By
Mahir Ali
19 Aug 2020
THE foreign
ministers of Israel and the UAE openly exchanged phone calls this week. It was
more a case of ‘hear my ring’ than ‘wear my ring’, but the engagement has
nonetheless publicly been formalised, and a marriage made in Washington is on
the cards.
Perhaps it
should not have come as a surprise. It was an open secret that the two parties
had been flirting for decades. Intelligence links reportedly stretch back as
far as the 1970s, but the relationship blossomed into a more meaningful romance
more recently, when the old ‘enemy of my enemy is my friend’ dynamic acquired
greater potency during the Obama administration’s overtures to Iran.
Then Donald
Trump appeared on the American electoral landscape, and their Israeli links
helped both the Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman (MBS), and his regional
mentor Mohammed bin Zayed (MBZ), the crown prince of Abu Dhabi, gain access to
the inner circles. Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law, was an obvious
conduit.
All of the
Gulf states have long been loyal allies of the US. And for much of that period
their overt hostility to Israel has been tempered by a covert envy relating not
only to the nation’s technological prowess and its nuclear capability, but to
its privileged status as Uncle Sam’s golden child in the Middle East. Apart
from being by far the most favoured recipient of American largesse in the
region, in the eyes of successive US administrations it could also do no wrong.
Particularly egregious excesses earned, at best, a mild and meaningless
reprimand.
MBS and MBZ
wanted a piece of that, and under Trump — a fellow worshipper of Mammon — they
have largely succeeded. It doesn’t hurt, from the American point of view, that
the UAE, alongside Saudi Arabia, is among the keenest clients for US military
hardware — and both nations’ propensity to deploy it against much weaker foes
has been amply demonstrated in Yemen for more than half a decade.
Reaching a
peace deal in Yemen might indeed have been an achievement for the UAE, five
years after it collaborated with the Saudis in an intervention that both
naively thought would achieve its objectives within months, if not weeks.
Instead, it finds cause for pride in making peace with a nation with which it
has never been at war.
Unlike
Egypt in 1979 and Jordan 15 years later, the UAE’s accommodation with Israel
isn’t a shift from hostilities to frivolities and fraternisation. Abu Dhabi and
Washington have sought to frame Israel’s suspension of its declared intent to
annex more of the occupied West Bank as a key aspect of the deal. That is sheer
nonsense, given that Benjamin Netanyahu’s electoral promise has already been on
hold pending a green light from the White House, with the Trump administration
getting cold feet over the idea of endorsing such an outrageous violation of international
law by its pet state.
The song
sheets were not coordinated, though. Trump says annexation is off the table.
Netanyahu says it definitely is not, but the settlers who live on occupied
Palestinian territory aren’t convinced. David Friedman, the US ambassador to
Israel, says the word ‘suspend’ was chosen carefully, and it means a ‘temporary
halt’. It’s unlikely the UAE will have any say in if and when that ‘halt’
slides to ‘go’ — but then, the Emirates habitually thrive on fantasies.
When I
worked for a newspaper in Dubai from the late 1980s to the mid-1990s, it was
forbidden to mention Israel. Every reference had to be changed to ‘the Zionist
entity’. It went beyond the news media. The word ‘Israel’ and its derivatives
were blacked out in dictionaries, the shape of the nation was obliterated in
atlases, and so on.
The
absurdity of the rule was plain as day. So was the hypocrisy of it all. Like
most other Arab states, the UAE back then paid lip service to the cause of
Palestinian self-determination. In that context, perhaps not much has changed.
Nor would it be entirely surprising if it turned out that Mohammed Dahlan, a
brutal foe of both the Palestinian Authority and Hamas and now a ‘security
adviser’ to MBZ, played a leading role in both the new deal and the 2010
assassination in Dubai of a senior Hamas leader.
On the
brighter side, one must acknowledge the diminution of that hypocrisy. For
states such as the UAE — with Oman and Bahrain likely to follow, and perhaps
even the Saudis if MBS gets his way — it makes far more sense to collaborate
with the kindred semi-fascist authoritarian state that Israel has become under
Netanyahu than to fake a moral superiority that can fool only imbeciles.
There’s no
denying, though, that the Middle East dynamic has shifted in the past few days
— towards a coalescence of authoritarian impulses, and away from the
long-standing pretence of empathy with the eternally dispossessed
Palestinians.
Original
Headline: No big deal?
Source: The Dawn, Pakistan
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-politics/middle-east-dynamic-shifted-towards/d/122661