Blind Devotion Among Indian Muslims That Shields Ulema and Political Actors from Accountability, Harms Muslim Interests, And Must Be Replaced with Qur'an-Centered, Evidence-Based Engagement with Leaders and Parties
By Mushtaq Ul Haq Ahmad Sikander, New Age Islam
10 January 2026
· Maulana Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi (Ali Miyan) was a great scholar but poor leader whose role in the Shah Bano case helped enable Hindutva’s rise and the Babri Masjid demolition.
· AIMPLB and allied ulema opposed the Supreme Court’s Shah Bano judgment, sacrificed Qur’anic justice for identity politics, and aligned with Congress patronage while remaining silent on anti-Muslim riots.
· The blind loyalty to scholars’ mirrors BJP andhbhakti, using ad hominem attacks, personality worship, and institutional opacity to suppress internal critique and reform.
· There is a need for, AIMPLB transparency, revival of shura, pragmatic engagement with BJP, and educating youth against blind imitation.
Beyond "Andhbhakt": The Mirror of Blind Devotion Among Indian Muslims
A self-proclaimed Urdu and Islamic scholar recently shared a glowing write-up on Maulana Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi (Ali Miyan), extolling his virtues without nuance. My response was measured: "Ali Miyan was a great scholar, but a poor leader, who took anti-Islamic stance in Shah Bano with the result that Babri Masjid was demolished and today we witness that Hindutva destroyed all. To believe many he was a Congressite who never criticized Congress govt responsible for killing thousands of Muslims in communal riots. Also, many scholars believe that he made up his lineage to Syed Ahmad Shaheed (ra), anyways history judges all." The reply? Not facts or rebuttal, but condescension: "A person cannot replace negative psychology with the positive one merely by paying money. For this, the company of learned and wise people is essential. Sadly, those who are deprived of this blessing are left only with the faults of others. They lack the ability to see any goodness in anyone." This exchange crystallized a bitter irony. Indian Muslims rightly mock BJP andhbhakts—blind devotees—for swallowing every regime dictum uncritically. Yet here was our own andhbhakti: elevating ulema to infallibility, deflecting critique with personal attacks, and stifling reasoned dissent. We must shatter this internal idol worship before it dooms us further.
To which i rebutted, “I made an academic point, but like a hero worshipper of personalities you started attacking my intentions and education. Allah bless you, I come from background of Islam, where a common woman can question caliph Umar (ra), but mureeds like many follow ulema like Jews used to do. Instead of answering the query I raised about Ali Miyan, you started attacking me that I cannot see goodness in him. Quran cautions us making idols from ulema like Jews did, but alas we are like them, because according to u I don’t have company of wise and learned, that is how progress of Islam stopped. Instead of answering genuine questions you started attacking me personally, I can do it too, but I am not a rabid mullah but Muslim.” Few people supported him too, among them few failed academics who teach in university, but have zero academic contribution or published any quotable research papers.
The Shah Bano Fiasco: Ulema Politics Over Qur'anic Justice
Shah Bano, a 62-year-old divorced woman from Indore, approached the Supreme Court in 1985 after her husband abandoned her without maintenance. The Court's unanimous ruling—grounded in Section 125 of the CrPC—awarded her ₹179.20 monthly, a pittance that nonetheless upheld a universal principle of justice. Crucially, this aligned seamlessly with the Qur'an's explicit command in Surah al-Baqarah (2:241): "And for divorced women is a provision according to what is acceptable—a duty upon the righteous." No sharia innovation was needed; the judgment echoed Islamic equity.
Enter the AIMPLB, led by figures like Ali Miyan. Framing the verdict as an assault on "Muslim personal law" and communal identity, they mobilized protests, fatwas, and delegations to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Ali Miyan, as a pivotal voice in this chorus, helped orchestrate the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986, which nullified the ruling by limiting maintenance to the iddah period. Women like Shah Bano were thrust back into destitution, their Qur'anic rights sacrificed on the altar of orthodoxy. Critics, including progressive Muslims like Arif Mohammad Khan, decried this as a regressive bargain: Congress appeased conservative ulema to consolidate Muslim votes ahead of elections. This wasn't defense of faith; it was identity politics trumping revelation. Congress traded women's rights for Muslim votes, with ulema as willing brokers. Ali Miyan's leadership, far from visionary, fueled this inferno. His Congress affinity? Telling silence amid Nellie (1983), Hashimpura (1987), Bhagalpur (1989) massacres. Disputed lineage claims to Syed Ahmad Shaheed only amplify the hagiography: myth propping up untouchability.
The fallout was catastrophic. To "balance" this concession to Muslim leaders, Rajiv Gandhi's government unlocked the Babri Masjid gates in February 1986, allowing Hindu kar sevaks unrestricted access. This emboldened the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and BJP, supercharging the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. The 1992 demolition followed, unleashing nationwide riots that killed thousands—disproportionately Muslims. Hindutva's electoral ascent, from 2 seats in 1984 to governing India today, traces a direct line to this quid pro quo. Ali Miyan and AIMPLB's myopic stance did not merely fail Muslims; it handed ammunition to their adversaries. Yet today, hagiographies portray him as an unblemished reformer, with critics dismissed as ill-educated or agenda-driven.
Qur'an and Sunnah Against Personality Worship
The scholar's retort—that questioning Ali Miyan stems from lacking "wise company"—inverts Islamic epistemology. The Qur'an excoriates blind taqlid repeatedly. In Surah al-Baqarah (2:170), the Almighty rebukes: "And when it is said to them, 'Follow what Allah has revealed,' they say, 'Rather, we will follow that which we found our fathers doing.' Even though their fathers understood nothing, nor were they guided?" Surah al-Ma'idah (5:104) adds: "And when it is said to them, 'Come to what Allah has revealed and to the Messenger,' they say, 'Sufficient for us is that upon which we found our fathers.'"
Most damning is 9:31: "They have taken their scholars and monks as lords besides Allah, and [also] the Messiah, the son of Mary." Ibn Kathir and al-Qurtubi explain this not as literal divinity, but functional: obeying rabbinic edicts that contradict revelation, treating scholarly word as binding fiat. The Prophet (peace be upon him) embodied critique: a woman publicly corrected Caliph Umar on mehr fixation, and he accepted it humbly. Imam Abu Hanifa declared, "It is not permissible for someone to accept our views without knowing their evidence." Imam Malik echoed: "Everyone's statement can be accepted or rejected except that of the Messenger in his grave."
These precedents demolish the notion that critiquing a scholar's political errors equals irreligiosity. Ali Miyan's lineage claims to Syed Ahmad Shaheed—disputed by some—further exemplify hagiographic inflation, where myth bolsters infallibility. True scholarship demands hisbah (accountability) and shura (consultation), not mureed-like devotion.
The scholar's retort—implying my critique betrays deficient "company"—flips Islamic norms. The Qur'an dismantles taqlid's excesses. "When it is said to them, 'Follow what Allah has revealed,' they say, 'Rather, we will follow that which we found our fathers doing'" (2:170). Or 5:104: "Sufficient for us is that upon which we found our fathers." Peak condemnation: 9:31, "They have taken their scholars and monks as lords besides Allah." Tafsir giants like Ibn Kathir clarify: not deification, but blind obedience overriding divine text.
Congress Patronage and BJP's Indifference
Congress-era ulema thrived on access. AIMPLB brokered deals, securing funds and influence while riots decimated masses. Post-Shah Bano, Babri's unlock was the "balance"—a Congress gift to Hindutva. Ali Miyan critiqued neither riots nor complicity.
Under Congress, ulema like Ali Miyan enjoyed proximity to power. AIMPLB functioned as unofficial brokers of "Muslim opinion," securing concessions while riots ravaged communities. Thousands of Muslims died, yet criticism of Congress was muted; silence bought access, stipends, and influence.
BJP's rise shattered this patronage. Unlike Congress, the current regime bypasses ulema, dealing directly with Muslim voters via schemes like Ujjwala or PM-Awas. Neglected elites now amplify anti-BJP rhetoric, branding supporters andhbhakts while ignoring their own track record. AIMPLB's post-2014 irrelevance exposes its Congress-centric utility: it delivered votes but no development. Muslims languish in poverty (Sachar Committee: 31% below poverty line vs. 22% national average) and illiteracy, yet andhbhakts demand prophetic obedience to boards that achieved nothing substantive.
The Muslim Andhbhakt Profile
This intra-Muslim devotion manifests distinctly:
• Sacralization of the fallible: Scholars' taqwa shields disastrous decisions. Question Shah Bano? You're "anti-Islam." Probe Congress silence on riots? You're a Congress-hater.
• Ad hominem deflection: Critics are "jahil," "paid agents," or psychologically flawed—echoing BJP defenses of Modi.
• Hypocritical projection: Daily sermons decry Jewish "rabbi-worship," yet mureeds ape it, deeming ulema critique as blasphemy.
• Institutional opacity: AIMPLB's finances and decision-making remain black boxes, mirroring Waqf board scandals.
This mindset exploits the masses, funneling donations upward while communities stagnate. Post-Babri, post-2002 Gujarat, post-CAA, blind loyalty ensures no internal reform.
Path Forward: Reason Over Reverence
Breaking andhbhakti demands re-centering revelation. Muslims must:
• Insist on evidence-based taqlid: Accept scholarly views per dalil, reject per dalil.
• Demand AIMPLB transparency: Publish finances, audit Waqf properties, prioritize education over litigation.
• Revive shura: Elect representative bodies transcending madhabs and personalities.
• Engage BJP pragmatically: Leverage welfare schemes, critique policy surgically, build cross-community alliances.
• Educate youth: Teach Qur'anic critique of taqlid alongside hadith on questioning leaders.
Ali Miyan was a scholar; his political ledger invites scrutiny, not idolatry. Indian Muslims face existential stakes: Hindutva consolidates while we bicker over personalities. The abyss of turmoil awaits unless we purge andhbhakti from within. As the Qur'an warns (2:258), truth crushes false gods—be they idols of stone, saffron, or skullcap. Let history judge not just leaders, but our willingness to confront uncomfortable mirrors.
…
M. H. A. Sikander is Writer-Activist based in Srinagar, Kashmir.
New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism