Terror and Powerlessness: New Age Islam's Selection, 16 July 2016
New Age
Islam Edit Bureau
16 July 2016
• Terror and Powerlessness
By Pratap Bhanu Mehta
• A Bastille Day of Mourning: Why France Is Reeling Under Horrific Attacks by Islamist Extremists
By Sreeram Sundar Chaulia
• Terrorist Attack on July 14 Is an Affront to All of Humanity
By Ganesh Kumar Radha Udayakumar
• Martyr or Terrorist? Why We Need to Talk about Burhan Wani’s Killing
By Karnika Kohli
• Alienation of Migrants at Root of France’s Jihadi Problem
By Rakesh Sood
Compiled By New Age Islam Edit Bureau
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Terror and Powerlessness
By Pratap Bhanu Mehta
July 16, 2016
The horrific terror unleashed in Nice produces a sense of vertigo. The use of a vehicle to mow down people as an act of terror, is not unprecedented. But the scale of this atrocity is all the more unnerving because it underscores that terror is not just about violence or achieving political objectives or redemption. It is designed to induce a permanent state of fear. The idea that violence can be inflicted anytime, anyplace, with any instrument, under any pretext, under any guise, on any target, is a condition that is very hard to come to terms with. The point, amongst other things, is to induce a deep sense of helplessness and powerlessness. Apart from the sheer anger, that is the sentiment that Nice induces: A kind of numbness no consolation can overcome.
There is a structure to this monstrosity. ISIS, and those inspired by it, are driven by a political agenda. There is a lot of talk of the individual psychological characteristics of the perpetrators, whether in Bangladesh or in France; and deep puzzlement over what motivates such violence. They do not lend themselves to easy psychological profiling or sociological theories. You wonder what kind of rage can induce someone to mow down 80 people.
But the fascination with individual and social milieus should not blind us to the fact that we are dealing with a specific political ideology that legitimises itself in the name of Islam. The debate on whether it is real Islam or not is beside the point. That debate is often a distraction from focusing on the specific ideological nature of this threat: It is a religious vision that seems to see itself as an agent of an apocalypse of some kind. As Graeme Wood had pointed out in the Atlantic, it induces a fascination with danger, violence, struggle, pain and death, against which argument seems almost irrelevant.
It is almost as if there is a bunch of people, tired of the banalities of life, finding meaning by trying to make violent death a banal and commonplace occurrence: Something you should expect around the corner in ways that are utterly senseless. The term random is often used in connection with these killings. But random is a misleading word in this context. They are not random in this sense: They are inspired by a murderous ideology. They are not random in that a concerted plan seems to be in place to constantly seek new recruits; there seems to be some thought behind constantly metamorphosing the institutional structures that produce such violence so that they become ever more elusive. The “loners” in this instance are not alone: They are produced by a vast network of recruitment and motivation.
But the sense of powerlessness that these incidents induce will have serious political consequences. It is important to be smart and not fall into the very same trap that gives this ideology its fascination: A sense of excess; an inversion of ends and means, where violence itself becomes the point; a flattening of all distinctions between the innocent and guilty, an ability to extend the theatre of war to every sphere. This is exactly the outcome they want, and all civilised states will have to strain to ensure that they do no fall into this trap. Terrorists deserve no aid and succour. States need to interdict them. The kind of attack in Nice is disconcerting because it is hard to imagine any state being able to stop them.
No state can be seen not to be doing its best to protect citizens. So this attack raises four political issues. Many liberal publics have made their peace with enhanced state power: Emergency powers, powers of surveillance, abridgements of rights of privacy and so forth. It is not that their value has diminished. But it is one of the means by which we compensate for our powerlessness, by rallying behind the state. This trend is likely to continue.
Second, there is some truth to the argument that the long strategy of fighting terrorism since 9/11, where almost every form of terrorism was an excuse to bolster the means of war, escalate operations all over the world, has serious limitations, to put it mildly. But these incidents have put all those leaders, who have, in a relative sense counselled restraint, like Barack Obama, on the back foot.
Third, there is a concern that these attacks will bolster the right wing in liberal democracies: Le Pen in France, Trump in the United States. This remains to be seen, but the possibility becomes more imminent. But as a matter of political judgment, the liberal centre will have to play this politics very carefully. It is a bit unjust to blame a lack of liberal conviction as the overriding cause of terrorism. One can equally make the opposite argument that with all its faults, a sense of liberality might have prevented more people from being attracted to the murderous. But there is no doubt about this. The liberal optimism that it is easy to run multicultural societies, that mere reason can overcome the fear of difference, that economics and sociology can easily render transparent what produces such fascination with rage and violence, has taken a beating.
The liberal centre will have to find ways of ensuring that its strategy provides at least some recompense for the sense of powerlessness that many feel, because this is precisely the space the right wants to occupy. The right does not have a strategy for dealing with the problem; what it does play into is restoring a sense of power. But the liberals will have to ask why their counsels seem to many like a recipe for powerlessness.
Fourth, despite the war on terror being an almost permanent feature of our times, it has remained hostage to the squabbles of geo-politics. It is still an open question whether these kinds of attacks will ultimately bridge the serious differences between great powers required to deal with this challenge.
The timing of these attacks adds to a sense of fragility. Europe is reeling under multiple crises. It is facing an economic crisis. It is facing an uncertain institutional future. Countries within the EU, particularly France, are facing questions about what kind of historical communities they are. It is important to keep the scale of violence in historical perspective and not be overly apocalyptic. But it is a signal impact of attacks like the one in Nice that even if civilisation may not actually be hanging by a thread, we all feel that it is.
Pratap Bhanu Mehta is president, CPR, Delhi, and contributing editor, ‘The Indian Express’
Source: indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/nice-terror-attacks-france-bastille-day-2916575/
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A Bastille Day of Mourning: Why France Is Reeling Under Horrific Attacks By Islamist Extremists
By Sreeram Sundar Chaulia
July 16, 2016
The devastating terrorist attack on holiday revellers in the capital of the picturesque French Riviera, Nice, is a fresh onslaught in a relentless war by Islamist extremists on their favoured foe. That France is reeling from another horrific blow by Jihadists after the Charlie Hebdo massacre and the Paris attacks of last year is a commentary on how strongly it is being targeted and how vulnerable it remains by not learning from past mistakes.
There are both external and domestic factors for France to suffer as the number one choice for repetitive terrorist acts. The aggressive use of the military in overseas combat operations by the French socialist regime in the name of rolling back Jihadist threats in Mali, Central African Republic, Syria and Iraq sets this country apart as a bête noire for the Islamic State and its kindred. IS’s official spokesman Abu Muhammad al-Adnani has proclaimed it a holy duty to kill Westerners “in any manner or way, especially the spiteful and filthy French”.
The sense of an unforgotten imperial mission that France harbours in its foreign policy and the prominent leadership that it holds within core western military formations like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, make it a hateful nation for radical Islamists.
The driver of the lorry who rammed into unsuspecting tourists and locals in Nice picked an occasion like no other, Bastille Day, which symbolises all that stands for French pride and grandeur. It was a macabre poetic justice from the viewpoint of Jihadists who want to turn around the wars started or supported by France’s military on their turfs into revenge taken at the heart of civilian France.
Locking in on France, a country with staunch Republican and secularist values, is also becoming a habit for extremists because of the culture wars and domestic disarray plaguing the country. The apartheid-like conditions which have alienated young French Muslims and the incompatibility of authoritative French civic customs with the radicalised ghettoised and exclusivist mentality among minorities of Arab origin, generate a fundamental crisis of identity and citizenship. Out of this crucible of rejection and segregation comes explosive terrorist violence.
A second internal defect that is denting France’s ability to prevent attack after attack is its weak government that is prone to political infighting, lacklustre economic performance, and utter unpopularity with the people. The disastrous run that President François Hollande has had since assuming office in 2012 in almost all departments of governance has ushered in a systemic funk where nothing seems to be workable or fixable.
Saddled with a vast public sector bureaucracy that wants to keep its vested privileges at the cost of the general welfare, France is woefully unprepared to defend its national security against agile, daring and inventive terrorists. The very idea of a large lorry in itself becoming a weapon of mass destruction to mow down over 80 people is somewhat novel, although IS and other Islamist hardliners around the world had been advocating deployment of motor vehicles to inflict damage on their enemies.
Unlike mass terrorist incidents before, where trucks have been used as carriers of bombs for causing massive damage, the simple modus operandi of the lorry-driving terrorist clearly caught the French intelligence and security apparatus napping. In a system where heads rarely roll for accountability and where all branches of the public sector have militant trade unions to hold managers to ransom, there is a severe dearth of competence and flexibility.
France is today a dinosaur with antiquated laws and regulations that inhibit reforms and present a sorry face of a ‘Republic of paralysis’ for terrorists to make hay. Irrespective of whether terrorists wreaking havoc are merely inspired by IS or actually trained agents of IS’s external operations branch, France has a big problem.
Terrorists always carry the political goal of forcing a reversal in policies of the targeted country. In the French character, it would be cowardly and out of the question to withdraw from the war on IS or abandon the secular ethos in response to outrages like the Nice attack. But systemic reform and rejuvenation are necessary if France hopes to avoid more mayhem on its streets.
Source: blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/toi-edit-page/a-bastille-day-of-mourning-why-france-is-reeling-under-horrific-attacks-by-islamist-extremists/
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Terrorist Attack on July 14 Is an Affront to All of Humanity
By Ganesh Kumar Radha Udayakumar
July 15, 2016
“The City of Nice presents La Prom’ Party 2016?, announced an advertisement for the Thursday night’s festival show at the city’s Promenade des Anglais, or simply, La Prom. The Mayor’s office promised to transform the iconic seafront walkway into “an immense dance-floor”, where pop-rock, jazz blues and world music would fill the Mediterranean night. The show would only be interrupted once – by a fireworks show in front of the Tourism Office. An Agence France Presse photo taken last night – France’s National Day – shows the colours of the French Republic – bleu, blanc et rouge – explode majestically above Nice’s glittering coastine, even as a long wisp of white light flashes ominously in the distance beneath dark, brooding clouds. In hindsight, the lightning feels like a portent: hundreds of feet below, the Niçois entranced by the show of pyrotechnics have no idea of the horror that will soon befall them.
An hour after the photo was taken, Tunisian-born French national Mohamed Lahouaiej Bouhlel drove a 25-tonne truck into the crowd, embarking on a killing spree characterized by the kind of brutality that cannot possibly be described without being euphemized. A clip filmed after the attack shows the camera zigzagging frenetically across the walkway. The promenade is strewn with horrifically mangled bodies. Screams still pierce the air as distraught men and women try to help those who are injured. The loudest cry – a perfectly intelligible sentence in the confusion of noise – is a heart-rending cry for aid:”Aidez ma mère, s’il vous plaît!”
Help my mother, please.
The most recent estimates say that over eighty people have died, around 50 others are fighting for their lives, and at least 50 children and teenagers have had to be hospitalized. After Bouhlel was eventually killed, weapons were found inside his truck – a discovery that suggests that the massacre could have continued if he hadn’t been stopped.
Yesterday was the July 14. In 1790, exactly 226 years earlier, regional “federations” of the National Guard from every administrative division of France paraded at the Champ de Mars in Paris, and the King of France promised to maintain the Constitution drafted by the National Assembly. The ceremony was organized to commemorate an event that had occurred exactly a year earlier on July 14th, 1789. It is a date that history students everywhere are required to learn: it was the day on which les Parisiens stormed the Bastille prison, a symbol of an oppressive monarchy which would soon be replaced by a republic.
An Affront to All of Humanity
The attack on France on its National Day is an affront to all of humanity. We live today in a world where, for the most part, representative government and fundamental human rights are at least ideals wherever they are not norms. The French Revolution, which the July 14 symbolizes, was instrumental in shaping this world, and we are all legatees of its universal idea: a society of free equals, where law is a manifestation of the common will.
Men like Bouhlel are enemies of that idea. While his actions should leave us quivering with fury, it is also crucial for us to remember that righteous anger should not be used to confirm prejudice, or be allowed to degenerate into hatred. It has been said often, and it must be said many more times if need be: the attacker’s name shouldn’t tempt us to conflate the Islam practiced by the vast majority of its adherents with Islamic terrorism. As we struggle to cope with news of a fresh attack, we mustn’t allow recent memories to fade; we mustn’t forget just how many Muslims were killed by Islamic terrorists during the month of Ramzan this year in Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Bangladesh.
After the Charlie Hebdo shootings last January and the concerted city-wide attacks that traumatized Paris last November, France has now faced its third major terrorist attack in two years. In a tweet, President Hollande wrote, “France is in tears, it is afflicted, but it is strong, and will always be stronger than the fanatics who want to attack her today.” It isn’t just France, but the entire world that must remain strong in the face of such barbarism – for recent events have proved that there are no safe spaces any more. It is worth remembering, then, that there are no forces more capable of undermining that strength than our own ignorance, prejudgement, and animosity towards our fellows.
Source: blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/voices/terrorist-attack-on-july-14-is-an-affront-to-all-of-humanity/
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Martyr or Terrorist? Why We Need to Talk about Burhan Wani’s Killing
By Karnika Kohli
July 13, 2016
Over thirty people have died so far, curfew has been imposed, weddings have been cancelled, exams have been postponed, job interviews are being called off, hospital beds are full of injured. This is what Kashmir looks like less than a week after Hizbul Mujahideen Commander Burhan Wani was killed in an encounter by the security forces.
He was a terrorist and terrorism deserves only one response. You can’t expect an army man being shot at by a terrorist not to shoot back. There is no question about that, yet the fact that thousands joined in mourning Wani raises serious, troubling questions that we as a country must confront. The photos tell a disconcerting story that many don’t want the country to know.
Wani grew up in a well-to-do family, his father is a school principal and his mother is a teacher. His friends remember him as a class topper who loved playing cricket. So, what went wrong? How did a young kid with a bright future become the ‘poster boy’ of Hizbul Mujahadeen?
“Almost everyone here has been beaten up by the Army. You also must have had your share. But everyone didn’t become a militant. It depends on how much one can take. Yeh aap ki ghairat pe depend karta hai (It depends on your self-respect). Someone’s ‘Ghairat’ got challenged time and again, so he decided to answer back. Others decided to stay quiet. My son couldn’t bear to see the atrocities and the humiliation, so he was forced to choose the path which he is on right now.”
Burhan Wani’s father said this in an interview to Youth Ki Awaaz months before his son was killed in an encounter. His elder son was also killed last year. It is claimed that he was shot down in an “encounter” while trying to meet his brother. It is also claimed that he was getting young men to join the Hizbul.
Analysts claim that the twin evils of poverty and lack of opportunities radicalize kids in the valley, as they do in the world’s other trouble-spots. That wasn’t true in Wani’s case (or in the case of the Dhaka terrorists). What allegedly forced Burhan to militancy was an alleged beating by army men when he was a kid and an apparent sense of humiliation.
No, I don’t wish to ‘glorify’ a ‘terrorist’. Neither do I consider myself an expert on Kashmir issues. You don’t need to be one to see that the current methods of dealing with militancy in Jammu & Kashmir may not be adequate.
The aftermath of Wani’s death shouldn’t surprise those in power. Earlier this year, a top Kashmir police officer submitted a report on increasing social media penetration in the valley. The report, which was accessed by The Telegraph, also mentioned Burhan.
“… (Our) study reveals that the accessibility to social media (in the Kashmir Valley) was 25 per cent in 2010, which rose to 30 per cent in 2014 and sharply escalated to 70 per cent in 2015. The glamorisation of the gun and violence gets acceptance in a small section of young, impressionable minds who consider themselves at the receiving end in the contemporary political scenario,” The Telegraph quoted from report driven by former IGP (CID) of the state police, Abdul Ghani Mir.
It is evident that social media also played a crucial role in turning Burhan into ‘poster boy’ of Hizbul, part of a new generation of home-grown terrorists, unlike the jehadis infiltrating from across the border. The report also mentions that peer pressure might have led Burhan, who considered himself a victim of State action, towards militancy.
“Militant was an OGW (over ground worker) for one month and was closely linked to a militant named Shabir Ahmad Bhat of Hyhama. The militant was harassed/beaten by SOG (Special Operations Group), Tral, frequently. The subject considers himself a victim of State action. Militant lost his brother in an encounter with security forces. Peers of the militant were distractive in nature. Among the peers of the militant three are OGWs, one has been killed, one released and one involved in stone-pelting case. The immediate influence of such a combination is quite evident. Peer group seems to be the dominant reason for his joining militancy. There are three active militants, 38 killed and 34 released/surrendered in the vicinity of the militant.”
“Burhan isn’t the first to pick up the gun & won’t be the last,” former J&K CM Omar Abdullah received a lot of flak for tweeting this.
But the truth is Burhan isn’t the first to lose his life and sadly won’t be the last. There is no question that the path he took was wrong, but resolving Kashmir means that we must look for deeper answers.
What if he hadn’t been beaten up that day? What if he hadn’t grown up under continuous scrutiny just because he belonged to a certain community? What if?
Those who are cheering his death should not forget that we risk radicalization of more in the valley after his killing than we risked while he was alive. Sure, we need a strong response to terror, but as a decorated former army officer, who served for years in Kashmir, wrote recently, those advocating a stronger response “forget that strong arm tactics do not work when stone-pelting crowds take to the streets in the thousands and refuse to buckle under pressure in this mega-media age.”
By killing him, and then controlling the media coverage around his funeral, the system has turned Wani into a hero for the frustrated youth of the valley. However misguided this feeling may be, the fact is that those protesting on the streets of Kashmir think of Wani as a hero they can relate to, one who in their eyes stands against ‘everything wrong’. There is a reason why not a single PDP minister has ventured into the streets since the killing. Go figure.
As PM Narendra Modi continues to focus on the growth of Indian economy, I often wonder if a thriving economy will be of any use if our society doesn’t progress. How many Burhan Wanis need to die before we realize that we as a society need to be part of the solution? This issue needs to be dealt with on a micro level. These men deserve more than just ending up being a statistic.
As the valley begins to heal, it is time for us to take a step back and take a look at the role we as a society play in pushing boys like Wani to the dark side. I studied Political Science from Delhi University. During many of our lectures and discussions over sensitive topics that involved religion, I observed many in my class turned around and warily looked at the Muslim students. Similar thing happened with my classmates from the north-east.
For some it is just a look, curiosity for others. We might not be doing it intentionally but often we end up painting all terror-related conversations in tones of religion & patriotism. We expect every single person who belongs to a minority to be the spokesperson of their community. Spokespersons whom we expect to say exactly what we ‘already know to be true’.
By singling out the members of a certain community, we risk radicalization of the young ones, the impressionable ones, the ones who are trying to find themselves and build an identity.
Reminds me of what Naseeruddin Shah & Ratna Pathak Shah said in an interview to Outlook. “We are the last of the bloody liberals left. Today, girls are doing Karva Chauth! C’mon, that’s what we fought against,” Ratna said. “Today, girls as young as two are wearing Hijabs. Muslim boys are growing beards claiming it’s a sense of identity,” said Naseer. “We lived in much more liberal times where you were expected to have your own opinion. Now everyone wants to have one opinion—which is a dangerous thing for us,” she added.
Despite all the attempts at information management, things clearly aren’t under control in the valley. Now there are only two ways to go ahead: either we carry on like usual. Read the newspapers, discuss it over dinner as we watch as one news anchor discuss this with a panel and then go to sleep cursing a community; or we try and assess our role as a society.
If you are inclined to follow the second path, make sure you keep the conversation going. Because we can’t fix an issue if we don’t address it.
Source: blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/voices/martyr-or-terrorist-why-we-need-to-talk-about-burhan-wanis-killing/
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Alienation of Migrants at Root of France’s Jihadi Problem
By Rakesh Sood
Jul 15, 2016
A woman cries at a memorial for victims killed in the Bastille Day tragedy in Nice. Eighty four were killed when a man drove a truck into crowds watching fireworks in the port town to mark the French National Day. (Reuters)
Nice, often described as the jewel of the Cote d’Azur, was the scene of a tragedy when Mohamed Lahouaiej Bouhlel, a 31-year-old French-Tunisian drove a truck through crowds gathered to witness fireworks in celebration of Bastille Day, killing 84 and injuring scores, some critically, before being shot dead by the French gendarmerie.
Nice mayor Christian Estrosi said the dead included at least 10 children. President Hollande said the attack was of “an undeniable terrorist nature”.
France’s fifth largest city with a population of about 400,000, Nice has always prided itself on its history and culture, unlike other cities further west along the coast – the more flashy Cannes with its celebrity culture, Toulon which houses a major naval base or Marseilles, the largest port city with a seamy side to it.
That is why Nice hosts nearly four million tourists annually, ten times its own populace and serves as the airport for Monaco, barely an hour’s drive away. Henri Matisse and Marc Chagall are only two of the famous painters who made Nice their base and it boasts of dedicated museums for both.
Promenade des Anglais, the road skirting the Mediterranean Sea, is a beautifully developed area full of cafes and hotels on one side of the road and landscaped parks and flower beds on the seaward side. On Bastille Day, thousands had gathered to watch the late evening fireworks when tragedy struck.
Bouhel broke through barriers and barrelled his truck for nearly two kilometres, zigzagging through crowds as they tried to take shelter, before being killed.
Hotel Negresco, a landmark built more than 100 years ago on the promenade, known among the cognoscenti for its Michelin-starred restaurant and the huge Baccarat crystal chandeliers in its lobby, became a makeshift hospital as ambulances rushed to the scene.
France is in mourning; the annual summer jazz festival in Nice has been cancelled. President Francois Hollande has extended the state of national emergency, earlier expected to be lifted on July 26, by three months. The Islamic State has not claimed responsibility for the attack though IS websites are full of celebratory commentary.
The attack bears uncanny similarity to calls by IS spokesman Abu Muhammad al-Adnani for Muslims to attack infidels with bullets, IEDs, rocks, boots, poison or run them over with a car. Such calls have been made twice, once in September 2014 and repeated in January last year. Al-Adnani’s statement is not a directive but can certainly be seen as a motivator for radicalised “lone wolf” attackers.
Expectedly, the Nice tragedy evoked memories of November 2015, when nine gunmen carried out attacks at multiple sites in Paris, claiming 130 lives and leaving more than 300 wounded. Hollande had called it “an act of war” and declared the national emergency. For that, the IS had been quick to claim responsibility.
Using emergency provisions to strengthen monitoring and surveillance, the French were relieved when the Euro Cup football final passed off peacefully in Paris on July 10. Yet, even during the last six months, there have been sporadic instances of Islamic extremist violence. In January, Morocco-born Sallah Ali tried to attack a police station in Paris with a large butcher’s knife carrying the IS emblem and was shot dead. In June, police officer Jean Baptiste Salvaing was stabbed to death while his companion Jessica Schneider’s throat was slit at their home on the outskirts of Paris by Larossi Abballa, who claimed the killings in the name of the IS and was shot dead.
France is particularly vulnerable to the threat of home-grown terrorists, given that among European countries, it has one of the largest immigrant populations, drawn largely from former colonies in Africa. It is estimated six million, nearly 10% of the French population, are Muslims.
While the first generation of immigrants were focussed on making a living and getting the rest of their families over, the younger generation has grown up with a sense of alienation. Lacking opportunities for education and social and economic advancement, many of the youth often turn to petty crime.
French authorities realised too late that the prisons and detention centres where they were held, were actually where the seeds of radicalisation were sown. The neighbourhood mosques and ready availability of propaganda materials put out by Jihadi outfits on social media has aggravated the situation.
Today, it is estimated that more than 1,000 French nationals have gone to Syria to fight for the IS.
So far, the Western or French response has been retaliation. Clearly this is not enough. Western interventionism has been at the root of reviving the notion of “Jihadi extremism”.
Al Qaeda was incubated in the CIA-ISI led jihad in Afghanistan and the first wave of radicalisation took place in the madrasas in the Af-Pak region and continues to date.
Then the disastrous US-led intervention in Iraq in 2003 brought about the creation of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, which has now morphed into Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s caliphate.
The Western intervention in Syria to unseat President Bashar al-Assad has only made the situation worse, leading to the creation of another training centre for potential Jihadis. In both cases, Saudi Arabia’s role has been the most pernicious as it seeks to guard against regime change internally.
Finally, the caste system in terror attacks needs to be abolished. Terrorist attacks in Nice or Paris are as condemnable and heinous as the ones in Dhaka or Istanbul. This realisation is necessary for concerted international action against what has become an international security challenge for all liberal societies.
Rakesh Sood is a former Indian ambassador to France and a distinguished fellow at Observer Research Foundation.
Source: hindustantimes.com/analysis/alienation-of-migrants-at-root-of-france-s-Jihadi-problem/story-BPNjAMCNLNcPCjpOq6F5ZN.html