By
Fathima Azmiya Badurdeen
February
25, 2021
The
gender-dynamics of submission and subordination within families and the
community contributes to the radical group’s female recruitments, shows a
study.
The
direct involvement of women and girls in terrorism has attracted increased
interest as the nature of recruitment tactics has evolved. In Kenya, their
involvement in terrorist networks, such as the Al-Shabaab, is an emerging
trend. The recruitment of female members is most evident in Kenya’s coastal and
north-eastern counties but has also been reported in many other counties.
Women
and girls have been identified as recruiters for the terrorist group, logistics
planners, and financial conduits, spies for terrorist activities and in some
cases, masterminds behind terrorist attacks or conveners of terror cells.
The
Al-Shabaab, or “the youth”, emerged in the mid-2000s as an offshoot of a
Jihadist movement that peaked during Somalia’s civil war in the 1990s. Driven
out of Mogadishu in 2006, it continues to pursue its main aim of establishing
an Islamic state in Somalia through violent means. It has carried out repeated
deadly attacks in Somalia but also in Kenya and Uganda. Both contribute troops
to the African Union force in Somalia.
In
one of my previous studies, I found that women may participate willingly
because the extremist ideology resonates with their religiously inclined
cultural values. They may also join due to the financial benefits that come
with belonging to or associating with the group. Also, women may be forced or
coerced to join through deception or intimidation.
In
my most recent study, I looked at different ways in which recruitment occurs to
analyse the diverse motivations of women and girls to join Al-Shabaab in the
coastal region of Kenya. In particular, I sought to establish the
“voluntariness” of their decisions – in other words, did they sign up on their
own volition?
I
interviewed 36 women or girls who had returned home from terrorist camps or
defected from the network. I generated 16 case accounts of women and girls who
explained “voluntariness” in Al-Shabaab recruitment.
The
study revealed that the gender-dynamics of submission and subordination within
families and the community contributes to Al-Shabaab recruitment. However,
there were political and ideological motivations too.
But
what do we mean by voluntary?
Recruitment
was deemed to be voluntary if a woman or girl – without duress – elected to
join the Al-Shabaab network. Recruitment was viewed as involuntary if it
occurred through deceptive or coercive means.
However,
I must caution that voluntary and involuntary are not always mutually
exclusive. I found that depending on allegiances, social interactions,
ideological resonance, and changing circumstances within and beyond the
Al-Shabaab network, recruits may reverse their original views.
Furthermore,
there is a need to examine different aspects of autonomous decision-making.
Some women who join terrorist networks do so to assert themselves within
systems of oppression and patriarchy, and to embrace the lure of emancipation
within the utopian caliphate.
In
my study, four main circumstances emerged as the reasons behind decisions to
join Al-Shabaab.
Al-Shabaab
thrives on the narrative of Kenya as a Christian state oppressing Muslims in
Somalia and Kenya. Photo credit: Reuters/ Stringer
Defending
faith
Al-Shabaab
thrives on the narrative of Kenya as a Christian state oppressing Muslims in
Somalia and Kenya. This resonates with the global marginalisation of Muslims.
Political and religious motivations came up during our interviews, as well as
the expressed desire to support or defend fellow Muslims.
Two
women explained their motivations to be wives of martyrs and to play their role
to support the Muslim Ummah, or community. Nine interviewees explained how
ideology influenced their decisions to support the Al-Shabaab. These decisions
belie Kenyan media accounts of naive girls manipulated through romantic notions
of Jihadi brides or wives.
“I
read a lot of materials,” Aisha, 25-year-old at the time, an Al-Shabaab
returnee who defected after two years said. “I was sad at how Muslims were
treated as a second class group. I did not want my people to suffer, I needed
to do something. I wanted to assist them in Somalia.”
Reacting
to personal crisis
Al-Shabaab
recruitment thrives on revenge among individuals who see the state as the
perpetrator of the injustices suffered in their lives. A crisis event in the
life of women and girls – such as the police killing a loved one – was found to
be an important tipping point. Some women join extremist networks to avenge the
death of a husband, fiancé or son at the hands of government security actors.
There
is also evidence of recruiters penetrating existing networks of aggrieved
women, including relatives of fallen Al-Shabaab members. Peer influence is used
to influence or coerce women to follow the relative’s cause.
Close
interpersonal relations
Daily
interactions with family, friends and peers also shaped the decision to join
the network in nine out of the 16 case studies. A woman’s autonomy in marital
relationships may be constrained in ways that push her to follow her husband or
other influential male relatives’ lead.
The
decision to join is autonomous if it is her choice. Nevertheless, her choice
may be coerced within marital and family relationships. This occurs when a
woman exhibits excessive deference to the wishes of her family members.
Ideology
rubbing off
Some
women may have been recruited involuntarily. However, after a prolonged period
of time in the terrorist camp or association with terrorist fighters, three of
the 16 identified for this study accepted the ideology and subsequently
volunteered to join Al-Shabaab.
Mary,
a Muslim convert, was recruited by a friend in the guise of a job in Somalia.
She was 18-year-old when she was recruited in 2015. In camp, she was subjected
to work and religious indoctrination.
“After
a few days, I was worn out,” she said. “I was also learning the religion…I kind
of started to accept it. I felt it was right to fight for our [Muslim] freedom.
It was like a moral obligation. I wanted to be a part of the Al-Shabaab
network.”
Conclusion
An
examination of the political and ideological motivations behind women joining
the Al-Shabaab shows that in some cases, they do make autonomous decisions
based on their response to the grievances of the Muslim community.
But
other structural and cultural factors were at play such as the patriarchal
set-up in families and their communities. Some women’s decision making
conformed to subservient attitudes and roles. These women, mainly from the
coastal Muslim communities, revealed that they were subject to traditional
gender roles, suggesting deference to social norms.
But
not all women joining the Al-Shabaab lived lives of subjugation prior joining.
Some returnees had good family lives or were happily settled.
Fathima
Azmiya Badurdeen is a Lecturer at the Department of Social Sciences, Technical
University of Mombasa.
Original
headline: Kenyan women and girls on why they joined Al-Shabaab terrorists
Source:
The
Conversation
URL: https://newageislam.com/radical-islamism-jihad/a-study-kenyan-women-girls/d/124393
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