Pakistan Press on Pakistan’s Majoritarian Assertion, Menace of Rape and Afghan Taliban: New Age Islam's Selection, 21 September 2020
By
New Age Islam Edit Bureau
21
September 2020
•
Pakistan’s Violent majoritarian assertion
Umair
Javed
•The
Taliban sanctions
By
Muhammad Amir Rana
•Putting
an end to rape
By
Farwa Naqvi
•Don’t
burn your fingers in Gilgit and Baltistan
By Dr
Syed Nazir Gilani
•
Sindh, a victim of political tyranny
By
Salman Ali
-----
Pakistan’s
Violent Majoritarian Assertion
By
Umair Javed
21 Sep 2020
THE phrase
‘sectarian tensions’ used to describe events over the last few weeks, and
trends stretching back a few months, is highly misleading. It depicts a
situation of contention between two groups, with no indication of their
respective demographic and political heft. In essence, it masks the fact that
the various organisations (and the societal segments they claim to speak for)
purportedly engaged in creating this tension are extremely unequal. A better
term in this instance, as in nearly every instance of ‘sectarian tension’ in
Pakistan’s political history, is ‘majoritarian assertion’ — ie the dangerous
politics that emerges from the combination of misplaced insecurity on part of a
majority, ideological absolutism, and furthering of individual and/ or institutional
ambition. In this case, that of hard-right Barelvi and Deobandi leaders and
organisations.
While
writing this, one can pre-empt the scepticism bound to emerge over the use of
the term ‘majoritarianism’. Many argue that the vast majority of those who
belong to dominant sects have no such desire for absolutism fuelled by
insecurity; that inter-sect relations are, even today, largely stable, if not
cordial; and that what was seen in Islamabad this past week is merely the
workings of a lunatic fringe.
The
unfortunate part of these well-intentioned arguments is that they miss out on
how conflict is often loosely related to mass sentiment. Conflict, or violent
assertion in this case, can emerge simply on the ‘claim’ of representing public
sentiment, regardless of the accuracy of that claim. So when people point out
that those labelling others as heretics or worse are simply a lunatic fringe,
they ignore the historical damage caused by such fringes in Pakistan’s own
past.
It is worth
remembering that the movement to declare Ahmadis as non-Muslims under law was
championed by relatively small, tightly organised Islamist groups, who pushed
public and political discourse towards their stated goals. And with a PPP
government eager to burnish its own credentials and appease them for expedient
purposes, the actual numbers mattered far less in the final reckoning.
What are
the factors behind this violent assertion, and what aspects of the current
political dispensation continue to enable it?
This
chapter from Pakistan’s history, and the Islamisation of the Penal Code that
followed in the subsequent decade (again for expedient purposes championed by
the state) should serve as a constant reminder that mass sentiment is an
extremely imprecise gauge of political possibilities.
There is
also a concurrent need to interrogate the roots of this current upsurge in
violent assertion. What are the factors behind it, and what aspects of the
current political dispensation continue to enable it?
Given the
sordid history of state involvement in using religious groups for political
purposes, the possibly orchestrated nature of this current trend cannot be
ruled out. However, unlike say the Faizabad dharna in the past, there is little
to suggest (so far) that there are clear-cut political goals that could be
achieved by an orchestration of this nature. This premise also ascribes limited
autonomy to religious groups and endless agency to the state, both of which we
know to be untrue in the recent past.
Other
standard explanations seem to work better in this case. For many decades, and
increasingly more so in the last two, competition within the majority sect
between adherents of Deobandi and Barelvi organisations has become far more
active. This is partly because of the reinvention of the Barelvi movement from
a historically rural shrine elite-led phenomenon to a new mass urban
madressah-based one, with a proliferation of associated organisations. The most
obvious example of this is the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan, but in most urban centres,
one can encounter any number of smaller neighbourhood-based organisations of a
similar nature competing with others for followers and donations.
This
showcasing of their ‘brand’ in competition within the larger field of Islamist
organisations has come at the cost of minority sects, who are propped up as the
conspiring enemy to engender identity formation, polarisation, and entrenched
feelings of victimhood. If one pays attention to the abhorrent rhetoric on
display in recent days, the process of framing identity as one of a majority
under attack by a minority remains extremely prevalent.
This
competition to claim more resources, power, greater ‘prestige’ within the field
of Islamist politics, and appear ‘truer’ to the faith is not going away anytime
soon. These organisations are reasonably well-rooted and have cultivated
sustained followings, even if they constitute a relatively small segment of the
population. Any prescriptive policy that wants to limit the potential damage
here would need a strategy beyond just wishing them away. Such a strategy would
have to put the role of mainstream political parties front and centre.
Unfortunately,
the three major parties, the PPP, PML-N, and PTI, have been more than happy to
draw on such groups for expedient gain. All three have cultivated electoral
alliances with hard-line Sunni groups, they’ve shared political stages with
their leaders to burnish their own pious credentials, and instrumentalised
their rhetoric to damage their opponents. In recent days, the ruling party’s
coalition partner in Punjab, the PML-Q, played an immensely negative role in
the current wave of violent assertion by championing divisive legislation in
the province. Through it, its leaders have been able to further resuscitate
their political careers, while bearing no punishment for the societal
radicalisation it is contributing towards.
The
dispiriting bit is that mainstream political parties are also, theoretically
speaking, the only force that can prevent these issues from spiralling out of
control — not just because they control the levers of government at various
tiers, but also because as organisations they’re the only ones with possible
reach in society. The dangerous nature of recent events demands that the three
major mainstream parties close ranks on this particular issue, limit the
escalation of violent rhetoric, and enforce the constitutional protections
offered to all citizens. Failure to do so will only lead to further violence,
as has so often been the case in the past.
-----
Umair Javed
teaches politics and sociology at Lums.
https://www.dawn.com/news/1580821/violent-assertion
-----
The
Taliban Sanctions
By
Muhammad Amir Rana
20 Sep 2020
THE
initiation of the intra-Afghan dialogue in Doha has raised optimism about
achieving political reconciliation in Afghanistan. The stakeholders are
apparently aware that this could be a patchy and lengthy process, and that they
may need to review their positions from time to time during the whole
discourse.
One
critical issue, which has factored in both the US-Taliban deal as well as the
commencement of intra-Afghan dialogue, is the Afghan Taliban’s relationship
with foreign militants in Afghanistan. There are indications that the Taliban
have begun a review process to address this concern of Afghan and external
stakeholders.
Former
Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) spokesperson Ehsanullah Ehsan, who escaped
from custody a few months ago, surprised many last week with a tweet in which
he claimed that an Afghan Taliban delegation was negotiating new terms with the
TTP for the latter’s stay in Afghanistan. According to him, the Taliban have
come up with 27 rules for foreign militant groups, including Al Qaeda, Islamic
State (IS) and the TTP. These conditions also include not using Afghan
territory against any other country.
Ehsan also
claimed that the Afghan Taliban have made it mandatory for foreign militants to
register themselves with full identification with them. Foreign militants have
also been asked to pledge to not recruit new fighters, stay in the places
designated by the Taliban, and inform the latter about their movements.
One
critical issue remains the Taliban’s relationship with foreign militants in
Afghanistan.
The TTP has
reportedly rejected these terms, but both sides have decided to continue talks.
Though
independent sources have not verified the claim, it is understandable why the
Afghan Taliban would issue such instructions to foreign militants. They made a
commitment in the Doha deal, reached on Feb 29, that they would not allow any
terrorist individual or group to use Afghan soil against the US and its allies.
The foreign
militants issue will certainly come under discussion in the intra-Afghan
dialogue at some point, and the Afghan Taliban may share some plans, including
granting foreign militants citizenship if they commit to living there
peacefully. The Taliban’s recent conditions for foreign militants also seem to
indicate this may be a possibility. Such a proposal echoes the Dayton Accords,
1995, between Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia. At the time of the agreement, the
total number of foreign fighters in Bosnia — who had entered the country from
1992 to 1994 and fought along with the Bosnian civil defence forces — was
estimated to be as many as 5,000. Many fighters were integrated as a separate
battalion within the Bosnian Armed Forces. These fighters were required to
leave the Balkans under the Dayton Agreement’s terms, but the majority stayed
there and a third were granted Bosnian citizenship.
It is not
certain if the Taliban’s potential offer would work for all foreign militants —
the TTP’s accepting to stay peacefully under the Afghan Taliban’s patronage is
especially highly doubtful — but the experiment produced mixed results in
Bosnia, and only a few had continued their militant activities. After 9/11,
pressure on the Bosnian authorities increased; as a result, more than 1,000
citizenships were revoked.
However, it
will be hard for the TTP to accept the Afghan Taliban’s conditions, as the
group would not want to abandon its stance against Pakistan. Meanwhile, the TTP
might try to relocate its infrastructure in Pakistan. However, there is very
little probability that it would be able to hold any territory inside Pakistan
for long or run its operations effectively on the ground. If it changes its
strategies and splits the group into small circles and cells, it could sustain
terror operations for a while, but in the long run its organisational structure
will weaken and internal differences will ultimately create a crisis within the
rank and file. In that case, sectarian groups could take more prominent
leadership roles.
The second
option the TTP will consider is to operate as a proxy of nations hostile to
Pakistan. In that case, it would stay in Afghanistan, but maintaining its
relationship with the Afghan Taliban would become complex. The TTP’s nexus with
IS in Afghanistan could become a probability, but both have a history of
accusing each other of being proxies of their enemies. Even their nexus would
not create a big impact, as IS is a weak organisation and not in a position to
provide any financial, politico-ideological or operational support to the TTP.
From the
TTP’s angle, the least promising option would be to accept a possible
surrender-and-reconciliation option offered by Pakistan; the Afghan Taliban
could help such a deal. The chances of such a deal are, however, very bleak, as
the TTP’s leadership has not accepted such offers even in the past.
Nonetheless, the Afghanistan situation has brought the TTP at a crossroads once
again. On the one hand, its leadership is trying to unify its factions to fight
against Pakistan, and on the other it has the fear of losing the patronage of
the Afghan Taliban.
Al Qaeda’s
case is different. It may show more flexibility to the Taliban conditions.
During the Doha talks between the US and Taliban, reports appeared that the
Taliban had consulted Al Qaeda’s leadership before signing the deal. It is not
possible that the US would not be aware of it. The US, Afghanistan and Nato
countries will not have serious concerns if Al Qaeda’s leadership guarantees
that it is going to live peacefully in Afghanistan. The recent statement by the
Al Qaeda chief, Ayman al-Zawahiri, issued on Sept 11, 2020, did not mention the
US and Afghan Taliban deal. Analysts perceive it in the context of increasing
pressure on the group by the Taliban. Secondly, Al Qaeda’s leadership wants to
remain calm unless they find another place to relocate. Al Qaeda will not try
to sabotage the peace process in Afghanistan and will hope that the Taliban
come to power, which may change all the equations for the group again.
----
Muhammad
Amir Rana is a security analyst.
https://www.dawn.com/news/1580659/the-taliban-sanctions
-----
Putting
an End To Rape
By
Farwa Naqvi
September
21, 2020
\In the
face of the high-profile gang-rape a few days ago, different cultural,
societal, institutional, and ideological debates surfaced. These have always
been imbibed in Pakistan’s national thought but as responses to such heinous
criminal atrocity, these were not only unsuitable but also basically perpetuate
the culture of rape.
Men took on
to habitually mansplain women and the nation about rape and rape punishment on
every platform: be it parliament, talk-shows, or social media. It is quite
amusing and infuriating (simultaneously) to see TV panels full of men with
little to none female representation discussing women’s issues and how to cope
with them. A popular quick-fix was incorporated into the Twitter trend ‘Hang
The Rapist’ and men of the nation decided that this will be the punishment for
criminals. Our prime minister, after many days of the crime, showed up on a TV
show and joined the bandwagon suggesting chemical castration as a better idea
according to him.
The
punishment of gang-rape is a death sentence already but the demand in recent
days has been for the hanging of the rapist publically. This, of course, has
nothing to do with women and what they would deem appropriate, but no one asked
or cares about how women feel and what women want.
This tendency
of getting excited about the idea of public hanging serves masculine tendencies
of aggression. On one side, aggression is directed towards a woman and on the
other, it is redirected onto an xyz rapist. Both are for male amusement. The
fact that they deem women incapable of deciding for themselves is one of the
supreme causes of the problem of rampant sexual crimes in the country.
Which
brings us to: why men rape. Castration suggests that they do it because they
have a sexual organ and if you rid them of it, they will be put to rest.
However, rape doesn’t stem out of sexual needs but out of the need for power
and control. In nations, the culture of misogyny and toxic masculinity breeds
rape culture. Rape is just a symptom of the disease called patriarchy,
misogyny, and toxic masculinity.
The major
factor behind sexual assault or gender assault is inherent misogyny. Women only
exist in two forms for such men, either man is the owner of a woman or a woman
is a sexual object. If she is not your property, as a stranger then she is a
sexual object. And when she is your property, you have all rights over her,
even sexual ones. Think of incestuous rape which accounts for 82 percent of
rape cases in Pakistan and remember these are highly underreported statistics.
These men who rape deem women as inferiors, and even less than humans; hence by
raping them, they put women into their place they have decided for them in
their perception. This is why rapists have zero percent empathy for the victim
because empathy is due to humans, not objects.
Rape is a
depiction of power, dominance, anger, revenge all wrapped up in sexuality. Some
men in patriarchal cultures rape women out of revenge because women are deemed
as property, and the honour of men and families is placed in a woman’s
privates.
All such
instances show only one thing – the denial of woman’s agency, autonomy (also
sexual), and humanity! Same is the case with the third sex. This is why only
this is the antidote to rape. When you give a woman her rights given to her by
the religion and the constitution, see a woman as an equal human being and not
as an inferior being for your amusement or for power and control by dominating
sexually, you halt rape culture. The objectification and sexualization of women
aid the rape culture to stand upright. Harassment needs to be seen from women’s
perspective. It may be men’s idea of fun but normalization of these ideas and
habits transform into a culture of rape. Until there is a change in how men
perceive a woman, no punishment is capable of terminating the rape culture.
The
conviction rate of rapists is less than three percent so with this level of
impunity before looking at the punishment, the system needs reforms on every
level of the procedure. We need sensitive and empathetic women officials free
of rape apology, victim-blaming, and shaming to provide investigative services.
The police reforms that we were promised are needed badly. Even in this recent
case, the role of the police has been highly questionable.
A major
part totally missing in the process is the mental, psychological, and emotional
help for the survivor. Judicial reforms are most desperately needed to
eradicate the major factor of impunity for the abuser. Rape cases go on for
years on end while the abuser is out on bail and the survivor is threatened and
traumatized to forgive by police, the judiciary and family alike; also, given
the high cost of legal help, cases go on for years.
The fact
that there can be a compromise on such a crime is immensely problematic in itself.
Many survivors kill themselves not due to the primary crime but because of the
devastating aftermath that follows. It is impertinent to mention the ruthless
attitude of authorities towards a traumatized human who is questioned again and
again for details that are too heart-shattering for the survivor to speak about
repeatedly.
Lastly,
chemical castration is in no way a solution. After castrating, when the abuser
is sent back into society and that too without years of psychological
treatment, he will come out far more violent and this time with a purpose. A
misogynistic man who has been castrated because of a woman will be many times
more violent towards women than ever before. Rape is not prevented by
castration.
Let’s just
face it; there are no shortcuts or quick fixes to societal pandemics. As much
as men would like to jeer as spectators on the sort of act of aggression they
suggest such as public hanging, they need to be silent, step aside and let
women come forward with their voices, and listen to understand and empathize.
This is about women’s safety and only they know where and what kind of change
is needed because they face harassment on a daily basis. As stated in the
beginning, stop mansplaining and gaslighting women about what they need. They know
their needs, rights, and voice them every day. If you wish to help end the rape
culture, you need to change patriarchy and replace it with equality and
misogyny with empathy. The ones who are not actively participating in the
prevalence of such culture are supporting it passively by allowing it. I say:
to ignore it is to allow it and to allow it is to accept it.
Sexual
assault is not a natural disaster that just happens out of nowhere. A man rapes
a woman or a transgender person or a child or even a male. And he rapes because
the patriarchy, misogyny and culture of rape facilitate him. His intent is
further strengthened and encouraged by impunity and the loopholes in the
procedures respectively.
Rapes
cannot be prevented without killing the rape culture and its sources. Hence,
there are only three steps that help this issue. First, an end of the rape
culture by an end of its sources. Second, reforms, reforms, reforms and third,
prevalence of law and order, and implementation.
----
Farwa
Naqvi is pursuing a psychotherapy license, and working in the media.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/717719-putting-an-end-to-rape
-----
Don’t
Burn Your Fingers in Gilgit And Baltistan
By Dr
Syed Nazir Gilani
September
21, 2020
There is a
burning smell in the air that present PTI Government in Pakistan has plans to
embrace Gilgit and Baltistan as a fifth province or as a ‘provisional fifth
province’ of Pakistan. The reasons advanced are that people here have been left
behind in the enjoyment of their rights and in enjoying the progress made in
various disciplines of life in Pakistan.
There are
retired people from Azad Kashmir and their likes from GB who have been doing
stealth exercises behind the backs of their own people and are encouraging
various circles in Islamabad that it is ideal to bring GB into the territorial
fold of Pakistan.They are suggesting that it could be done by amending article
257 of the Constitution of Pakistan.
People in
all the three parts of Jammu and Kashmir and in the Diaspora are disturbed. PPP
Azad Kashmir, Muslim Conference Azad Kashmir, JKLF, JKCHR, Kashmiri scholars
and some other activists have expressed their deep concern and have advised the
Government to suspend its plans and respect the integrity of the State. The
action would bring Pakistan at par with Indian actions of 5 August 2019, would
be a violation of UN Resolutions on the future of the State, would be a
departure from Pakistan’s stand on Kashmir and above all would be considered as
a betrayal by the people who have sacrificed a generation of their loved ones.
Pakistan would lose trust of the people of the State and there would be
unfolding challenges in the courts, at the UN and it would dislodge the
Pakistani constituency in Kashmir.
Government
of Azad Kashmir would not have made an agreement with the Government of
Pakistan in April 1949, to temporarily take over the administrative control of
GB. The agreement is in place and AJK continues to have a de jure right to
question about the conditions in GB
The
immediate domestic challenge would be under the April 1949 Karachi Agreement.
The challenge would enlarge and people would invoke protection under UN
Security Council Resolutions at various forums. It would be a recipe for
disaster. India would surreptitiously creep in to pitch the people of Jammu and
Kashmir against Pakistan, here and abroad. Even if India does not fish in the
troubled waters, it would exact a quid pro quo. The people of Jammu and Kashmir
would not allow the integrity of the State to be violated in this manner.
The
argument that the people of GB are left behind and the process would lift them,
has no merit. Why did AJK and Pakistan Governments leave them behind from April
1949, when Government of Pakistan entered into an agreement with the Government
of Azad Kashmir and took over the administration of these areas? Azad Kashmir
and Pakistan are bound to provide a good governance as a responsibility assumed
under UNCIP Resolutions. In the absence of Pakistan’s overseeing the
Governments in Azad Kashmir and GB, the UN Commission would have supervised the
two administrations. Under UN Commission’s surveillance these areas would have
developed as Switzerland during the last 71 years.
It would be
an admission by Pakistan that it has failed to discharge its duties assumed
under UNCIP Resolutions in AJK and GB. It is a dereliction of duty and Pakistan
could be flagged at the UN and at other forums for failing to honour its
duties. Human Rights and progress in GB should have remained concurrent to the
corresponding progress made in AJK and Pakistan. If we have failed, we have
accrued a criminal liability. We would be confirming the Emma Nicholson’s
report adopted by the European Parliament in April 2007 that these areas have
been treated like a colony.
There is an
argument that elders of the area have acceded to Pakistan and this view is
pushed through by a half-baked legal opinion of a retired judge from Azad
Kashmir. If that were true Government of Azad Kashmir would not have made an
agreement with the Government of Pakistan in April 1949, to temporarily take
over the administrative control of GB. The agreement is in place and AJK
continues to have a de jure right to question about the conditions in GB. Azad
Kashmir High Court has also ruled on the transfer of GB into the administration
of Azad Kashmir. Supreme Court of Azad Kashmir has offered a relief against the
transfer at this point. The argument relied upon is like a bull in a China
shop.
United
Nations Resolutions are very clear on GB as a part of the State of Jammu and
Kashmir. To understand the title of the GB one need not research any hard but
make a reference to Lease of Gilgit – an agreement signed between the Maharaja
of Jammu Kashmir and the British Crown on 26 March 1935 under which The Viceroy
and Governor General of India “assumed the Civil and Military administration of
so much of the Wazarat of Gilgit Province of the State of Jammu and Kashmir…but
not withstanding anything in this agreement the said territory shall continue
to be included within the dominions of His Highness the Maharaja of Jammu and
Kashmir”. The agreement was for sixty years and comprises of five articles. And
if we have a faith that we shall be able to exact a UN supervised referendum,
GB is an important vote bank.
The
collapse of Kashmir policy started from November 1965. It began to gather
strength in late 1990s. In August 1996 JKCHR lodged an eight-page protest with
the President of Pakistan and questioned the merits of his Kashmir policy.
Unfortunately, he introduced his 4-points and coerced Hurriet to leave their
constitutional discipline and board his wagon to sell the 4-point formula.
President Musharraf skipped self-determination from his speech made at the 61st
session of UN GA in September 2006 and Pakistan again skipped
self-determination at the 62nd session of UN GA in October 2007. President
Musharraf told NDTV in December 2006 that “Pakistan is also ready to give up
its old demand for a plebiscite in Kashmir and will also forget all the UN
resolutions under the 4-point solution”. Musharraf formula is history but we
have decided to burn our fingers in Gilgit and Baltistan.
----
Dr Syed
Nazir Gilani is President of London based Jammu and Kashmir Council for Human
Rights – NGO in Special Consultative Status with the United Nations
https://dailytimes.com.pk/668962/dont-burn-your-fingers-in-gilgit-and-baltistan/
-----
Sindh, a
victim of political tyranny
By
Salman Ali
September
21, 2020
Province
Sindh is confronted by a plethora of chronic problems. Rapid population growth,
extreme poverty, poor governance and most importantly poor law and order
situation have devastated the peaceful and progressive Sindhi society.
It is a
painful and sheer reality that our rulers and bureaucrats are unable to
understand that this axiomatic truth of human resource management and good
governance that without improving good governance it will not be possible to
stabilise the alarming population growth rate and eradicate extreme poverty
from the resources-rich province.
Indeed,
Sindh is not poor, it is an enviably resources-rich province in Pakistan but it
has been a victim of politics of successive past rulers and even the present
one to keep its people poor because the poor and illiterate people can easily
be exploited to perpetuate the feudal framework or aristocracy, plutocracy or
‘waderacracy’ in Sindh province. That is what actually happening in Sindh.
As I am
living in Sindh from past few years, let me explain for my readers what I feel
here, this province is beset with a lot of problems. Agriculture, the main
source of livelihood of Sindhi people and their spiritual love, has been
greatly destroyed by the feudal lords. Kidnapping for ransom is rising in
various parts of the province particularly in Khairpur, Jacobabad, Kashmore,
Dadu and some other interior areas.
In Sindh
out of 12 million children, 6.7 million are out of school. 52 percent of these
out of school children are girls. Meanwhile, 47 percent of government primary
schools have to get by with only one teacher
People are
abducted as desired by the Pirs&Waderas moreover, despite the legislation
enacted to protect and promote women’s rights in recent years, violence against
women has escalated in Sindh. In a day several women are killed in the name of
honour, but nothing concrete has been done by the government. Brainless breed
of bureaucrats and technocrats who are selfish to the core, rule the roost in
the province today. Bribery is the norm, both, in the public and private
offices. Corruption is pervasive. It has even become a symbol of status. Crime
is everywhere in the province. It seems that the hardened criminals are given
‘permits’ to commit crime anywhere they feel like in the province. The courts
want to give speedy justice but they suffer both from the workload and shortage
of resources including the manpower, material and money. This is Sindh for us.
I have just portrayed a tiny picture of Province Sindh.
However, if
we talk about the education, the children of Sindh are facing many problems
because of the poor education system in the province. In Sindh out of 12
million children, 6.7 million are out of school. 52 percent of these out of
school children are girls. Meanwhile, 47 percent of government primary schools
have to get by with only one teacher. Along with this, 50 percent of children
enrolled in primary schools in Sindh drop out before finishing their primary
schooling. Moreover, 27 percent of government primary schools in Sindh function
only with one classroom. Throughout Sindh, 71 percent government primary school
buildings are in a pathetic condition. In addition, 66 percent of schools in
Sindh are without electricity, 53 percent of schools cannot provide students
and staff with drinking water facilities, 49 percent of schools do not have
toilets and 44 percent are without boundary walls.
The
so-called feudal leaders have utterly disappointed all and sundry. The law and
order in upper and lower Sindh regions have gone out of hand. People are left
at the mercy of dacoits. These errant rulers have never shown their commitment
to bring peace, progress and prosperity in Sindh.
Importantly,
within the above-mentioned districts of Sindh Hindu girls are kidnapped,
forcibly converted and married to Muslims, the police, government and courts
all turn a blind eye. The media is often silent on the problem of forced
conversion and issues related to women. Many cases in which influential locals
and religious leaders are involved go unreported because of pressure put on the
media not to report the stories. As I am part of this media fraternity, I know
these local reporters are often afraid to investigate the existence or
prevalence of forced conversions, honour killings or any other issue related to
women due to fear of attack, especially when influential members of the local
community are involved.
However, in
recent times few officials who are appointed on merit and have passed
competitive examinations and are setting extraordinary examples in all fields.
Hereby, I want to acknowledge Senior Superintendent of Police-SSP UmerTufail
who has contributed every effort for maintaining law and order and rule of law
in northern Sindh particularly Khairpur and Ghotki. These both districts were
on the top in crime but these mentioned police officials took concrete actions
and made lives easy for the public. Moreover, many women rights activities in
Interior Sindh stood up in favour of women rights particularly Saira Ahmed a
renowned social activist working on women, peace and security.
While
concluding, I appeal to CM Sindh Murad Ali Shah and Chairman PPP Bilawal Bhutto
Zardari, to look after Sindh and the Sindhis.
-----
Salman
Ali is a social and political activist based in Lahore. He has done his Maters
and MPhil in Communication Studies.
https://dailytimes.com.pk/668947/sindh-a-victim-of-political-tyranny/
-----
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