By Christine
Marrewa-Karwoski
23/MAR/2018
These last
few weeks have been arduous for Uttar Pradesh’s chief minister Adityanath.
Crisscrossing India, this mahant of the Gorakhnath temple in Gorakhpur has been
using his spiritual standing to garner votes for BJP candidates from Tripura to
Karnataka. While it is by no means unusual for Nath yogis to involve themselves
in political matters, the manner in which Adityanath is using right-wing Hindu
rhetoric to woo voters defies the more traditional tenets of his faith.
Rare illustrations from 1715CE Nath manuscript located
at the Wellcome Collection, London (ccby4).
----
Two
recently rediscovered and never before printed Nath teachings, the Avali Silūk
and the Kāfir Bodh, illustrate in detail that although Adityanath polarises
communities in order to gain political influence, prior to the 20th century,
members of the Nath Sampraday opted to acquire power through religious
inclusivity.
The Curious Case of the Missing Teachings
In 1942,
shortly before his untimely death, Pitamber Dutt (P.D.) Barthwal constructed
something that hadn’t previously existed: a stable and authoritative written
text containing the Hindavi teachings of the Nath yogis. Entitled the
Gorakhbānī, this seminal work on the Nath Sampraday was based on a wide range
of manuscripts and constituted a critical edition of the teachings attributed
to Gorakhnath and other yogis.
And while
Barthwal, unfortunately, passed away before the first publication of his book,
this edition of the Gorakhbānī has
maintained its position as the cornerstone for a modern understanding of Nath
ideology for over 80 years. Yet, what if we were to find that teachings
imperative to understanding the complexity of this community had somehow been
omitted from the book Barthwal had intended to produce? This question is
essential to consider, since, as it turns out, this is indeed the case.
A
particularly strange discrepancy arises when carefully examining Barthwal’s
Gorakhbānī, the product of his extensive research. Close inspection of his book
reveals that at some point before the publication, two important teachings had
been erased from the modern Nath canon. The intriguingly named Avali Silūk (The
Highest Song) and the Kāfir Bodh (The Knowledge of the Unbelievers), while
discussed in Barthwal’s introduction, fail to have been included in the
compilation that Barthwal had so painstakingly prepared. While it is virtually
impossible to know if these texts were intentionally removed by disapproving
editors or if they were mistakenly omitted due to Barthwal’s sudden death;
however, clearly their disappearance has significantly affected the way in
which the modern world views the Nath yogis.
The “Muslim” Texts
The Avali
Silūk and the Kāfir Bodh make their first appearance in the earliest extant
Hindavi writings attributed to members of the Nāth yogis (a 1614CE manuscript
currently housed in the Sri Sanjay Sharma Museum and Research Institute in
Jaipur) and continue to circulate in various manuscript traditions well into
the 19th century.
These
fascinating teachings are often placed alongside one another as if they are
meant to be working in tandem. And even though they are significantly different
in style, the intended audience of their teachings is undoubtedly Muslim. The
two teachings demonstrate that the Nath yogis not only preached acceptance of
Islamic beliefs and the continuation of Muslim obligatory practices but also
had a desire to present their faith to Muslim communities as a continuation of
Islam.
It was
these two teachings that prompted Barthwal to write that the Avali Silūk and
Kāfir Bodh “…press[ed] home to him that both the Hindus and the Mohammedans
were servants of the Lord, emphasising at the same time that the Yogis made no
distinction between the two and thus were not partial to any of them.”
However
paradoxical it may seem, the sampradāy wished to assert their identity as
accepted extensions of both these communities and as transcending all other
worldly religious practices. For the Naths, straddling somewhat contradictory
roles and identities was not a problem to be resolved, but a mentality to be
embraced.
Rare illustrations from 1715CE Nath manuscript located
at the Wellcome Collection, London (ccby4).
-------
Nath
teachings, including the Avali Silūk and the Kāfir Bodh, urged their audiences
to think beyond duality and to find comfort in that which was necessarily
uncomfortable. In the early-modern period when competitions for spiritual
superiority were common in order to attract followers and gain patronage, this
philosophy had great pragmatic value as well. Instead of alienating either
Hindu or Muslim rulers, Nath yogis sought to include both religious traditions
into their fold and hoped to be seen as members of both of these communities.
And they accomplished this. Mughal emperors and Hindu kings alike often
patronised them and sometimes became devotees of specific Nath teachers or
different temple complexes.
The
placement of the Avali Silūk as the first of the Muslim Nath text in the
manuscripts invited devotees to enter a sacred space within the Nath community
in which Islamic beliefs could not only co-exist with Hindu ones but were also
welcome to retain their Islamic specificity. This is obvious from the style of
the text. Whereas other teachings of the Nath community are most often composed
in a linguistically simple Hindavi, often referred to as Sadhhukkaṛī (or language of the sants), much
of the Avali Silūk is communicated in a highly Persianised and Islamicised
vocabulary, asserting to its audience – in terms they could clearly understand
– how the Nath community embraced Islamic beliefs, rituals and practitioners.
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Although
embedded within a Hindu framework through the invocation of the sacred
syllable, Aum, and ending with an emphasis on the transcendence of spiritual
duality (and the yogic asanas needed to overcome this duality), the majority of
the Avali Silūk references terms that are specifically Islamic.
That the
Avali Silūk both praises Muslim ideals and builds inroads to mutual
understanding between Islam and Nathism can be observed even within the very
first verses of the teachings.
Himati Kateb Hasya/ Behimati Beketeb Hasya/
Kibar Dusman Hasya/ Bekibar Dosasī Hasya/
Gusa Harām Hasya/ Hak Halāl Hasya/
Naphase Saitān Hasya/ Benaphas Dilpāk Hasya/
Gumān Kāphir Hasya/ Begumān Avaliyā Hasya/
[Courageous
are those of the book, those who do not follow the book are cowards. The
haughty man is the adversary; the one with humility is the friend.
Anger is haram, truth is halal.
The one who desires is the devil, the one who
is satisfied is pure of heart.
The man with ego is the infidel; humble is the
Muslim holy man.]
And yet,
perhaps more interesting is the manner in which the Avali Silūk includes Muslim
beliefs and rituals. The following passage not only appears to demonstrate how
Islamic practices can be yoked with Nathism, but it also recognises the
importance of these rituals and sacred spaces.
Jān Masīti Hasya/ Bejān Bemasīti Hasya
Dil Miharāb Hasya/ Bedil Bemiharāb Hasya
Svāphī Ujū Hasya/ Besvāphī Beuju Hasya
Kalamā Kabūl Hasya/ Bekalama Nākabūl Hasya
Nekī Bekhat Hasya/ Badī Nabakhat Hasya
Dilak Musalā Hasya/ Besidak Nāmusalā Hasya
Mihari Nivāj Hasya/ Bemihari Nānīvāj Hasya
Saram Sūnati Hasya/ Besaram Nāmasaru Hasya
Sīl Rojā Hasya/ Besīl Nārojā Hasya
[Life is
the masjid, without life there is no place of worship. The heart is the mihrab,
without it one does not know the direction in which to pray. The Sufi is the
wudu, without him you can not prepare yourself for prayer. Kalima is
acceptance, without the profession of only one God and Mohammad as his prophet,
there is no acceptance. Goodness is good fortune, wickedness is bad
fortune. Sincerity is the Musallā,
without sincerity there is no place to pray to God. Compassion is namaz,
without it there is no prayer. Modesty is sunnat, without it there is no
Islamic custom. Good character is your Roza, without good character there is no
fast or show of self-restraint.]
The second
text, the Kāfir Bodh, also speaks to a Muslim audience concerning the
transcendence of religious duality, though its approach is different. In
contrast with the Avali Silūk, which largely maintains a studied Islamicised
tone that would have felt welcoming in its linguistic register and religious
overtones, the Kāfir Bodh begins in a more defensive manner beginning with
Gorakhnath asking, “Kauṇas Kāfir/ Kauṇ Murdār/ Doi Svāl Kā Karau Bicār/ Hame Nakāfir/ Amhe Fakīr.” [Who is an
infidel and who is dead (leaving the world of illusion behind)? Reflect on
these two questions. We are not Kafir! We are Fakīr].
Yet after
this brief antagonistic beginning, the tone of the teaching softens and
describes the self-conception of the Naths in terms of attributes they believe
qualify them for the status of fakīrs. While both texts are attempts to
spiritually transcend religious divisions, the Kāfir Bodh endeavours to do this
through challenging pre-conceived notions about Nath yogis within different Muslim
communities and speaks without hesitation of their spiritual superiority over
both Hindus and Muslims.
Ham Jogī Na Rākhai Kisahī Ke Chaṃde
Anant Mūrtti/ Anant Chāyā
Agam Agocar Yū Raū Bhāyā
Dev Na Deūrā /Masīt Na Munārā
Śrab Niraṃtar Kaṃkar
[We yogis don’t
care for what are other peoples verses of praise. There are limitless idols and
limitless protection. Thus we are pleased with that which is in accessible and
imperceivable. There are neither Devas nor temples, neither masjid or minarets.
All are just the same stone.]
As the
teaching continues, it reinforces that neither Hindus nor Muslims can fully
encompass Nath ideology, the foundation of which is the total acceptance of
paradox; the ability to surpass duality. The early-modern Nath community may be
welcoming to both religions, however, ultimately both fall spiritually short of
the true understanding which only the Nath teachings can provide.
Conclusion
While today
Adityanath, the most recognisable face of the sampradāy, uses his clout to
occlude the diverse history of the Nath yogis, the political shift towards the
Hinduisation of the Nath sampradāy is very much a 20th century construct.
Although Nath yogis had been involved in politics for centuries, it was only
under the direction of Mahant Digvijay Nath (c.1934-69) that the Gorakhpur
Temple Complex began to turn violently away from its inclusive political past.
Although
colonialism, modernity and a newly ascendant Hindu majoritarianism all deeply
affected the manner in which different Nath communities articulated their
identities and sought to maintain their political influence, it was Digvijay
Nath’s leadership in Gorakhpur which laid the groundwork for Adityanath’s
communalist agenda.
The 1614CE manuscript housed at Sri Sanjay Sharma
Museum and Research Institute in Jaipur, Rajasthan.
-----
Digvijay
Nath’s dedication to Hindutva ideology far outweighed any enthusiasm he may
have had for Nath spiritual practices. In fact, according to George Weston
Briggs’ account of the Gorakhpur Nath temple during the 1920s, prior to even
becoming an initiated yogi, Digvijay Nath was involved in a lawsuit in which he
hoped to gain leadership over the Nath temple complex. He had promised that if
he were to win the Gaddī he would become a member of the Sampraday and have his
ears split (the traditional initiation for Nath yogis).
He did
eventually win his lawsuit, have his ears split, and become mahant of the
temple. However, it is clear from the beginning of Digvijay Nath’s leadership
that he wished to use his influence in a different, less spiritual manner. It
is in these political footsteps that Adityanath follows.
Although
further study is necessary to understand the full import and circulation of the
early- modern Nath texts throughout South Asia, the re-discovery of these
teachings is critical evidence for how the early-modern Nath community
envisioned its place within both Muslim and Hindu communities. Re-establishing
their place in the literary canon is a necessary step toward understanding the
fullest expressions of the Nath tradition. At a time when members of the BJP
and Adityanath, in particular, claim to be concerned with exposing distortions
made to Indian history, perhaps it is fitting to suggest that as the mahant of
the Gorakhpur Nath temple complex, Yogi examine the texts and history of his
own community first.
-----
C. Marrewa Karwoski, a former Fulbright Fellow,
is in her final year of a doctoral programme at Columbia University in the City
of New York. She specialises in Hindi literature and religious politics in
North India.
Original Headline: The Erased 'Muslim' Texts of
the Nath Sampradāy
Source: The Wire
URL: hhttps://www.newageislam.com/interfaith-dialogue/nath-sampraday-muslims-prior-20th/d/123218
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