Iranian Film Crew Sentenced Over Film About Female Singer Defying Iran’s Ban On Women Performing Publicly
New Age Islam News Bureau
04 July 2025
· Iranian Film Crew Sentenced Over Film About Female SingerDefying Iran’s Ban On Women Performing Publicly
· Muslim Women Are Forbidden To Wear Hijab Inside Schools In France - They Must Remove Before Entering!
· Stories of– Kehkashan, Asma Nafis Ansari and Mantasha – Three Niqabi Faith-Based Business Owners
· Ex-MP Zarah Sultana Says She Is Quitting Labour To Start Party With Corbyn
· Women UniversityFaisalabadLaunches Summer Camp 2025
· Voices Of Afghanistan Interview Series: ‘We Can’t Sit In A Corner And Let Life End Quietly’
Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/iranian-film-crew-ban-women-performing/d/136080
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Iranian Film Crew Sentenced Over Film About Female SingerDefying Iran’s Ban On Women Performing Publicly
JULY 3, 2025
An Iranian film director says several crew members have been sentenced to prison and fines over a movie about a female singer defying Iran’s ban on women performing publicly
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An Iranian film director says several crew members have been sentenced to prison and fines over a movie about a female singer defying Iran’s ban on women performing publicly.
Director SoheilBeiraghi announced the sentences in an Instagram post, stating that his film Bidaad had triggered judicial action against the production team.
The charges included “propaganda activities against the Islamic Republic,” “producing vulgar content,” and “encouraging behavior contrary to public decency through cyberspace,” according to Beiraghi.
The film tells the story of a female singer who takes her voice to the streets in response to Iran’s prohibition on women singing publicly.
Cast members include Amir Jadidi, Leili Rashidi, SirousZabetiyan, Ali Molagholipour, and PeymanShadmanfar.
Beiraghi did not specify the length of the prison sentences or the amount of the fines imposed.
Iran has banned women from singing solo in public since the 1979 Islamic Revolution as part of strict gender segregation rules.
Source: iranwire.com
https://iranwire.com/en/society/142929-iranian-film-crew-sentenced-over-film-about-female-singer/#google_vignette
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Muslim Women Are Forbidden To Wear Hijab Inside Schools In France - They Must Remove Before Entering!
SIBY JEYYA
05/07/2025
The French law banning conspicuous religious symbols, including the hijab, in public schools is rooted in the principle of laïcité — France’s strict form of secularism. This principle aims to maintain the neutrality of public institutions and protect individuals from religious influence in public spaces, particularly in education. Supporters argue that such a law fosters equality, integration, and protects young people from societal pressures or coercion, especially in diverse, multi-faith classrooms. They see it as a way to safeguard the secular character of schools and to ensure that education remains free from religious dogma or segregation.
However, extending this policy across europe would be problematic and controversial. Each european country has a different history, legal tradition, and societal relationship with religion. For instance, countries like the UK or germany embrace multiculturalism more openly and tend to permit religious symbols in schools as an expression of personal freedom. Imposing a French-style ban across the continent could be viewed as infringing on fundamental human rights, particularly freedom of religion and expression, as guaranteed by the european Convention on Human Rights. Critics argue that such bans disproportionately affect Muslim women and girls, limiting their access to education and public life unless they conform to state-enforced dress codes, which can be perceived as discriminatory.
Instead of a blanket ban, a more balanced approach across europe would involve safeguarding individual freedoms while promoting inclusion and gender equality. Governments should focus on addressing genuine coercion or extremism without alienating those who voluntarily choose to wear religious attire as an expression of faith. Policies should aim to empower women, not restrict them further. Ultimately, imposing a continent-wide hijab ban in schools may do more harm than good by deepening social divides, fueling Islamophobia, and undermining the pluralism that underpins modern democratic societies.
Source: indiaherald.com
https://www.indiaherald.com/Breaking/Read/994831627/Muslim-Women-Are-Forbidden-To-Wear-Hijab-Inside-Schools-In-France-They-Must-Remove-Before-Entering
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Stories of– Kehkashan, Asma Nafis Ansari and Mantasha – Three Niqabi Faith-Based Business Owners
July 3, 2025
That women’ s bodies and choice of clothing are ostracized and politicized, is not new discourse. Much discussion on the subject has ensued in recent decades by liberals, feminists, progressives and conservatives alike. Add to that visible religious practices, such as head covers (Hijab) and face veiling (Niqab) among Muslim women, and the scrutiny is further exponentialised. So much so, that it disrupts the principles of liberal and western feminists, and suddenly women’s rights to choose what they want to wear begins to be rephrased, and women’s agency to choose to cover themselves is questioned and looked down upon as ignorance or backwardness. As such, Muslim women who practice various degrees of visible modesty, from Hijab to Niqab navigate feelings of discomfort, unwelcome, as well as (c)overt violence when accessing public spaces, including schools, workplaces, markets, restaurants and more. They are often perceived as beings without agency and intellect, and far removed from the mainstream intellectual public realm. Their choice to dress themselves in accordance with their religious and spiritual goals makes their presence in public unwelcome and politicized.
In this article, through interviews with three Niqab-observing Muslim women who have successfully curated , established, and operate their own faith-based businesses primarily selling products through digital means, we draw attention not only on the discomfort and challenges faced by Muslim women in public spaces and traditional office workplaces, but we also highlight the agency embodied by these women to pursue their professional goals in accordance with their personal religious beliefs. Residing and operating their businesses in India, our interviewees – Kehkashan, Asma Nafis Ansari and Mantasha – have been able to capitalize on the growing adaptation of digital technologies in recent years and produced workspaces for their businesses that offer them the safety and flexibility to pursue their multifaceted aspirations holistically. Rather than waiting for space to be given to them or created for them, they have taken the initiative upon themselves, and are doing so with grit, faith and vision. In doing so, they not only benefit themselves, but also provide employment opportunities, inspiration, and alternative workplace options to others who may find themselves facing similar challenges of discomfort in the public realm.
Faith as an anchor
For these three Muslim women, faith is not just a silent actor, but the compass that guides their journeys. Kehkashan, who co-founded ‘Shop Taaseen’ with her business partner Saida Moin, says that they started with a small product, an Umrah dua card in 2024. Today, Shop Taaseen offers a range of faith-based lifestyle products—designed to make Islamic knowledge and reminders part of everyday routines, especially for young Muslims in India. Early on in her academic life, Kehskashan says, she recognized a desire in her to create something of her own but did not know what it would be. She describes herself as someone who has always leaned into creativity with a strong sense of self – “Whatever I do, I want it to be for the sake of Allah.” she shares. That clarity guided her decisions, especially when the spaces around her were not accommodating to her identity. When asked what helped her stay rooted in her vision, Kehkashan said, “the Niqab became my north star. It shaped how I wanted to show up in the world.”
Similar to Kekhashan, our second interviewee, Asma Nafis Ansari, founder of ANA, a modest wear brand, spoke of her strong aesthetic sense, shaped by her training at the National Institute of Fashion Technology (NIFT) Kolkata. As a student at NIFT, Asma developed a signature style for her designs over the years, eventually winning her school’s Graduation Award in her final year, for her knitwear collection inspired by the mid-20th century style, Brutalism. Before launching ANA, Asma began a more intentional journey of reconnecting with the Qur’aan. It was during her study of Surah An-Nur, she says, that her personal understanding of purdah or veiling/modesty deepened. “That connection with the Qur’aan gave me clarity…” she says, “… I didn’t just want to work in fashion —I wanted to create something deeply rooted in modesty and meaning.” Today, ANA is not just a clothing brand, but a value-aligned space for modest fashion.
Our third interviewee, Mantasha, who holds a postgraduate degree in development communication from Jamia Millia Islamia, launched Shaheen Hijabs after realizing that mainstream, traditional workspaces would not be welcoming of her niqab. After post-graduation, she accepted a position in the development sector that involved extensive fieldwork. While her supervisor remained supportive, she realized that navigating public-facing roles as a Niqabi came with quiet, persistent tensions. “In that environment, personal identity played a critical role…” she reflects, “… people advised me to remove my niqab temporarily—saying it was not obligatory. But no matter how practical their advice sounded, I could not bring myself to do it.” She underscores that, “My niqab is not just a piece of cloth, it is a reflection of my faith.” What followed was a phase of uncertainty, reflection, and quiet resistance. Eventually, she decided to start something of her own and launched Shaheen Hijabs.
For these women, faith is not just their religious belief. It is the guiding principle in their work. They refused to be reduced to stereotypes or forced into palatable molds, and instead have each chosen to build businesses that reflect their aspiration, purpose, religious, spiritual, and personal values.
(In)visible Practices of Faith
For Muslims, religious faith is embodied and practiced in a myriad of ways. Some aspects remain quietly held within—like Taqwa (consciousness of God) or Tawakkul (trust in divine will) – are inward practices that guide one’s principles. However, there are other religious practices that present more visibly, like offering Salah or dressing modestly in accordance with religious guidelines. Similarly, for many Muslim women who adorn the hijab or niqab, their choice to do so is rooted in faith, devotion and identity. For Kehkashan, the tension between her visible and invisible religious practices became apparent during a fellowship she had joined before Shop Taaseen. She recalls, “Her cohort of Fellowes were mostly non-Muslim, but they were respectful and very welcoming towards me. I felt seen.” But that feeling did not last long for her. She goes on to say, “[However,] The founder would question my practices, compare me to other Muslims. Many times I was subjected to tokenism disguised as inclusion.” She says that her choice to wear the niqab was repeatedly framed as a limitation – “I was told that niqab will hinder my growth. That it would isolate me and hold me back professionally.” It was in these moments of subtle exclusion — more than overt rejection —that she became more certain that her faith would not be negotiable.
In such ways, niqab-practicing women face exclusion, rejection, humiliation and suppression in traditional workplaces, particularly from those in higher and more powerful positions. These unwelcoming experiences inevitably discourage women from either practicing their faith wholeheartedly, or pursuing their professional aspirations wholeheartedly, pushing them to pick between one or the other. In Asma’s story, we see a higher degree of exclusion from the public realm. After her graduation from NIFT, Asma was placed at a company in Gurgaon along with two other peers. The three of them then began to look for housing in the vicinity of their new workplace. Through an online portal, they found a potential apartment, and one of her two peers visited the flat, viewed it, and sent a video of the apartment to Asma. Satisfied with the place, Asma and her peers agreed to put down a deposit on the flat. Asma emphasizes that the management knew that someone named ‘Asma’, a common Muslim name, would be moving in. However, when she arrived with her sister at the apartment on a rainy day, they were stopped at the gate and denied entry because of their appearance as veiled Muslim women. “There are many Muslims here… ” the guard told her, “… but they do not dress like you.” It did not matter that she was a skilled designer or that she was simply looking for a place to live. Her Niqab and possibly her Abaya/Burqa ascribed her a communal and/or political identity, and that identity was decidedly excluded . She recalls being told, “If you want to live here, you can’t wear these things.” In that moment, Asma became a symbol of something “other,” something unwanted. Eventually, Asma had to find other housing accommodations. This is the quiet violence many veiled Muslim women face: being tolerated only if they erase or soften visible parts of their identity. It is an expectation that to belong, one must visibly look less Muslim or act less Muslim, and appear more as everyone else. This kind of politics of visibility relies on the erasure of visible culture and tradition that is not just harmful to Muslims, but all social groups and cultures that present more visibly. These stories give us an insight into the direct co-relations between degrees of unwelcome in public space and degrees of visible practice of religious faith. Therefore, much dialogue is needed on the reception of visible practices of faith in a society that portrays itself as a democratic and egalitarian one.
Agency X (Niqabi) Women
Women’ s struggles for agency are multifold. On the one hand, historically, women have had to fight for the right to vote, to be in the workforce, for banking rights, financial freedom, and more. On the other hand, women who exercise agency over their lives have to deal with persistent undermining of their achievements and independent decision making. This kind of undermining is further exacerbated for Niqabi Muslim women, with the most common assumption made about them that they wear it on orders from a male member of family – like a father, husband, or brother – rather than of their own convictions. They are often presumed to be voiceless, passive, or lacking autonomy. To be visibly Muslim, for veiling women, is to constantly push back against the erasure of one’s intellect and agency.
The veil has widely been painted as a symbol of restriction and oppression. Like the other two interviewees, Asma rejects this thinking and instead describes her choice to veil as an expression of deep personal identity. “People see me with respect,” she says, describing how clients and collaborators from across India engage with her during business travel. Her presence, veiled, carries authority. But that authority is also questioned and undermined by others. For instance, at an award ceremony where she was being honored as women entrepreneur of the year, a senior government official turned to her husband and asked, “She is doing such good work, why have you made her cover her face? “, to which her husband responded, “This is her choice. It wasn’t imposed on her by me.” This attitude is not uncommon, and is reflective of how, even in spaces meant to celebrate her success, the assumption of male control and female subservience still lingers. These narratives uncover deeper problems concerning women’s rights, often held by those with saviour complexes, without a true commitment to the cause. It victimizes the Muslim woman and villainizes the Muslim man, framing the problem as ‘saving muslim women from muslim men’. Not only does it misrepresent social issues, it further exacerbates the actual problems Muslim women face by consciously ignoring them. Furthermore, in denying women their proven potential, it highlights the discomfort society still holds about women who achieve success while staying true to their self and not following orders set by and within patriarchal frameworks – that a woman can be successful and devout, that she can lead and be veiled, that she can dress in faith and still possess sharp, unshakeable agency.
Although this article highlights the stories of three Niqab-wearing Muslim women, similar experiences are faced by the broader veiling, Muslim women community. From unwelcoming experiences to rejections, Niqabi women are forced to navigate a number of identity-based hindrances in their personal, professional, and spiritual journeys. To compensate for their perceived incompetence, many feel forced to overperform, overachieve in comparison to their peers for the same level of acceptance. Our three interviewees have shown that they do not seek validation in the language or frameworks of others. Their choices are not compromises—their decisions anchored in faith, and carried out with purpose. Agency, for them, is not about abandoning identity to gain access. It is about bringing their whole selves into every space—and reshaping what power, intellect, and leadership look like. What sets these women apart is not just their ability to navigate exclusionary spaces, but their refusal to be defined by them. In centering their faith, they have not only claimed their agency but have also carved out paths of success that are deeply rooted in service to their communities. Women like Asma, Kehkashan, and Mantasha are writing a different story—one where agency is not hidden beneath their veil, but asserted through it.
Kehkashan, through Shop Taaseen, is cultivating a space of belonging. The Taaseen Tribe, a growing digital initiative, brings together Muslim women from across the walks of life to reflect, learn, and connect. It is a community that echoes Kehkashan’s own journey—a space for young Muslim women to feel seen, intellectually engaged, and emotionally supported. Asma, from her small town of Mau in Uttar Pradesh, established ANA, that not only reaches customers across India and abroad but also creates livelihood for a team of about 30, consisting of kaarigars, accountants,managers, and assistants. In a world that often parades notions of diversity and inclusivity, but then almost exclusively produces urban, English-speaking workspaces and equates them with success, Asma’s journey redefines what inclusivity looks like. ANA prides itself in maintaining a balance of 1:1 ratio of men to women across their workforce. She is proof that one can build while holding fast to faith, staying rooted in place, and uplifting others along the way. Mantasha’s story is one of resilience, where she was willing to risk uncertainty to preserve her identity and stay true to herself, rather than diluting her identity to fit in. With no prior business experience, she started Shaheen Hijabs teaching herself the ropes of the business along the way. “I rushed into it… ” she says. “… there were mistakes. I’m still learning. But I’m doing it in a way that doesn’t require me to compromise on who I am or how I want to live my faith.”
So, what then does it mean, to navigate public spaces where one is made hyper-aware of themselves, simply for living in accordance with their faith, which in a democracy, is apparently their fundamental right? What does it mean to carry the weight of assumptions—about agency and intellect—before one even speaks? What could our society look like if we stopped incessantly asking Muslim women to prove their worth, and instead, started paying attention to how they are already building, leading, and transforming the world around them? And more importantly, what could our society look like if we stopped tokenizing identity in the name of (pseudo) diversity and (pseudo) inclusivity, and started creating truly inclusive and democratic spaces for all?
Source: muslimmirror.com
https://muslimmirror.com/veiled-and-visible-stories-of-three-niqabi-faith-based-business-owners/
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Ex-MP Zarah Sultana Says She Is Quitting Labour To Start Party With Corbyn
Sam Francis
July 3, 2025
Ex-Labour MP Zarah Sultana has announced she is resigning from the party, saying she will be founding a new party with her former leader Jeremy Corbyn.
Sultana, the Coventry South MP stripped of the Labour whip last year for backing a move to scrap the two-child benefit cap, said the new party would be formed with other independent MPs and activists, aiming to challenge a "broken" Westminster system.
Corbyn has been contacted but has not confirmed his involvement to the BBC.
However last night, he had hinted he may form a new party, telling ITV's Peston "there is a thirst for an alternative" and that a "grouping will come together".
In a social media post, Sultana said the government is "an active participant in genocide" in Gaza - and highlighted growing poverty, the government's position on welfare, and the cost of living as reasons for establishing her new party.
"Labour has completely failed to improve people's lives. And across the political establishment, from Farage to Starmer, they smear people of conscience trying to stop a genocide in Gaza as terrorists.
"But the truth is clear: this government is an active participant in genocide. And the British people oppose it."
Israel has strenuously denied accusations it is committing genocide or genocidal acts in Gaza.
Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer has described the situation in Gaza as "appalling and intolerable" and repeatedly called for a ceasefire, as well as the release of hostages.
But some MPs want him to go further and describe the situation in Gaza as a genocide, claims currently being examined by the International Court of Justice.
Sultana also referenced the government's welfare bill that passed this week, adding: "The government wants to make disabled people suffer; they just can't decide how much."
"We're not an island of strangers," she says, referencing a speech given by the prime minister in May about immigration, which he has since said he regrets. And she says at the next election, "the choice will be stark: socialism or barbarism".
Asked for a response to her resignation and comments, a Labour Party spokesperson said: "In just 12 months, this Labour government has boosted wages, delivered an extra four million NHS appointments, opened 750 free breakfast clubs, secured three trade deals and four interest rate cuts lowering mortgage payments for millions.
"Only Labour can deliver the change needed to renew Britain."
Sultana was elected as a Labour MP at the 2024 general election but was suspended not long after, and has since sat in the Commons as an independent.
She was suspended with seven other Labour MPs, including former shadow chancellor John McDonnell, for defying the government over its two-child benefit cap.
Four of the rebels have since returned to Labour, but Sultana and McDonnell remain independents.
Despite her suspension, she had remained a member of the Labour Party.
Responding to Sultana's announcement, McDonnell posted on social media: "I am dreadfully sorry to lose Zarah from the Labour Party.
The people running Labour at the moment need to ask themselves why a young, articulate, talented, extremely dedicated socialist feels she now has no home in the Labour Party and has to leave."
Last year, Corbyn united with four other MPs elected as independents to establish an alliance in the House of Commons.
All five of the group beat Labour candidates in July's election with their pro-Palestinian stance in constituencies with large Muslim populations.
Speaking to ITV's Peston programme, he said he and fellow pro-Gaza independents would "come together" and "there will be an alternative".
He said it would be based on "peace rather than war".
His alliance includes MPs Shockat Adam, Ayoub Khan, Adnan Hussain, and Iqbal Mohamed.
Source: bbc.com
https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cwyel9kgdvdo
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Women UniversityFaisalabad Launches Summer Camp 2025
July 03, 2025
The Government College Women University Faisalabad (GCWUF) officially inaugurated its month-long summer camp-2025 under the theme: “Transforming the Academic Ecosystem with AI and Professional Growth”.
The event was inaugurated by Prof. Dr. Zulfiqar Ali, Vice Chancellor, University of Agriculture, Faisalabad.
Vice Chancellor GCWUF Prof. Dr. Kanwal Ameen (T.I.) presided over the function.
The Faculty & Staff Development Center organized this summer camp. The hands-on training aimed to enhance the professional and administrative capabilities of teaching and non-teaching staff (BPS-16 & above) through exposure to emerging trends and personal development strategies.
The specialized sessions followed the inauguration ceremony. Prof. Dr. Kanwal Ameen conducted an insightful session on stress and time management. Dr. Saira Saroya from Southern Connecticut State University, USA, shared valuable strategies for Career Development through International Fellowships and Scholarships.
In the end, the Director of IT Services and his team conducted a hands-on training session on AI Tools at the Skill Development Center, empowering staff with practical digital competencies.
The summer camp will continue until July 31.
Source: nation.com.pk
https://www.nation.com.pk/03-Jul-2025/women-university-launches-summer-camp-2025
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Voices of Afghanistan Interview Series: ‘We can’t sit in a corner and let life end quietly’
JURIST Staff
JULY 3, 2025
Since the return of the Taliban in 2021, Afghan women correspondents have documented the struggles and triumphs of their lives under the oppressive regime which strips them of even the most basic freedoms—such as leaving the house alone. Through a series of interviews with women from across Afghan society—from students to lawyers—we aim to give them a voice, so that their hardships and the courage of their resistance are not lost to silence.
We interviewed Ms. Sadat who is a young Afghan writer and a nurse. Her passion for storytelling began in 2013. By 2019, she embraced writing and published her first book called “The Cursed Spring.” After the success of her first book, Ms. Sadat published “Dark Love” in 2021. Both books were formally launched on May 26, 2021 at an event hosted by the Ministry of Information and Culture, where prominent writers and civil society activists recognized her contribution to Afghan literature.
This is the ninth in a series of interviews that will explore the many facets of the lives of Afghanistan’s women and girls under a resurgent Taliban. The first in the series can be found here: Voices of Afghanistan Interview Series: ‘We’ve been all but erased from public life’. The second can be found here: Voices of Afghanistan Interview Series: ‘We will continue to resist, to hope, and to fight for a better tomorrow’. The third can be found here: Voices of Afghanistan Interview Series: ‘We, Afghan girls and women, will call for freedom with every breath’. The fourth can be found here: Voices of Afghanistan Interview Series: ‘Afghan women are not just victims; we are strong, resilient, and capable’. The fifth can be found here: Voices of Afghanistan Interview Series: ‘If we don’t defend our rights, this could continue for generations to come. We won’t let it’. The sixth can be found here: Voices of Afghanistan Interview Series: ‘We, the female doctors—once symbols of women’s progress, ability, and independence—are now facing barriers, threats, and silence’. The seventh can be found here: Voices of Afghanistan Interview Series: ‘I don’t want the world to recognize the Taliban. If this happens, women’s rights will be forever violated’. The eighth can be found here: Voices of Afghanistan Interview Series: ‘We have kept hope alive in the heart of darkness, waiting for the day when we can once again raise our voices and be present in society.’
Tell us about your life before August 2021. Were you working or studying?
After years of education, study, and relentless effort, I finally achieved my dreams in August 2021. Nearly four years have passed since I turned those dreams into a reality; those dreams born in cobblestone streets and dimly-lit homes. Dreams that rose with my mother’s pre-dawn tears and fell asleep each night under a sky heavy with sorrow.
I was finally able to publish my book and immerse myself into the literary world by sharing my books and taking my rightful place in Afghanistan’s newly anti-feminist society. My dreams had a sense of flight and freedom from the very beginning—much like the dreams of an independent girl.
In 2021, I began teaching at two private universities. I loved teaching and used my salary earnings to support my family. I carried the weight of the family responsibilities at that time.
How did you learn about the events of August 2021? What were your initial thoughts or reactions?
Before August 2021, there was talk of a Taliban takeover. There was talk of death, and escape. Poverty was rampant. The events that took place a few months before the fall of the Islamic Republic created chaos and panic within the walls of every Afghan’s home.
Everyone waited for the beginning of a bitter end. I remember that afternoon—a dark and terrible day when the fall of the republican government was announced. Markets and roads were deserted. People went in search of shelter.
The chaos of former soldiers and bitter farewells. Mothers screamed for children they couldn’t find. Girls were stopped mid-journey; on their way to school, to university, to somewhere safer. Shops and homes were looted by faceless intruders. Misery hung in the air. Cities fell silent. Women became prisoners in their own homes, and men stepped outside burdened by a hundred fears.
I was so shocked that I did not leave the house for 30 days. Each time I decided to leave the gate of the house, my legs would not move and I would feel sick. After an entire month, with the encouragement of my mother and sisters, I decided to go see the city after the fall. We were unsure of how long we’d be forced to endure this.
When I left the house for the first time after the fall, a lump rose in my throat, and tears spilled with every step. My mother’s words echoed in my ears: “We have to continue. We can’t sit in a corner and let life end quietly; we have to start somewhere.” Terror gripped every alley and street. I covered my face so completely that even my sisters wouldn’t have recognized me. This became the new norm for women and girls. The way we used to wear the hijab was no longer enough to protect our rights or our safety. Wherever we went, we were met with a particular kind of fear, as if simply stepping outside our homes had become the greatest crime of all.
Which of the Taliban’s new policies toward women has had the most significant impact on your life, or on your family or community?
Taking away the right to education, work—especially efforts to exclude us from society and deny the existence and rights of Afghan women and girls—and forced marriages between Afghan girls and Taliban members. With forced marriages, there was no regard for age gaps or for the number of male marriages.
Can you share a story that illustrates how life has changed for women in Afghanistan?
Yes! We felt the overwhelming effects of the Taliban presence and laws every moment of every day. We felt it in the markets, offices, cities, and even during trips.
When I accompanied my mother to the passport office without a mahram (male guardian) with us, I remember the person in charge who read off the names of the people waiting. When he called my mother’s name, I went to him, but he refused to give me the application form because we did not have a mahram present. For half an hour I stood in front of him several times, but it was as if he looked right through me, unable hear my voice. At first, I thought he might be deaf until I realized that he did not acknowledge us because we were women.
Women’s voices are forbidden, and it is now considered “sinful” to talk to women. Women are currently forbidden to leave the house without a mahram. Men avoid talking to us. One man eventually broke his silence and said in a disrespectful, misogynistic tone, “Who allowed you to leave the house without a man?” Even though we, Afghan women and girls, have experienced much worse conditions than these, this incident stood out in my mind. I remember there were three or four of us at the passport office who had gone without men. It took an hour and a half to convince that man to give us our papers. When I finally got our papers, I cried non-stop all day, reflecting on how easy it had been for men to treat us like we were invisible.
Can you describe a moment when you most strongly felt the impact of the new rules?
I felt the devastating impact of the Taliban laws when I was forced to burn my own books during a Taliban house raid. They demanded and I burn and destroy my own works because the books’ content violated Taliban laws and had supposedly caused problems. I was not so much afraid for myself, but for my young siblings, and for my father, who had been threatened because of his previous job in the government. The also made my father destroy his documents.
Another instance was when my sister taught at a school where she earned only five thousand Afghanis (equivalent to approximately $71) per month. She supported our family of seven on this income. Because of the law the Taliban imposed on her, she was then forced to travel back and forth with my brother accompanying her each day, which doubled the transportation fare. The Taliban never cared how a family of seven lived on just five thousand Afghanis a month. It didn’t matter if we were hungry or not; my sister just had to behave according to Taliban rules.
What would you like the world to understand about your current situation? Or what do you think is the most misunderstood aspect of your current situation?
I would like the world to know many things about us. Afghan women have fought this battle alone for years. Despite all the hardships and consequences, we are determined to fight for our rights. We are calling for support at a time when our rights and freedoms have been bargained away, and a heavy silence has been sealed over our struggle.
We want you to know that even though Afghan women are wounded, tired, lonely and disappointed, we still search for the path to freedom with even the faintest glimmer of hope. Before these narrow paths close to us forever, we call on women beyond our borders to join us by becoming the voices we can no longer raise.
What gives you hope or strength in these challenging times?
What gives me strength and hope was my taste of freedom. Whenever I reflect on past events—those thirty days when I thought that leaving the house would be the biggest, most difficult thing I had to endure in my life, and the days when I was forced to burn my works—I find strength and motivation. Each time I think about these things, I resolve to try to publish my work for the second time. I endeavor to make it available to others. What gives me strength is that every time I go to the history book that is my homeland, women are on the front lines. I want to stand firm beside them.
The struggle is not always about shouting in over a screen. Of course, this takes a lot of courage. But sometimes the battle is fought quietly, behind the four walls of our homes. The quiet battles are perhaps the hardest because if you are arrested one day, you have nowhere to run. No one knows you. You are buried silently. Without anyone noticing your presence or knowing how hard you fought. More than anything, I find motivation and strength in that thought because I have to stand up and traverse the path that I have been on for so many years. I must learn to dream again so that I can give hope and motivation like before. Like I am trying to do now. Hopefully, we will succeed.
Source: jurist.org
https://www.jurist.org/features/2025/07/03/voices-of-afghanistan-interview-series-we-cant-sit-in-a-corner-and-let-life-end-quietly/#
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/iranian-film-crew-ban-women-performing/d/136080