By Ramzy
Baroud
Mar 14, 2012
The first Israel
missile sped down to its target, scorching the Gaza earth and everything in
between. Palestinians collected the body parts of two new martyrs, while
Israeli media celebrated the demise of two terrorists.
Zuhair Qasis was the
head of the Popular Resistance Committee. He was killed alongside a Palestinian
prisoner from Nablus, who had recently been freed and deported to Gaza.
Then, another set of
missiles rained down, this time taking out Obeid Al-Ghirbali and Muhammad
Harara.
Then, a third and a
forth and so on The death count began on March 9 and escalated through the day.
The Hamas government urged the international community to take action. Factions
vowed to retaliate.
In such a situation,
Western media are usually clueless or complicit. Sometimes it's both. The
Israeli Army was cited readily by many media outlets without challenge.
The first round of
attacks was justified based on a claim that Qasis was involved in the planning
of an attack that killed seven Israelis last year. The Israel Army didn't even
bother to upgrade that claim — which already resulted in the killing and
wounding of many Palestinians. Even Israeli media had drawn the conclusion that
the attack then originated from Egypt, and no Palestinian was involved.
Al Jazeera reported
that some of the victims were decapitated, a familiar scene in most of Israel's
unforgiving atrocities.
Expectedly,
Palestinians fired back. “The national resistance brigades, the DFLP's armed
wing, the Al-Aqsa brigades and the armed wing of the PRC, the An-Nasser Salah
Ad-Din brigades, have all claimed responsibility for rocket fire,” reported
Maan news agency.
The incessant Israeli
provocations would not have been enough to end the months-long truce.
Palestinians know that Israeli provocations are often, if not always,
politically motivated. This time however, the people killed were leaders in
Al-Muqawama, the local resistance parties. Neither Hamas' might nor diplomacy
could persuade Gaza's many factions to hold their fire. Israel knows this fact
more than any other party. This is why it sent such unmistakably bloody
messages. Israeli needed Palestinians to respond, and urgently so.
But why did Israel
decide to ignite trouble again?
To answer the
question, one needs to make a quick stop in Washington. Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu had recently tried to articulate a case for war against Iran
there. Unlike the successful effort to isolate and strike and invade Iraq in
2003, the Iran war campaign is not going according to plan.
The Israelis are
desperate to see Iran's nuclear facilities bombed by American bunker buster
bombs — some of which weigh up to 13,600 kg. Israel's former head of military
intelligence, Amos Yadlin, assured the 'free world' —a term often manipulated
by Netanyahu — that a bombing campaign can succeed if it's followed by the
right measures. “Iran, like Iraq and Syria before it, will have to recognize
that the precedent for military action has been set, and can be repeated,” he
wrote (as cited in CNN, March 9).
There is growing
consensus in Israel that “something has to be done” — at least to set back
Iran's uranium enrichment by few years, as per the assurances of deputy
director of the Israeli Institute for National Security Studies, Ephraim Kam.
Republican candidates in the US, and even President Obama himself, agree. But
Obama, despite his groveling at the recent AIPAC conference, dared to question
the timing and the way in which Iran must be brought to its knees. The US
president is becoming increasingly isolated within Washington because of his
stance on Iran.
It is election year
and Israel knows that a window of opportunity will not be open for long.
"Netanyahu won a crucial battle in Washington this past week. No one
brought up the Palestinians. Netanyahu has quite masterfully shifted the
conversation to the subject of Iran," wrote Jeffrey Goldberg in the
Atlantic (March 9). He is right, of course, but only within the context of
"peace process" and conflict resolution.
The Palestinians were
mentioned in a different context, and repeatedly so. Ephraim Kam, for example,
expected that thousands of rockets would rain on Israel from Hezbollah, Hamas
and Iran itself. The Associated Press quoted Vice Prime Minister Dan Meridor as
saying, "The whole of Israel (is vulnerable to) tens of thousands of
missiles and rockets from neighboring countries. If there is a war...they are
not just going to hit Israeli soldiers. The main aim is at civilian
populations" (Feb. 20).
As per this logic, the
only way to prevent rockets from reaching Israel is by attacking Iran. An
independent Israeli commentator, Yossi Melman predicted that a weakened Iran
"would undoubtedly have an impact on Hamas and Hezbollah" (CNN, March
9).
Yes, the Palestinians
were infused plenty in Israeli war rhetoric. They were liberally presented as
the jackals who would pounce on vulnerable Israel. Who would dare challenge
this tired victimization narrative? Who would have the audacity to point out
the fact that Israel has the region's strongest army, equipped with hundreds of
fully-functioning nuclear heads, while Palestinian fighters — who had until
recently respected the truce, although Gaza's siege was never lifted — are
armed with light weapons?
No one in the
mainstream media, of course. But then, as the supposed threat has reached an
all-time high, Hamas spokesperson in Gaza, Fawzi Barhoum told AP: “Hamas
weapons and the weapons of the Palestinian resistance, in general, are humble
weapons that aim to defend and not to attack, and they are to defend the
Palestinian people...that does not give us the ability to be part of any
regional war.”
Hamas has its own
calculations independent of Israel's war momentum. But losing Hamas would
jeopardize the very equation Israel has been constructing for years. The
“radical camp” must remain intact, as far as Israel is concerned. No political
polarization caused by the so-called Arab Spring will be allowed to endanger
the Israeli narrative: The radicals, the evil alliance, the threat facing the
"free world" and all the rest. Great resources were spent on spinning
the perfect story to justify a preemptive war.
Then, on Friday, March
2, less than two days after Barhoum made his comments of “humble weapons”,
heads began to roll in Gaza. Literally. And the media machine resumed its work
unabashed. “Gaza Rockets fire disrupts life in Israeli south,” read a headline
in Israel's Haaretz. “IDF strikes Gaza terror targets following rocket
barrage,” declared another in the Jerusalem Post. It's war all over again.
Israeli civilians run to shelters. Sirens blare. US media reports the fate of
“besieged” Israelis and Palestinian “terrorists.”
It matters little to
them that it was Israel itself that stirred the trouble, broke the truce, and
fanned the flames.
Ramzy Baroud is an internationally syndicated columnist and the editor
of PalestineChronicle.com.