By Josef Joffe
Oct. 6,
2020
Oh, no, not
a book about the pandemic just a few months into Covid-19. Not another series
of snapshots overtaken by tomorrow’s events. Fareed Zakaria, a CNN host with a
Ph.D. from Harvard, does not fall into this trap.
Wisely, he
stays away from the daily battles over masks and lockdowns. Nor is doom
mongering his business. Instead, “Ten
Lessons for a Post-Pandemic World” employs a wide lens, drawing on
governance, economics and culture. Call it “applied history.” What insights
does it offer during a catastrophe that evokes the Spanish flu after World War
I, which claimed 50 million — some reckon 100 million — lives?
That story
comes with a word of caution about historical analogies. Zakaria ascribes “seismic
effects” to such cataclysms. Ancient Athens, a proud democracy, never recovered
from the plague. The late-medieval Black Death all but wiped out Europe with a
toll between 75 million and 200 million. Yet note that it was estimated to have
run for 100 years. The Spanish flu trickled away after two. As mortality soared
in the United States, the economy dropped by only 3.5 percent. It took until
the 1930s before we could actually see a virus under the electron microscope.
Today, SARS-CoV-2 was sequenced almost instantaneously.
The past,
then, is like the Sphinx with her ambiguous advice. Not only has science
learned a few things. So have governments, which went for penny-pinching and
deflation after the Crash of 1929, but now pour out trillions.
Having laid
out a “gloomy compendium of threats,” Zakaria rightly celebrates “our resilient
world.” States actually “gain strength through chaos and crises.” He also
dispatches the facile notion that despots like China’s Xi Jinping do better
than democratic leaders. We owe the coronavirus’s leap around the globe to
China’s suppression of lifesaving data; thereafter, the police state took over.
Khamenei’s Iran and Erdogan’s Turkey performed badly, and so did Brazil, ruled
by a would-be caudillo.
The
democracies did not succumb to authoritarianism, but neither is there any clear
pattern. At least until recently Germany, Denmark and Austria performed best,
Belgium, Sweden and the United Kingdom worst. Taiwan and South Korea quickly
contained the virus without totalitarian tactics. The United States is so-so,
near the bottom of the Top 10 in deaths per million. So, what are the lessons?
What
matters is not the ideological coloration of government or its size, but its
quality, Zakaria says. He argues for “a competent, well-functioning, trusted
state.” Sweden is all that, but also high up on the League Table of Death. The
United States has proved neither competent nor cohesive. It is an archipelago
of some 2,600 federal, state and local authorities charged with health policy.
Yet federal
Germany, with its ancient history of decentralization, is also a hodgepodge and
still shines forth. The ur-model of the strong state is France. In terms of
deaths per million, it ranks far above confederate Switzerland, with its 26
cantons jealously holding off Berne.
So, what is
good governance? An efficient bureaucracy like Prussia’s, infused with the
spirit of freedom rooted in the American Creed? Beyond your small-town D.M.V.,
the United States seems to enjoy neither. Social Security is superb, Veterans
Affairs a disaster. Meanwhile, officialdom has grown exponentially in a
supposedly “anti-statist” country. America, Zakaria says, must learn “not big
or small, but good government.” Amen to that — though not forgetting
Churchill’s quip that the United States will eventually do the right thing
after exhausting all the alternatives.
Zakaria
lays out the road from the pandemic to the transcendence of America the
Dysfunctional. The to-do list is long. Upward mobility is down, inequality is
up. The universities of the United States lead the global pack, but a B.A. at
one of those top schools comes with a price tag upward of a quarter-million
dollars. The country boasts the best medical establishment, but health care for
the masses might just as well dwell on the moon.
We should
adopt the best practices of northern Europe, Zakaria counsels. Like Sweden long
ago, Denmark is the new Promised Land, even when compared with the rest of
Europe. Striking a wondrous balance between efficiency, market economics and
equality, those great Danes embody an inspiring model; alas, it is hard to
transfer. A small and homogeneous country on the edge of world politics,
Denmark is the very opposite of the United States. Maybe its people should
occupy America for a couple of generations to reform 330 million über-diverse
citizens.
The world’s
troubles are not just Made in U.S.A., Zakaria rightly notes. They are rooted in
ultra-modernity: globalization, automation, alienation, mass migration, the
lure and decay of the world’s sprawling metropolises. These are the stuff of
misery — and the fare of cultural critics since the dawn of the industrial age.
With his
lively language and to-the-point examples, Zakaria tells the story well, while
resisting boilerplate as served up by the left and the right. Nor does he spare
his own liberal class, the “meritocracy” of the best educated and better off,
which he fingers ever so gently as deepening the divide between urban and
rural, elites and “deplorables.” He might have said a bit more about the uses
and abuses of cultural hegemony that have driven hoi polloi into the arms of
Donald Trump and triggered defections from the democratic left in Europe.
The book’s
central message comes in the last paragraph: “This ugly pandemic has … opened
up a path to a new world.” Which one? The gist of Zakaria’s program is revealed
by a recent editorial in The Financial Times, which he quotes approvingly. That
newspaper was once a cheerleader of global capitalism. Now it argues that “many
rich societies” do not honour “a social contract that benefits everyone.” So,
the neoliberalism of decades past must yield to “radical reforms.” Governments
“will have to accept a more active role in the economy. They must see public
services as investments. … Redistribution will again be on the agenda; the
privileges of the … wealthy in question.” Now is the time for “basic income and
wealth taxes.”
Not bad for
a supposedly capitalist mouthpiece. Yet this should not come as a surprise.
Both The Financial Times and Zakaria’s book urge a revolution already upon us,
and probably represent today’s zeitgeist and reality. Free-market economics à
la Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher have had a nice run since the 1980s.
These days, Covid-19 is merely accelerating the mental turn engendered by the
2008 financial crisis. We are all social democrats now.
Government
in the West is back with industrial policy and trillions in cash. It is not a
radical, but a consensual project. Taxation, a tool of redistribution, will
rise along with border walls. For the more perfect welfare state can flourish
only in a well-fenced world that brakes the influx of competing people and
products.
If that
mends the miserable American health, transportation and public education system
without cutting into the country’s dynamism, then more power to the
spendthrift. Still, “writing checks,” Zakaria warns, sometimes “goes badly.”
Especially if it feeds consumption, not investment. Or favours
giga-corporations. After half a lifetime of retraction from the economy, big
government is back — and looks as if it will stay. But beware of what you wish
for.
Meanwhile,
read “Ten Lessons.” It is an intelligent, learned and judicious guide for a
world already in the making. May we all be as smart as the Danes. They have
marvellously combined welfarism and individual responsibility. But they have
not invented the PC, MRT, iPhone or Tesla, not to speak of Post-its and the
microwave popcorn bag.
Original Headline: Fareed Zakaria Looks at Life
After the Pandemic
Source: The New York Times
URL: https://newageislam.com/books-documents/‘ten-lessons-post-pandemic-world’/d/123125
New
Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism