Pakistan Press on EU’ DisinfoLab and 1971 Crisis: New Age Islam's Selection, 18 December 2020
By
New Age Islam Edit Desk
18 December
2020
• EU’ DisinfoLab & Chanakyan Dictums
By S M Hali
• How The 1971 Crisis Was Mismanaged?
By Dr Moonis Ahmar
• Stateless People
By Dr Ramesh Kumar Vankwani
• Pakistan’s Economy Is Back On The Track
Col (R) Muhammad Hanif
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EU’
DisinfoLab & Chanakyan Dictums
By S
M Hali
December
18, 2020
The exposé
by European Union’s DisinfoLab in its 90-page report has shocked the world
because it unearths the machinations of an international network funded by
organizations with Indian leanings.
The
detailed disclosures labeled “Indian Chronicles” comprise 265 fake media
outlets, multiple dubious think tanks and NGOs, financed by Indian or
pro-Indian entities surreptitiously working to destabilize Pakistan while
simultaneously besmirching Islamabad’s image internationally. The clandestine
operation was cloaked slyly using defunct media, think tanks, NGOs and even
using the identities of deceased writers and academics to lend an aura of
authority to the bogus stories but being quoted by mainstream media to add
authenticity to the intrigues being hatched to denigrate Pakistan.
While it is
startling that it took so long to uncover the heinous plot and can be
considered a failure of the concerned departments, India’s use of odious means
to obtain the desired effects, stem from centuries old teachings.
Espionage,
euphemistically called the second oldest profession of the world finds a
mention in the Indian Vedas, one of the most – if not the most – ancient of the
human texts. Varuna, one of the chief gods of the Vedic pantheon is considered
to be a forerunner of Secret Services. Magha, one of the most erudite and lucid
poets and pragmatic thinkers, unequivocally asserted that statecraft cannot
exist without the assistance of espionage. Secret Agencies in ancient India
were not conceived of as an instrument of oppression but as a tool of
governance. Secret agents were considered as 'eyes of the
king'.
Indian
history illustrates that ancient Indians had gained great expertise in this
secret art. The techniques and operational methods adopted by them were highly
advanced, and can be usefully emulated today. From the spasas of Varuna, the
fore-runners of the modern globe-trotting spies (the etymological affinity of
the two terms is noticeable) to Chanakya's final manifestation of this
art in the Arthashastra which is in fact a systematic codification of a wide
variety of scattered information copiously found in the Epics, – the
Mahabharata and the Ramayana – the Puranas and literary works of Bhasa,
Kalidäsa, Magha and Bana; and the Tamil Sangam literature, transcends
unprecedented heights in this discipline.
The vision
of the Arthashastra is truly breathtaking, its practical utility timeless and
the clarity of its exposition unique. The techniques of manipulating public
opinion and creating disinformation, propounded by Chanakya anticipated modern
intelligence systems by several centuries. No wonder then that the nearly 2500
years old lessons in deceit, guile, hypocrisy, machination, and gore taught by
that Master strategist, Chanakya alias Kautilya (literally meaning
'crooked') was adopted in toto by India and its chief
intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW).
While
laying the foundation stone of RAW, India's late Prime Minister Mrs.
Indira Gandhi approvingly quoted Louis F Hallis, when she said that its
objectives should be the 'Ability to get what one wants by whatever
means: eloquence, reasoned arguments, bluff, tirade, threat or coercion, as
well as, by arousing pity, annoying others, or making them uneasy'.
While we
lament the fall of Dhaka forty-nine years ago, which was achieved through
malicious propaganda, twisting facts to mould public opinion of the Bengalis,
the forerunners of the Pakistan Movement to the extent that they were willing
to part ways in a bloody struggle and slandering the good name of the defenders
of Pakistan to be perceived as barbarous marauders, heartless butchers and
rapist. Indian propaganda, faithfully echoed by its clients in Bangladesh
reached such a crescendo that ties between Pakistan and Bangladesh, which were
on the mend took a nosedive 2009 onwards when a pro-India dispensation assumed
the mantle of power and still continues.
Trials of
Bengalis, who had supported Pakistan in the 1971 War with India, which
Bangladesh labels as its war for liberation and the continued suppression of
Biharis, who had cast their lot with the integrity of a United Pakistan and are
now doomed to spend their life in squalor and poverty in concentration camps
further challenged the growing ties between Pakistan and Bangladesh. The
persistence of Bangladesh to continue repeating the oft parroted lies of
genocide and rape and insisting on seeking an apology further tarnished the
diplomatic relations.
Despite
independent researchers, academics and even Bangladeshi investigators reaching
a conclusion that the claims of mass brutality by Pakistani troops in erstwhile
East Pakistan were vast exaggerations.
They came
to the conclusion that mass graves being shown to international opinion builders
as pertaining to massacred Bengalis were in fact Biharis, non-Bengalis and
Pakistani armed forces personnel, who were tortured, massacred, raped and
disposed of mercilessly. A simple DNA test could have nailed the lie.
Mercifully
good sense is finally prevailing in Bangladesh as the ugly visage of India was
exposed through its unilateral and illegal action on August 5, 2019 to annex
Illegally Occupied Indian Kashmir and Ladakh in the Indian Union and the
draconian Citizenship Amendment Law and the National Citizenship Register to
deny Muslims of their citizenship rights finally opened Hasina Wajed’s eyes.
Dhaka had the largest protest rally to register its displeasure with the
oppressive anti-Muslim legislation.
Chanakya’s
“Disinformation and Dissension” campaign professed that manipulation of public
opinion is as important an object of the State today as it was in ancient
India. It is used to create disharmony and distrust among the enemy's
friends, ill-will among his allies, loss of confidence in their leadership and
disruption by psychological means, his capacity and will to fight. Chanakya had
perfected the technique of disinformation and highly eulogized the use of
dissension in enemy's ranks for winning a battle without any military
action.
https://dailytimes.com.pk/702952/eu-disinfolab-chanakyan-dictums/
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How The
1971 Crisis Was Mismanaged?
By Dr
Moonis Ahmar
December
18, 2020
The writer
is Meritorious Professor of International Relations and former Dean Faculty of
Social Sciences, University of Karachi. He can be reached at
amoonis@hotmail.com
A
leadership with strong nerves, capability and courage is required to face and
manage a grave crisis. Unfortunately, all three qualities which were required
to cope with the East Pakistan crisis were not present in the Pakistani
leadership in 1971.
While there
was a degree of optimism following the general elections of December 1970, the
tone and attitude of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the leader of the majority party
(the Awami League), became inflexible after the election win. On January 3,
1971, while addressing a massive public meeting at the Race Course ground in
Dhaka, he bluntly said: “None would be able to stop us framing a Constitution
on the basis of the Six-Point programme.” He also took an oath from the newly
elected national and provincial assembly members of his party to remain loyal
to the Awami League’s Six Points.
The 1971
East Pakistan crisis worsened when neither Mujib nor Bhutto or president Yahya
Khan expressed the political will, wisdom and courage to pull the country from
a dangerous situation. Mujib was unwilling to compromise on the Six Points
which were unacceptable to PPP, as it got majority seats from West Pakistan.
The nexus between Bhutto and the hawkish generals who were unwilling to
transfer power to the Awami League because they suspected their loyalty for
Pakistan triggered the outbreak of East Pakistan crisis particularly when the
National Assembly’s inaugural session on March 3 was postponed by the Yahya
regime without taking Mujib into confidence.
Hasan
Zaheer, a former civil servant who was posted in then East Pakistan during
1950s and in 1971, in his book, The Separation of East Pakistan: The Rise and
Realization of Bengali Muslim Nationalism, gives a vivid account as to how the
1971 East Pakistan crisis got mismanaged: “The decision to postpone the
National Assembly meeting is regretted, in retrospect, by the West Pakistani
intelligentsia as a tragic decision which led to the breakup of Pakistan. A
considerable body of opinion holds Bhutto responsible for it.” In remembrance,
one may contemplate that had the inaugural NA session taken place in Dhaka on
March 3, the crisis which augmented because of its postponement by Islamabad
and on Bhutto’s insistence, would have been managed. Events unfolding after the
unilateral postponement of the assembly session escalated Pakistan’s grave
crisis which ultimately culminated into the country’s breakup in December 1971.
For the
successful management of a national crisis there are six major requirements:
leadership which should be wise and courageous; political will and
determination of the concerned stakeholders; planning to prevent the deepening
of the crisis; timeline by making suitable timely decisions; role of external factors
and internal forces who want to use the crisis for their own interests. The
absence of most of these requirements was responsible for the outbreak and
deepening of the 1971 East Pakistan crisis. Three major realities must be taken
into consideration while examining why the East Pakistan crisis was mismanaged.
First, even before 1971, Pakistan was under a political crisis during the 1950s
and 1960s, but the crisis which emerged after December 1970 elections was
different because the majority party, the Awami League, and the minority PPP
were unable to pursue a flexible approach and develop a consensus on
participating in the NA’s inaugural session. It means both political parties
lacked wisdom, prudence and flexibility to place the interests of the country
supreme, and rather plunged the country into a perpetual state of crisis,
chaos, violence, war and ultimate disintegration. A power-hungry approach and
inflexibility on the part of PPP and Awami League mismanaged the East Pakistan
crisis.
Second, the
Martial Law regime of General Yahya Khan, which should have been neutral and
prevailed over both parties to abandon their intransigent positions, miserably
failed to deal with the crisis dynamics. If the attitude of president Yahya
towards Mujib was highly formal, then his relationship with Bhutto was friendly
which was reflected in January 1971 when he and his generals went to Larkana
for hunting. Yahya never visited Mujib’s house but the majority party leader
was summoned to the president house for a meeting. Such an asymmetrical
treatment on the president’s part caused enormous anger among the Bengalis who
accused West Pakistan of treating East Pakistan as a colony and maintaining a
master-slave relationship. Yahya’s non-serious attitude and lack of leadership
qualities to deal with a grave crisis emanating after December 1970 elections
also contributed to the breakup of the country.
Narrating
the eventful days of March 1971, when Yahya Khan reached Dhaka on March 15 to
manage the crisis, Brig (retd) AR Siddiqi, the then director Inter Services
Public Relations (ISPR), writes in his book, East Pakistan: The Endgame: An
Onlooker’s Journal 1969-71, that: “Mujib had accused the president of betraying
his trust by unilaterally deciding to postpone the assembly. The president, on
the other hand, accused Mujib and his party of overreacting by taking the law
into their hands.” Yahya’s pathetic condition after the military operation in
East Pakistan was reflected when Yahya looked completely lost and was requested
by his senior colleagues to realise the gravity of the situation and visit
Dhaka to see the situation himself. He replied: “What can I do for East
Pakistan?” The mental and physical condition of General Yahya Khan was a source
of disgrace for the country as he not only let the people down at a critical
juncture but utterly failed to prevent a humiliating defeat of Pakistan Army at
the hands of India and their subsequent surrender on December 16, 1971. It was
a misfortune for the country to have a leadership which was intoxicated and
indifferent when the country was facing a critical situation and was on the
verge of disintegration.
Third,
apathy was prevailing in West Pakistan about the events which led to the launch
of the military operation and the outbreak of civil war in East Pakistan. Press
censorship and jubilant feelings in West Pakistan on the military operation
against Awami League and Mujib’s arrest reflected the total insensitivity of
the people of West Pakistan that their counterparts in the eastern wing were
passing through a difficult situation. Except muted voices which were raised in
West Pakistan against the military operation in East Pakistan, people and
political parties remained indifferent to the reality that the country was fast
moving towards disintegration. Official media and the press in West Pakistan
used to depict a rosy picture of East Pakistan and ruled out the existence of a
grave crisis. As a result when the news about the surrender of the Pakistani
armed forces before the joint command of the Indian army and Mukti Bahini on
December 16 reached West Pakistan, people were shocked but it was too late and
Jinnah’s Pakistan was gone.
https://tribune.com.pk/story/2276397/how-the-1971-crisis-was-mismanaged
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Stateless
People
By Dr
Ramesh Kumar Vankwani
December
18, 2020
Every year
on December 16, Pakistani citizens mourn the tragic separation of East
Pakistan. Historically, the Pakistan Movement gained momentum after the 23rd
March, 1940 jalsa in Lahore, under the dynamic leadership of Quaid-e-Azam. It
is an undeniable fact that many Muslims, including Bihari Muslims, as well as
non-Muslims like Jogandra Nath Mandal were active supporters of the Pakistan
Movement. They believed that civic, social and religious freedom could be enjoyed
in a Muslim-majority country.
The
population of Bihari Muslims in their own native province was not more than 10
percent. However, they managed to secure 34 seats for the Muslim League during
the 1946 elections. They were well aware that their province would not become
part of Pakistan but they stood with Quaid-e-Azam in a hope of a better future.
On the
occasion of Independence, Biharis preferred to migrate towards East Pakistan.
Because they came from educated backgrounds, they were appointed on key posts
to run state affairs. The announcement to adopt Urdu as the national language
made the majority Bengali population panic and they started to protest.
However, Biharis welcomed the decision wholeheartedly.
The martial
law imposed by Gen Ayub Khan resulted in further widening the gulf between
ethnic Bengalis and ethnic Biharis. During the 1970 national elections, the
majority of Bengalis supported the Sheikh Mujibur Rehman-led Awami League,
while Biharis were supporters of the Muslim League Convention and the
Jamaat-e-Islami since they wanted to keep West and East Pakistan together. Soon
thereafter the Mukti Bahini came into being. In reaction, Al-Badar and Al-Shams
were established.
After the
creation of Bangladesh, all those Biharis who had once contributed to
development of Pakistan were forcibly confined to refugee camps. Pakistani
flags were raised on their camps to declare them foreign refugees. Even today,
they are spending their lives below the poverty line due to lack of
opportunities and nationality. They are being harassed by using various
tactics. Reportedly, many young girls are also trafficked to Kolkata.
Despite all
miseries and exploitations, Bihari refugees used to celebrate Pakistani
national days and other events. But it is also a bitter fact that after
spending five decades in refugee camps, Biharis are now becoming hopeless and
depressed. The new generation of Biharis is convincing their elders to adopt
Bangladeshi nationality, but their love for Pakistan is an unforgivable crime
in the eyes of the Bangladesh regime.
In the
past, the issue of resettlement of Biharis in current Pakistani territory has
also faced violent resistance from nationalist elements. In Sindh, the concern
has been that the presence of Biharis in Karachi would increase the
Urdu-speaking vote bank. Similarly, other provinces have no interest over the
issue of these stateless Biharis.
In my view,
the patriotic Bihari community decided to live in Pakistan on the assurance of
Quaid-e-Azam. Sadly, he passed away just one year after Independence but today
we all have to keep struggling to fulfil his promises. We must never forget our
oppressed Bihari brothers and sisters who are in a miserable condition for the
last 49 years just due to their love and support to Pakistan. Today, with the
cooperation of the United Nations and the international community, we must urge
Bangladesh to find a sustainable solution to resolve the Bihari issue on
humanitarian grounds.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/760258-stateless-people
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Pakistan’s
Economy Is Back on the Track
Col
(R) Muhammad Hanif
DECEMBER
18, 2020
In August
2018, when the PTI government took over the Office after winning the general
elections, Pakistan’s economy was ridden with a heavy foreign debt of more than
US $ 90 billion, a large current account deficit of above US $ 20 billion, a
wide budget deficit of 6.6 % of the GDP, and a large amount of total public
debt equal to 70 percent of the GDP, 10 percent higher than the limit (60
percent) set in the Fiscal Responsibility and Debt Limitation Act (FRDLA) 2005,
amended in 2017.
The
exchange rate in July 2018 had come to Rs. 121.00 per one USD, as the caretaker
government in May 2018 had let the overvalued rupee fall, since it thought that
the policy of maintaining artificial exchange rate stability for years adopted
by the PML-N government was not sustainable.
In August
2018, the foreign exchange reserves held by the State Bank were US $ 12
billion. To repay the foreign debt instalments and its interest, the government
was required to pay almost US $ 7 billion per year.
In view of
the above economic situation, to pay back the foreign debt instalments, to run
the government affairs and maintain a reasonable foreign exchange reserves to
pay for the necessary imports, the PTI government had to get loans worth US $ 7
billion from the friendly countries and US $ 6 billion from the IMF. To
strengthen the economic position of Pakistan, the PTI government’s economic
team has been working hard by focusing on further stabilizing the value of
rupee, to correct the negative current account balance and increase the foreign
exchange reserves by reducing the import of non essential goods and increasing
exports by providing incentives to the industrial sector.
The
government has also encouraged the foreign direct investment (FDI) in the
country by providing CPEC related, and other incentives to the foreign
investors. Special attention was also given to reform the FBR to broaden the
tax base and improve the tax collection system to meet the tax collection
targets to facilitate annual budget preparations and reduce the budget deficit.
Efforts have also been made to limit the circular debt in the power sector by
signing fresh accords with the private electricity producing companies. To meet
power shortages, the government has also started to build new dams, hydropower
and other power projects and it is also importing more LNG. To increase
economic activity and growth the government has also encouraged the
construction industry by giving them major incentives.
All the
above mentioned reforming measures undertaken by the government are showing
positive results despite the fact that the government has been facing
difficulties due to the united opposition’s anti government campaign and street
protests and the prevalence of the COVID-19.
While these
factors have discouraged the foreign investment, these have also lowered the
economic activity, thus lowering the economic growth, reducing the revenue
generation, and increasing the unemployment. The revenue levels also suffered
as the government had to provide the financial support to the poor families,
whose earning members had lost their jobs due to the lockdowns.
However,
despite the above stated hurdles, due to the rigorous efforts of the economic
team of the government, Pakistan’s economy has overcome its major issues and it
is back on the track. While most of the major economic indicators have turned
positive, the international financial institutions are also talking positively
about the revival of Pakistan’s economy. The IMF Mission led by regional chief
Ernesto Ramirez Rigo in February 2020 said that Pakistan has made considerable
progress in advancing reforms and continuing sound economic policies.
The IMF
Mission Chief further said that the foreign reserves of the country continue to
rebuild at a pace considerably faster than anticipated. Rigo said, the
Inflation should start to see a declining trend as the pass-through of exchange
rate depreciation (Rupee depreciation) has been absorbed (as the exchange rate
is now stabilized around Rupees 160.00 equal to one US dollar), and supply-side
constraints appear to be temporary.
Based on
the latest assessment of Pakistan’s economy, the World Bank has stated that the
balance of payments consequently swung to a surplus of 2.0 percent of GDP in
FY20, and official foreign reserves increased to US$13.7 billion at end-June
2020, sufficient to finance 3.2 months of imports.
And, in
FY20, the fiscal deficit narrowed to 8.1 percent of GDP from 9.0 percent in
FY19. Total revenues rose to 15.3 percent of GDP due to higher non-tax revenue,
as the central bank and the telecommunication authority repatriated large
profits.
The above
discussion indicates that Pakistan's economy has made a good start
despite the coronavirus pandemic challenges as the country’s current account
balance swung into surplus in July 2020. The government's foreign
income remained higher than the expenditures with receipt of record-high
workers' remittances, notable growth in export earnings, and no major
growth in import payments.
Whereas the
above mentioned successes achieved by the government in strengthening
Pakistan’s economy are worth appreciation, analysts are emphasizing that the
government should also pay equal attention towards controlling and lowering the
high prices of flour, sugar, pulses, vegetables and fruit as the poor masses of
the country have been hit hard by the ever rising prices. This should be done
through a strict monitoring system, curbing the hoarding and ensuring that
supply and demand situation of the aforementioned commodities remains in
balance by the timely import of the essential commodities and not allowing the
export of these commodities without catering for the domestic demand.
https://dailytimes.com.pk/702942/pakistans-economy-is-back-on-the-track/
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