Yehuda Reginal Council building outside of JerusalemMurals 11 and 12 were a huge part of the reason Salehi was not executed.
13th mural—unveiled June 9, 2024, in Tel Aviv, celebrating the death of President Ebrahim Raisi
14th mural—unveiled June 11, 2024, in Safed, featuring Saudyan
15th mural—unveiled September 4, 2024, in Ramat Gan
16th mural—unveiled September 5, 2024, in EmekHefer
17th mural—unveiled October 1, 2024, in Eilat (the only mural in Israel with New Testament Bible verses on it)
18th mural—unveiled October 28, 2024, at the First Station in Jerusalem, a collage of all the murals
Source: jpost.com
https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/article-832174
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Two Afghan activists receive 2024 Diana Award for advocating girls’ education in Afghanistan
By Fidel Rahmati
December 6, 2024
Two Afghan activists have received the prestigious Diana Award 2024 for their unwavering efforts to promote girls’ education in Afghanistan, a cause severely threatened under Taliban rule.
Robina Azizi, education activist and the founder of Path of Change, was awarded for her unwavering commitment to advocating for Afghan girls’ education. After being forced to flee Afghanistan in 2023, Azizi established Path of Change to campaign for the reopening of schools and universities for girls in Afghanistan, inspiring thousands around the world.
“The Girls on the Path of Change movement is a testament to the leadership and dedication of countless volunteers who share our mission,” Ms. Azizi said.
Muzhda Akbari, education activist and the founder of CoodGreenAfg.org, was also recognized for her efforts to promote girls’ education. Akbari dedicated her award to the resilient women of Afghanistan and the dedicated team behind her initiatives, highlighting the ongoing fight for education despite Taliban-imposed bans.
Ms. Akbari, who leads CoodGreenAfg.org, dedicated her award to the women of Afghanistan. She wrote on Instagram, “This award is not just for me, but for all the girls I fight for, my amazing team, and everyone who has supported me. I dedicate this honor to the strong women of Afghanistan who inspire me every day.”
Both Azizi and Akbari emphasized the collective efforts behind their work. Azizi acknowledged the leadership and dedication of volunteers supporting the Girls on the Path of Change movement, while Akbari honored the women of Afghanistan who inspire her daily in the ongoing struggle for girls’ education.
As Robina and Akbari receive the Diana Award 2024, it is a call to action for the international community to intensify efforts in supporting the education of Afghan girls. Their story serve as a testament to the resilience of young people who, even in the most challenging of circumstances, refuse to give up on their dreams of a better future.
Source: khaama.com
https://www.khaama.com/two-afghan-activists-receive-2024-diana-award-for-advocating-girls-education-in-afghanistan/
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/meet-women-braving-uae-sea/d/133948