By
Zahid Hussain
29 Jul 2020
THE dreaded
militant outfit that once held sway over Pakistan’s former Fata may have been
driven out from its stronghold and splintered, but its sanctuaries across the
border in Afghanistan remain a security threat for the region. A recent spike
in the attacks on Pakistani security forces in North Waziristan district and
reports of reactivation of terrorist cells must be a cause of concern.
Banned Organisation Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan
----
A recent UN
monitoring team report has revealed that most of the 6,000 to 6,500 Pakistani
militants in Afghanistan belong to the various factions of the banned
Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan. They are now operating from their bases in eastern
Afghanistan. While many recent terrorist attacks in Pakistan have been traced
to TTP splinter groups, some of the fugitive militants have joined the
self-styled Islamic State (IS) group and are not only fighting the Afghan and
American forces but are also engaged in a turf war with the Afghan Taliban. The
original leadership of the Khorasan chapter of the outfit came from the ranks
of TTP fugitives in Afghanistan.
There has
been a marked escalation in the terrorist attacks claimed by the group, whose
origins lie in the Middle East, following the February peace deal between the
US and the Afghan Taliban. It has recently carried out some spectacular
terrorist attacks in the Afghan capital Kabul, targeting civilians in an effort
to disrupt the Afghan peace process. The UN report estimates the membership of
the IS in Afghanistan at 2,200.
Although
its numbers have depleted in the last few years, IS has shown that it has the
capacity to penetrate high-security zones via suicide bombings. Despite losing
territorial control in parts of the eastern Afghan province of Nangarhar to the
Afghan Taliban, IS has proved its effectiveness at carrying out attacks.
The rise in
activities of the mutated TTP factions on both sides of the Pak-Afghan border
raises some serious questions. Such a large number of trained militants
dislocated from their home bases and with no resources could easily be turned
into mercenaries and would be willing to work for vested interest groups and
foreign intelligence agencies. The ongoing war in Afghanistan and regional
conflicts make it easier for these mercenaries to be used as proxies. The
recent militant attacks in North Waziristan district and other parts of the
county seemed well-planned.
Surely the
splinter groups do not have the capacity and support base to re-establish their
control in their former strongholds. But they can create problems for the
security agencies. The danger is more serious with the situation in the former
tribal areas, particularly Waziristan, not yet fully settled. It could get
worse with the conflict in Afghanistan.
Most of the
TTP leaders were either killed or had fled to Afghanistan after the military
operations in the former tribal regions. Among them was Mullah Fazlullah who
became the leader of the TTP after the killing of Hakeemullah Mehsud in a CIA
drone strike in 2013. After fleeing the Swat operation, he had taken refuge in
the neighbouring Afghan province of Kunar that had long been the centre of
radical Islamic militancy.
The fleeing
militants continued to engage in cross-border attacks presumably with the
support of their Afghan allies. It is unclear whether Fazlullah had received
any support from elements of the Afghan Taliban. The killing of Fazlullah in
2018 in an American drone strike led to the further disintegration of the
group.
In this
period, many other TTP commanders who had aligned with IS were also killed as
the American forces intensified their offensive against the militant group.
Their association with IS had also brought the elements of the TTP into
confrontation with the Afghan Taliban. There is, however, a question mark
hanging over the relationship between the other TTP factions and the Afghan
Taliban. It’s a complex situation indeed.
Whatever
remains of the TTP in Afghanistan has suffered the most serious blow this year
when three of its top commanders were found dead in mysterious circumstances
outside Kabul. Among them was also Sheikh Khalid Haqqani, once deputy chief of
the TTP and a member of the group’s leadership council. He was also believed to
be one of the masterminds of the December 2014 attack on Peshawar’s Army Public
School that killed almost 150 students and staff members. The others were Qari
Saif Younas and Saifullah Peshawari. Both were top commanders. All three were
reportedly associated with IS.
A few weeks
later, another TTP factional leader, Shahryar Mehsud, was also killed in a
blast in eastern Kunar province. No one has claimed responsibility for those
killings but they could have been caused by factional infighting or have been
the work of some intelligence agency. The presence of TTP commanders in
Afghanistan reinforces Pakistan’s allegation that many of the terrorist attacks
that occurred in northwest Pakistan were planned across the border. Pakistani
security agencies believe that hostile intelligence agencies abroad have been
involved in terrorism. It sounds plausible given the ongoing regional
conflicts.
Across-the-border
militant sanctuaries are often used for proxy wars. The UN report, which states
that thousands of anti-Pakistan militants are operating in Afghanistan, only
reinforces earlier reports of the TTP’s cross-border operations. It’s not only
the TTP but also groups like the Balochistan Liberation Army that have
allegedly found safe haven in Afghanistan.
And it’s
not just about Afghanistan but also militant sanctuaries inside Pakistan
allegedly engaging in cross-border terrorist activities. By not taking action
against militant safe havens, countries lose their sovereignty. Pakistan has
paid hugely for its wrong policies of allowing militant sanctuaries on its soil
in the past. But we can’t afford more such adventures at the risk of our own
sovereignty and national security.
With the
ongoing war in the country, the Afghan government may not have the kind of
control needed to take action against militant sanctuaries, but the danger is
that outside interests could exploit this situation. One of the most significant
points of the US-Taliban peace deal is not to allow Afghan soil to be used for
action against other countries. It will also be a part of the political
settlement in the war-torn country. More importantly, there is a need for an
agreement on the issue of regional security.
Zahid
Hussain is an author and journalist.
Original
Headline: Regional militant sanctuaries
Source: The Dawn, Pakistan