By
Muhammad Amir Rana
23 Aug 2020
MOST
Muslim-majority nations are enduring yet another phase of the ‘politics of
ummah’. However, heedful of their domestic challenges, they are also striving
to readjust their geopolitical priorities in accordance with their own economic
and political realities. The concept of ummah has always remained central to
the Muslim world, mainly as a religious ethos of unity. At the same time, it
has been undergoing a process of deconstruction, where the states as well as
non-state actors have been shaping its new contours.
Recent
developments in the Middle East, especially the agreement between Israel and
the UAE for normalisation of bilateral relations, and the reported tensions
between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, are merely the undercurrents of the brewing
political crisis in the Muslim world. Apparently, it seems the Gulf states,
especially Saudi Arabia, have already made some hard decisions linked to their geostrategic
realignment which could entail their desertion of the custodianship of the
Muslim world or ummah. Many would argue that fast-changing geopolitical
realities, growing economic upheavals, increasing socio-political disquiet, and
mounting grievances of the youth in these countries are forcing the Gulf
leaders to transform their geostrategic and political approaches.
Still, it
is hard to presume that Saudi Arabia and its Gulf allies have lost their belief
in the concept and the politics of ummah. Leadership of the ummah confers huge
political and strategic value in regional and global politics, which will make
it hard for these countries to withdraw their claim to it. Rather, they are
worried on account of the other contenders to leadership, mainly an alternative
bloc led by Turkey, Iran, Qatar and to some extent Malaysia.
However,
religious institutions and clergy have nurtured an altogether different
worldview among ordinary Muslims in many parts of the Muslim world, which,
though it may not be compatible with the narratives promoted by their
respective states, usually resonates with the sentiments of non-state actors of
violent and non-violent shades.
The ‘ummah’
is a religious concept, used to describe the worldwide community of Muslims.
The pan-Islamist and brotherhood movements had constructed a political delusion
around the concept, and the Muslim world (states and societies) have been
fantasising about the concept for decades. They have tried to build a political
community of Muslims: the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) is one such
manifestation. The Gulf states have effectively manoeuvred the notion: they
blended it with Arab nationalism during the socioeconomic transition period
from the 1960s to the last decade. Many Gulf states led by Saudi Arabia
narrowed the scope of the ummah to Wahabi Islam and made a huge investment in
exporting it across the Muslim world and Muslim diaspora communities, and
extracted political support for their regimes.
The Saudis
are not going to abandon the idea of leading the ummah because that would mean
losing enormous strategic value in their international relations. While the
‘influence’ they wield by being leaders of the ummah makes them an important
global player, their strong alliance with the US makes them ‘potent’ among
Muslim countries. To further consolidate this two-pronged strength, Saudi
Arabia formed an alliance of 40 Muslim countries called the Islamic Military
Counterterrorism Coalition. Many would argue the Saudis’ real aim in doing so
was to raise troops for Yemen and counter Iran in the region. Of course, Saudi
Arabia was not doing this as a religious service or to serve the ummah’s
collective interests, yet many small Muslim countries joined the Saudi-led
‘Muslim NATO’ for their own economic interests. However, the alliance was bound
to fail because it had a very narrow focus and revolved around the interests of
a particular state.
For the
ordinary Muslim, visualising politics separately from religion is not an easy
task: the pan-Islamist and Brotherhood movements have changed the worldview of
many Muslim societies. By targeting the education sector, they have transformed
Muslim societies’ political views to the extent that it will take a long time
to rediscover the lost religious value of the concept of ummah.
The
Palestinian issue has remained on top of the OIC agenda. While the Gulf states
have maintained solidarity with the Palestinians, non-state actors have
developed their narratives around the Palestinian-Israel issue and their
allegedly corrupt regimes who they believe are not taking the issue seriously.
Interestingly, the public has largely consumed the narrative of ‘corrupt
regimes’ that is promoted by non-state actors and like-minded religious
leaders, but the educated classes still refuse to borrow the idea of an
alternative state system which undermines democracy and associated freedoms.
Non-state actors also failed to sell their models of alternative state systems
after the Arab Spring uprisings. But they still remain relevant in political
and religious discourses of their societies.
Non-state
actors could exploit the emerging political developments to their advantage.
The major violent groups Al Qaeda and Islamic State have not reacted to the
UAE-Israel deal yet. Both groups have been significantly weakened and might not
be able to launch big attacks immediately, but they could use the situation in
support of their argument against the Muslim regimes and Israel.
Destruction
of Israel and opposing ‘apostate’ regimes in the Muslim world remains at the
top of Al Qaeda’s agenda. IS and Al Qaeda differ on the strategic and tactical
level but both share certain political objectives? They are desperately trying
to make a comeback but their political compulsions have made them weak. For
instance, Al Qaeda in Afghanistan is hamstrung because it is an ally of the
Afghan Taliban who have successfully made a deal with the US and entered into
negotiations with the Afghan government and civil society. This is the scenario
unless Al Qaeda breaks ties with the Taliban.
However,
other non-violent religious groups and leaders have become vocal critics of the
recent development in the Middle East. This is dangerous turf for Muslim
countries like Pakistan with has diverse sectarian landscapes. The Saudi and
Iranian blocs have made huge investments in their respective religious
communities and the time has come to reap the dividends. Pro-Saudi religious
leaders are faced with a major dilemma over how to stand firm on their
anti-Semitism while supporting their Arab mentors.
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Muhammad
Amir Rana is a security analyst.
Original
Headline: Changes in the Muslim world
Source: The Dawn, Pakistan
URL: https://newageislam.com/radical-islamism-jihad/the-pan-islamist-brotherhood-movements/d/122703