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Islam and Politics ( 6 Jun 2019, NewAgeIslam.Com)

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Despite Sudan's Tremendous Ethnic and Religious Diversity, the Islamic and Arab Components of Society Have Largely Defined Who Is Considered Sudanese

By Nasredeen Abdulbari

June 5, 2019

At least 35 protesters were shot and killed by the Sudanese army in Khartoum on Monday. The military was responding to protests against the interim military council established after the toppling of Omar Al Bashir's government. The movement that brought about Bashir's ouster has created a tenuous alliance between the country's different regional, ethnic, and political groups, including the armed groups in Darfur, Blue Nile, and the Nuba Mountains. This is the first time such a level of unity has existed since the colonial era in Sudan, and given the history of ethnic, religious and regional fragmentation that followed and today's military response, it is important that there be dialogue on the issues that can further impede stability and peace in Sudan. Sudan's army ruler General Abdel Fattah Al Burhan said on Tuesday the country's military rulers had decided to cancel what they had previously agreed with protesters about the country's transition and hold elections within nine months.

The most important issue is dealing with what is left of Bashir's regime. The vast majority of Sudanese agree on the necessity of dismantling the remnants of the government and security institutions established over the past three decades.

Monday's attack on protestors will only strengthen this majority view. Dismantling the remnants is something that, if not carried out, will make any transition impossible, however the approaches taken in other countries where those involved in government were effectively banished should be avoided. A distinction should in this regard be drawn between those who were ideologically affiliated with Bashir's regime or were promoting and implementing its agenda, and those who were working as civil servants carrying out their duties as such. It is the former group that should be banished.

Given how Bashir ruled and the actions of the military today, the majority of Sudanese also agree that the system of governance in post-Bashir Sudan should be based on fundamental freedoms. The Declaration of Freedom and Change, which was signed by the Freedom and Change Forces that led the uprising, and the chants of protesters espouse freedom as a central notion.

Achieving and respecting these declarations of freedom requires a swift and full transition to democracy. Without a democratic system, few Sudanese will trust that the future state will not, at some point, arbitrarily interfere with their choices, or that decisions made on a political or social system will be fully respected. A democratic system will also ease the tensions between various regions and groups - a longstanding issue in Sudan - and will provide a process through which displeasure with the government could be translated into changed policies or a new leader.

Although dismantling Bashir's deep state and establishing democracy are important, they are not sufficient to maintain unity among the Sudanese and achieve peace. There are issues, including the question of identity, related to the nature of the Sudanese state, the recognition of differences, and the way the relationship between the capital and the peripheries - especially war-affected marginalised areas - has been structured.

At the heart of the question of identity is that, despite Sudan's tremendous ethnic and religious diversity, the Islamic and Arab components of society have largely defined who is considered Sudanese. Those from eastern Sudan, Darfur, the Nubians of northern Sudan, the Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile, and what is now southern Sudan have historically been marginalised as a result. The question of identity also arose in recent negotiations between the Nuba Mountains-based Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army and representatives from Khartoum-based Sudanese opposition groups who were in the process of forming the Freedom and Change Forces alliance. The former demanded that a clear position on the issues of identity and self-determination be made and included in the founding document of the alliance (the Declaration of Freedom and Change), but the latter could not do so. As a result, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement refused to join the Freedom and Change Forces.

Also, organising the relationship between the peripheries and the centre will be one of the deepest points of disagreement. Since independence, Sudan has been a highly centralised government. This raises the question of how far efforts to constitutionally mitigate the control of the central government over the peripheries (or ending its domination) should go. Some of the questions informing discussion in this interim period are: to what extent should the periphery states be enabled to determine and control their political, economic, and cultural destinies? Should the country adopt a system that recognises self-government or autonomy for each region or just for some regions? Should there be a federal system of government? If yes, should it be symmetric federalism or asymmetric federalism?

The answer to these questions will depend largely on how the other issues will be addressed or settled. Armed and political groups from the peripheries will argue that federalism with strong and wide powers for peripheries is the most practical system of governance.

In short, for the Sudanese to build on the fragile unity their historic uprising has created and achieve sustainable peace and stability, the aforementioned issues must be addressed. Political wisdom dictates that discussions on them start immediately, to avoid another era of fragmentation. At the very least, there should be an agreement on the mechanism or process through which solutions can be reached for them.

- IPI Global Observatory

Nasredeen Abdulbari is a doctoral researcher at the Georgetown University Law Center and was Stoffel Scholar and a Satter Fellow at Harvard Law School