Middle East Press On: Turan, Hostages, Peace, Security, Donations, Culture: New Age Islam's Selection, 13 May 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
13 May 2025
Turan Tactic: Can Türkiye’s Defence Diplomacy in Central Asia Be Disrupted?
From Agricultural Frost to Drought: How Should Türkiye Fight Crisis?
Israel Cannot Be Seen as Less Interested in The Return of the Hostages Than The US
Despite Criticism, Trump's Side-lining Is Still Likely in Israel's Interest
California of The Middle East: The ‘Wild East’ Vision for Peace and Security
Israel Needs a Miracle or A Change of Heart by Netanyahu
Affirming Our Sovereignty: Taxing Foreign Political Donations to Israeli 'Water Carriers'
Why Israel Makes Me Smile: Reflections On Life, Culture, And Connection
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Turan Tactic: Can Türkiye’s Defence Diplomacy in Central Asia Be Disrupted?
By Ahmet Turan
May 13, 2025
One of the distinctive features of the third millennium is that, rather than managing diplomacy under a single umbrella encompassing a wide range of issues, various organizations have adopted individual practices that serve a shared mission. This shift has led to the emergence of unique forms of diplomacy over time. One such practice is defence diplomacy. Political scientist Frederic Charillon defines contemporary defense diplomacy as “the desire to create a climate of trust and convergence of interests by using military channels or those with expertise in defence matters.” Today, Türkiye’s defense diplomacy with the Central Asian countries largely syncs with this definition. In this context, the security dimension of Ankara’s foreign policy toward the Turkic republics of Central Asia resembles the historical "Turan tactic." The contemporary application of this tactic (essentially aimed at neutralising rivals through encirclement) will become even more meaningful when examined through a detailed analysis of Türkiye’s defence diplomacy in the region.
Mutual visits, defence agreements
The various examples of defence cooperation that Türkiye has developed in recent years with the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan are significant steps toward enhancing regional security. In November 2023, Yaşar Güler, Minister of National Defence of the Republic of Türkiye, hosted Lieutenant General Ruslan Jaksilikov, Minister of Defence of Kazakhstan, in Ankara as an official guest. During the visit, the two ministers signed the Implementation Plan for Military Cooperation for 2024. A notable development in the following year was the visit of Colonel Olcas Kusayinov, Head of the International Cooperation Department of the Kazakh Ministry of Defence, to Türkiye. On Jan. 27, 2025, during the visit of the Kazakh delegation led by Kusayinov, a memorandum of understanding was signed between the two countries on cooperation in military education, scientific collaboration, peacekeeping operations and military medical training.
Türkiye’s military cooperation with Kyrgyzstan continues to deepen. In March 2022, then-Minister of National Defence Hulusi Akar hosted Kyrgyzstan’s Minister of Defence, Major General Baktibek Bekbolotov, in Türkiye as an official guest. During the visit, the two countries signed a Road Map for Military Technical Cooperation. A particularly strategic development occurred in February 2025, when Türkiye and Kyrgyzstan agreed on the joint production and export of military products to third countries. Notably, Izvestiya (a publication known for its alignment with the Kremlin’s foreign policy and formerly the official state newspaper of the USSR) headlined the development as “Türkiye tries to push Russia out of Central Asia.”
A similar military cooperation initiative is also evident in Türkiye-Uzbekistan relations. In November 2022, Uzbekistan’s Minister of Defence, Lieutenant General Bahadır Kurbanov, visited Ankara at the special invitation of then-Minister of National Defence Hulusi Akar, during which military cooperation agreements were signed between the two countries. A comparable development also occurred in Türkiye-Turkmenistan relations. In the previous year, Turkish Minister of National Defence Yaşar Güler visited Turkmenistan at the official invitation of Turkmenistan’s Minister of Defence, Begenç Gündogdiyev. During his visit, Minister Güler was received by Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov and also met with the National Leader of Turkmenistan, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov.
Exports of defence products
An important pillar of Türkiye’s defence diplomacy with the Turkic republics in Central Asia is its advancements in the defence industry and exporting defence products to the region. In this context, a significant milestone in Türkiye-Kazakhstan relations was the agreement signed in November 2021, under the agreement (concluded between Kazakhstan’s procurement organization Kazspecexport and Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI), on behalf of Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Industry and Infrastructure Development) three ANKA unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), two ground control systems and logistical support packages (including technical documentation, training and spare parts) were delivered to Kazakhstan over the subsequent two years. Another important development occurred in May 2022, when a new export agreement enabled the local production of the ANKA UAV in Kazakhstan, making the country the first overseas production base for this Turkish platform. A similar initiative was launched last year by Baykar Defence, one of the key players in the Turkish defence industry, and discussions on this cooperation remain ongoing.
2021 also marked a significant milestone in Türkiye-Kyrgyzstan military relations with an important defence industry export initiative. In that year, Kamchybek Tashiev, Chairman of the Kyrgyz National Security Committee, revealed that Kyrgyzstan had purchased military equipment worth 300 million Kyrgyz Soms (approximately $33.4 million), including the Bayraktar TB2 unmanned combat aerial vehicle (UCAV) from Türkiye. Similarly, in January 2025, Uzbekistan announced plans to import defense industry products from Türkiye, including preparations to acquire ANKA UAVs.
When examining Türkiye-Turkmenistan military relations, 2021 stands out as a significant milestone. In July of that year, Türkiye exported defence and aerospace products worth $37 million to Turkmenistan. Notably, Bayraktar TB2 unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs), produced by Baykar Defence, were publicly showcased for the first time during the military parade held to mark the 30th anniversary of Turkmenistan’s independence.
Will OTS become a military power?
In light of the mentioned developments, Türkiye’s defence diplomacy with the Central Asian Turkic republics appears to have intensified since 2021. It is important to note, however, that these initiatives align with Türkiye’s ongoing invitations to the defense ministers of these countries to visit Ankara. This trend can be interpreted as a reflection of Türkiye's strategic intent, rather than mere coincidental developments, in its growing military cooperation with Central Asian nations. Furthermore, the potential role of the Organisation of Turkic States (OTS) in advancing Türkiye’s regional defence diplomacy is being closely observed by both the international community and regional actors with vested interests.
In this context, the question of whether the OTS will evolve into a military power remains an ongoing consideration. While there has been no formal declaration from the OTS regarding this issue, certain developments offer important insights into its potential future trajectory. One such development was the military exercise held on July 8, 2024, in the Caspian Region of Kazakhstan, involving the participation of Azerbaijan, Tajikistan and the three Central Asian OTS member states such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The name of the joint exercise, “We Are United-2024,” which saw the participation of nearly 4,000 soldiers, conveys a significant message about regional solidarity.
One key challenge for Türkiye’s defence diplomacy with the Central Asian countries today is the “artificial disagreement” that some OTS member states are on the verge of over the Cyprus issue. Although malicious actors have tried to undermine Türkiye’s policy toward the Turkic states, they have failed. Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan’s statement, “As a principle, we prefer not to discuss family matters in public,” reinforces this assessment. On the other hand, while there has been no explicit claim that the OTS will evolve into a military power, such a development can be seen as a natural extension of the region’s historical trajectory, where military capacity often follows economic and institutional growth. Although there are exceptions, recent developments suggest that the so-called “Turan tactic” is gradually taking shape, and that artificial obstacles may only delay (rather than prevent) this emerging unity.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/turan-tactic-can-turkiyes-defense-diplomacy-in-central-asia-be-disrupted
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From Agricultural Frost to Drought: How Should Türkiye Fight Crisis?
By Mehmet Emin Birpinar
May 13, 2025
Climate change is a major problem, even if it is not always recognized as such. Türkiye’s position shows that the adverse effects of climate change are increasing both in number and severity. In my previous article published in Daily Sabah, I discussed the increasingly worsening climate crisis, its impacts beyond global warming, Türkiye's situation regarding climate change, and the threats it poses to agricultural production. In this article, I will examine how Türkiye should respond to the agricultural crisis and the decline in yields.
Utilizing technology
One of the most important steps to properly utilize public resources is to adapt to this change. Despite the difficulty of solving a global problem alone, it is possible to prevent potential damage and turn it into opportunities in today’s technological world.
Methods such as fogging, wind turbines and heating systems to prevent agricultural frost, which are applied worldwide, are not widespread in Türkiye. Unfortunately, irrigation systems, which ensure more efficient use of water to combat drought and water-efficient agricultural practices, do not receive sufficient attention. Depending on supply and demand, producers often shift toward high-demand crops for short-term gains, but this leads to significant long-term losses.
For example, Konya, which is considered the granary of Türkiye, has become a hub for cultivating water-intensive crops like sugar beet, potatoes, corn and sunflowers, despite the region's water scarcity. According to the statistics of the Konya Provincial Directorate of Agriculture and Forestry, from 2002 to 2020, sunflower cultivation increased from 53,000 acres to 668,000 acres, with production rising from 9,200 tons to 278,000 tons. Similarly, sugar beet cultivation expanded from 635,000 acres to 915,000 acres and production grew from 3.4 million tons to 7.2 million tons, with one-third of Türkiye’s sugar beet being grown in this region. In contrast, the cultivation area for legumes, which require relatively less water, decreased from 1.2 million acres to 680,000 acres, with production dropping from 147,000 tons to 129,000 tons.
Importance of insurance
Türkiye is frequently exposed to natural and meteorological disasters, such as earthquakes. However, it is observed that the insurance system, which plays a critical role in compensating damages caused by these disasters, is not sufficiently utilized in earthquake insurance, motor vehicle insurance and agricultural production.
According to Turkish Natural Catastrophe Insurance (DASK) data, one out of every two households in our country, where most of the territory is located in a first-degree earthquake zone, does not have compulsory earthquake insurance. Furthermore, according to the Union Insurance and Reinsurance Companies of Türkiye, the number of registered motor vehicles exceeds 29 million, but one-fifth of these vehicles do not have compulsory traffic insurance, despite more than 1 million accidents occurring annually. Only 25% of vehicles are insured.
A similar situation is observed in agricultural production, which is also affected by devastating disasters such as drought, floods and frost. The TARSIM Agricultural Insurance mechanism, developed by the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry to ensure sustainable production, is not adequately utilized, as recent disasters show. According to Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT) data, the total cultivable agricultural area in our country has increased to 234 million decares, but according to TARSIM data, only 36 million decares are insured. Despite over 3 million policies being issued, only 22% of farmers use TARSIM within the farmer registration system.
Early warning systems
Another important issue is the more active use and dissemination of early warning systems. The MGM periodically publishes risk maps for drought, frost, plant temperature and cold resistance, along with the necessary reports, which are shared with the public through various platforms. It is essential for our producers to closely follow this data and take measures to minimize the effects of potential threats to ensure sustainability in production. Likewise, it would be highly beneficial for our country if the public, the business community, the education sector, and nongovernmental organizations (NGO) such as chambers of agriculture act in solidarity to inform producers regularly and encourage them to take a participatory role in expanding practices like planned production and insurance that will make production more sustainable.
Let us not forget that climate change is a constant threat, no matter how much we try to ignore it. However, it is possible to turn this threat into an opportunity with the “Green Development Movement,” which is also supported by the president. At this point, I would like to reiterate that a law specific to our country should be revisited and developed in a participatory and inclusive manner. Otherwise, as we discussed agricultural frost yesterday, we will focus on drought today, and tomorrow, we may have to talk about floods caused by excessive rainfall and fires triggered by heat.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/from-agricultural-frost-to-drought-how-should-turkiye-fight-crisis
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Israel Cannot Be Seen as Less Interested in The Return of the Hostages Than the US
By Jpost Editorial
May 13, 2025
No sooner had the announcement been released that soldier and Hamas-held hostage Edan Alexander was going to be released from captivity in Gaza after more than 580 days, than the spins began proliferating in earnest.
Alexander, the last living hostage with American citizenship, was received in an emotional reunion with his family on Monday after a deal was reached between the US and Hamas for his release.
Like Russian President Vladimir Putin did earlier this year, when he intervened for the release of Russian-Israeli hostage Sasha Troufanov from Hamas captivity, US President Donald Trump has done the same for Alexander, who grew up in New Jersey and made aliyah at the age of 18, enlisting in the Golani Brigade. He was on base on October 7, 2023, and was kidnapped to Gaza.
For Trump, it was another successful “deal” ahead of his major visit this week to Saudi Arabia. Although it’s unclear what Hamas has been promised in return, Qatar, one of the chief mediators in the hostage talks, is reportedly planning to gift Trump a luxury Boeing 747-8 jumbo jet during his visit to the region.
Hamas can tout a “goodwill” gesture, even though the release of a hostage held under terrible conditions for so long, with almost two dozen others still being chained, starved, and hidden underground, can hardly be seen as goodwill.
The Hostage Families and Missing Forum naturally used the release to criticize Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu by stating that Trump’s efforts show what a determined leader does for his own citizens.
And Netanyahu naturally posited that the release was proof that its policy of exerting increased pressure on Hamas, including the renewal of fighting, the stoppage of humanitarian aid, and the threat to further a land invasion of Gaza, triggered Hamas to make a gesture that it hopes will stave off Israel’s wrath.
Whatever perception one chooses surrounding the development of the first Israeli hostage to be released since the ceasefire between Israel and Hamas fell apart in March, there are a couple of elements that are objectively true.
Edan Alexander is free from Hamas’s clutches, and the entire nation, and any freedom-loving person in the world, should be rejoicing and embracing him and his family after such a prolonged, life-threatening ordeal.
The other fact emerging from the spin is that Alexander’s release emerged via a US-Hamas channel without Israeli involvement, a development that’s worrisome at best.
The Trump administration is clearly moving on its own regarding the Middle East – whether striking deals with the Houthis to refrain from attacking its ships while leaving Israel to fend for itself, negotiating with Iran for a questionably nuclear deal over Israel’s opposition, or leaving Israel behind in its burgeoning deals with Saudi Arabia that may come to fruition this week.
Trump and his main Mideast negotiator, Steve Witkoff, have reportedly expressed frustration with Netanyahu’s insistence on continuing and intensifying the war against Hamas, dubbing it “useless” according to one report.
What Witkoff's arrival means
Witkoff’s arrival on Monday and meetings with Netanyahu may be bringing a message aimed at jump-starting the dormant hostage release negotiations. “Get on board the peace train, or you might be left behind. We got Alexander home with a little bit of deal-making. End the war without achieving all of your goals, and you can get the other hostages home too.”
The choice Israel must make is whether to take that advice, which will enable Hamas to survive, rebuild, and gird for the next October 7, or to stick to its guns against a growing unified global front aimed at ending the war, with the US being one of the main cheerleaders.
Whether Netanyahu takes that advice or not, one important lesson must be learned from the flurry of activity emerging around Israel, but not including the Israeli government. Israel must not continue to be absent from the talks, negotiations, and agreements that seem to be progressing at a dizzying speed between the US and Gulf Arab countries, and even Hamas and the Palestinian Authority.
Most importantly, Israel cannot be seen as being less interested in seeing the return of the hostages than its good friend, the United States. The government must realize that events are changing on a daily basis, and that yesterday’s red lines may no longer be relevant or realistic.
Trump’s interest might only be in freeing Americans, and for that, we can thank him for the blessed release of Edan Alexander. It’s up to Israel and Benjamin Netanyahu to worry about the rest of them. No spin can change that.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-853723
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Despite Criticism, Trump's Side-lining Is Still Likely In Israel's Interest
By Jason Silverman
May 13, 2025
US President Donald Trump’s recent foreign policy decisions on the Middle East have seemingly side-lined the Israeli government.
During Netanyahu’s latest visit to the White House, Trump suddenly announced the commencement of negotiations with Iran to try to forge a new and improved nuclear agreement, thereby undercutting Israel’s preference for a military solution to dealing with Iran’s nuclear ambitions.
The United States blindsided Israel after announcing an agreement they reached with the Houthis in Yemen that will end the attacks on ships in the Red Sea, in return ending US airstrikes in Yemen. However, this agreement did not include the termination of firing drones and ballistic missiles at Israel.
Will US delink Israel peace from a nuclear Saudi?
Additionally, a recent report announced that the US is ready to delink the requirement of normalization with Israel in exchange for an agreement on a civil nuclear project in Saudi Arabia.
During Trump’s upcoming and highly anticipated trip to the region, he is set to meet with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and not with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. In addition, reports have been published indicating that Trump is growing increasingly impatient with Netanyahu and is inclined to push forward with or without Israel.
In Israel, there has been some criticism of Trump in response to this trend. For instance, Likud MK Nissim Vaturi addressed the president in a tweet that was later deleted, saying, “He should remember that he was elected to the presidency riding on the wings of support for Israel.”
Why is Netanyahu and his coalition staying silent?
Nevertheless, Netanyahu and central figures within his coalition have remained silent.
Netanyahu certainly does not want to be on bad terms with Trump so early in his term, especially at this critical time when the option for military action against Iran is still on the table – as long as an agreement between Tehran and Washington has yet to be signed.
However, Trump’s current approach should not come as a surprise to anyone.
Almost free hand
First, Trump has given Israel an almost completely free hand for its military activity throughout the region in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, and Yemen. This places Trump in stark contrast with his predecessor, Joe Biden, who voiced much more criticism for Israel’s military conduct and regularly called for “restraint.”
Moreover, Trump is unsurprisingly pursuing an America-first foreign policy that first and foremost serves its interests. Trump’s recent actions may also serve as a keen reminder that Trump will not follow Netanyahu’s lead on regional affairs. Rather, Netanyahu is expected to follow Trump’s lead.
In addition, perhaps Trump’s policies are assuming the obvious: that the war needs to end and that it cannot be won merely on the battlefield but that some kind of political alternative to Hamas is needed in order to ultimately remove the group from power, despite the Israeli Right’s persistence in assuming otherwise.
Most importantly, although there is a natural tendency to think that Trump’s sidelining of Israel harms its position in the region, it could actually have a positive effect on Israel.
'Day after'
After over a year and a half of war, Netanyahu and his government have yet to communicate a coherent long-term, strategic political vision for the “day after” the end of the war.
This is the result of two possibilities. Either Netanyahu and his government suffer from a serious lack of political initiative and perhaps also imagination regarding how to deal with the challenges Israel faces in Gaza and the broader region or, perhaps, the chosen strategy is to wait until someone else solves the problem for Israel.
Regional countries such as the UAE have already communicated that their involvement in Gaza, whether as a peacekeeping force or through funding, will only take place within a political framework.
However, Trump’s actions may produce the effect of compelling Netanyahu to initiate a substantive foreign policy vision that ends the war, repairs Israel’s position in the region and the world, and looks beyond the survival of his coalition. This result would constitute a positive development for the current Israeli government.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-853642
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California of The Middle East: The ‘Wild East’ Vision For Peace And Security
By Gol Kalev
May 13, 2025
October 7 and the fall of Syria are not just an Israel issue. They represent a dramatic shift in threat assessment for Arab regimes and the West.
They underscored that the existential threat to Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni regimes is no longer from the west, Israel, but, rather, from the east and north – Iran, Sunni extremism, Turkey – directly or through proxies, as well as other emerging powers in the east.
As we witnessed how rapidly regimes can change, how quickly forces can advance through the desert, and how intelligence and experts’ analysis can fall short. A new and different thinking is needed:
The West’s defense line can no longer be on Europe’s Mediterranean shores, or on Israel’s Jordan River. It needs to be in eastern Jordan and the Syrian desert.
The West’s new defense line
This can be accomplished by blooming the empty desert: Creating a “Desert Riviera” that would attract new populations, bring in tourists, and incentivize economic development zones.
In addition, the rapid construction of an extensive wall spanning Jordan and Saudi Arabia should be considered, applying the recent experiences of walls built along the US-Mexico and Israel-Egypt borders.
Such projects would normally seem unimaginable and face insurmountable hurdles, but a perfect storm of conditions in 2025 provides a unique occurrence that removes those hurdles, unleash tremendous economic opportunities, and lead to peace.
The extraordinary number of workers needed would make such an undertaking unfeasible, given the global labor shortage. However, US President Donald Trump’s Gazan relocation proposal could solve this shortage immediately. This is even more so if the Trump proposal is expanded to 1948 refugees, as suggested in last week’s article.
Another hurdle that would normally make such a project a nonstarter is the enormous funding needed. However, the wars in Gaza, Syria, and Lebanon created a global buy-in for the need for some sort of a Middle Eastern Marshall Plan, funded by the international community.
Egypt and the UN are already talking about a starting figure of $53 billion. Rather than direct those funds to fixing what is not fixable and dumping money on charity programs that would only slightly alleviate the suffering of Palestinians, one can direct the funding to the return-on-investment-driven “Wild East.”
The third hurdle is security. Like the American expansion to the Wild West, the Arab expansion to the “Wild East” is not without risk, but the looming strategic threat from the east should be sufficient for the US-led coalition to prioritize addressing such tactical security issues.
Concerns that Hamas-indoctrinated Gazan laborers would collaborate with invading forces could be mitigated by proper dispersal along areas where labor is needed (it is a “blank canvas” project after all).
Moreover, Palestinian refugees who chose to “go east” are merely a beachhead for other populations that would likely join them, given the economic benefits and revenue opportunities.
Ecological challenges of population density
In addition, the “Wild East” will address the global ecological problem of population density, flagged for years by the UN and EU, which therefore should help fund this project.
Stunningly, the Middle East population is concentrated in a relatively small parcel of land in the west toward the Mediterranean Sea, while there are desolate territories in the east that are virtually unpolluted.
While in America, populations dispersed over time to the desolate areas, such a process has yet to happen in the Middle East. There is no “California.”
The historic reason for this, other than political, has been that those mass empty areas are deserts and therefore were deemed uninhabitable. This all changed in recent years, as Israel developed cutting-edge agricultural technologies that effectively “cancel” the desert and make such areas just as habitable.
Therefore, partnerships between Israel and its Arab neighbors can lead to a massive economic resurgence not just for Jordan but for much of the Middle East.
It would also transform Palestinians who choose to go there from refugees facing security and humanitarian concerns to pioneers taking charge of their destiny and advancing humanity through settling the “Wild East” desert.
Middle East prosperity leads to peace
Such economic development would shift the narrative of Middle East funding 180 degrees: from being charity-based to being merit-based; from being conflict-driven, such as the large European investment in NGOs that incite Palestinians, to being peace-driven.
Indeed, the “Wild East” is very much in line with the apparent shift in peace frameworks led by Trump: from conflict-perpetuating “divide the baby” templates that keep everybody unhappy – “land for peace” and “two-state solution” – to win-win templates that benefit all actors: the Abraham Accords.
Moreover, it would symbolize the end of a century of Israeli-Arab conflict, as Arab armies and defensive posture would no longer be facing west but east. Indeed, the Jordan Valley’s slopes in western Jordan are now of little strategic relevance for Jordan. The eastern desert is.
Such a shift could also bring the region back to the utopic peace mindset of 1920, when a pro-Zionist Hashemite Arab kingdom was being built alongside a Jewish state in the making. This was at the expense of Turkey, kicked out of the lands it held for centuries, not just by the British but also by the Hashemites – today’s rulers of Jordan. This led to built-in Jordanian insecurity that, sooner or later, Turkey would be back.
The “Wild-East” can end this insecurity, as it has enough economic incentives and strategic value to benefit all regional actors, including Turkey. Indeed, a deal can be structured that would address the needs of the various parties and therefore create long-term stability.
This is the type of deal that Theodor Herzl, the father of Zionism, envisioned, and nearly came to fruition in 1920 – before Europe plunged the region into a century of conflict.
This century of conflict should now be over, and the focus should be directed to the menacing threat to the Middle East, Israel, and the West that is coming from the east. Building the “Wild East” would go a long way to countering the threat and ushering in sustainable peace.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-853706
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Israel Needs A Miracle Or A Change Of Heart By Netanyahu
By Susan Hattis Rolef
May 13, 2025
These days, we seem to be going through a stormy period in which the immediate future remains unclear.
What Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu appears to be holding in store for us is a return to a new round of intensive warfare in the Gaza Strip, the main goal of which is to bring about, at long last, the total defeat of Hamas both as a military force and as an administrative body.
Return of hostages
The return of the remaining 59 hostages – of whom, according to President Donald Trump, only 21 are still alive – is still a goal in Netanyahu’s eyes but in second place after the victory over Hamas. However, he claims that the defeat of the October 7 perpetrator will lead to a change in its attitude to the hostages, and to its agreeing to a partial deal without conditioning it on a permanent end to the fighting – an assumption that might or might not actually take place.
In order to stop Hamas’s ability to continue carrying out various administrative functions in Gaza, Netanyahu decided at the beginning of March to stop all international humanitarian aid entering the Strip.
The logic behind this move is that if the humanitarian aid ceases, Hamas will not be able to assume control over it by force, and sell it to hapless Gazans at exorbitant prices, using the proceeds to finance its continued military expenditures and administrative costs.
Total victory
However, the total victory Netanyahu keeps talking about is elusive, and for the last year and a half has failed to materialize.
One of the reasons for this is the fact that a regular army such as the IDF is at a certain disadvantage when confronting a terrorist organization using guerrilla tactics, even if the latter (in this case, Hamas) has lost most of its effective military power and leadership capabilities.
Another reason is that despite endless prodding by the previous Biden administration, that Israel start planning an alternative civil administration for the Gaza Strip, very little if anything has actually been done by Israel over the last year and a half to start preparing an effective alternative. This is not least of all because Netanyahu does not want to see Mahmoud Abbas’s Palestinian Authority getting involved, and has reservations about all the other options that have been raised.
Reconquer Gaza
Thus, in fact, the only option that remains is that Israel should reconquer the Gaza Strip, or at least part of it, and that some form of Israeli administration, other than full military rule, will be reinstated in the embattled coastal enclave.
But these are not the only obstacles to a successful Israeli military move back into the Gaza Strip. In the course of the last week, Trump appeared to be moving along several tangents in the Middle East, all of which seem to ignore Israeli interests, and worse still, direct Israeli involvement.
Houthis and Iran
The US president reported that he had reached an agreement with the Houthis in Yemen to the effect that they would stop targeting international shipping along the Red Sea (though excluding Israeli vessels), in return for the US stopping its massive aerial attacks on Houthi targets.
However, the agreement does not include stopping the launching of missiles by the Houthis against Israel, though Jerusalem has reportedly been informed by new US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee that if the Houthis continue launching missiles in Israel’s direction, Washington will react.
Is this an American commitment? For the time being, the fact is that a ballistic missile launched last Tuesday from Yemen fell within the perimeters of Ben-Gurion Airport and resulted in the stoppage of flights to Israel by most of the major foreign airlines, but has not resulted in any sort of American reaction.
Trump is also continuing talks with Iran over a nuclear agreement that is designed to stop Iran from becoming nuclear in the military sense, even though Israel continues to argue that Iran’s entire nuclear capabilities must be physically destroyed.
Saudi Arabia
Finally, the US president is also determined to reach an agreement with Saudi Arabia toward its development of a non-military nuclear capability with American assistance, and selling the kingdom major American armaments, without conditioning all of this on the Saudis normalizing their relations with Israel, as had been done under the Biden administration.
To add insult to injury, on his current visit to Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar, Trump is not planning a stopover in Israel – and a planned visit by US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, which was to have taken place next week, was canceled.
At the moment, it is not clear whether, with all the conciliatory talks the president is holding with various partners in the Middle East, the US nevertheless supports Israel’s plan to renew a full-scale war in the Gaza Strip, after Trump completes his Middle East tour. The president was quoted on Sunday as saying that such a war was superfluous.
Humanitarian aid to Gaza
However, we have taken note that the humanitarian aid is soon to be renewed at US prodding, and distributed by private American aid outfits, which will enjoy Israeli military protection for their efforts.
Whether the Americans will continue to be involved in efforts to release at least some of the hostages still being held by Hamas and Islamic Jihad, in the face of Netanyahu’s sluggish attitude to the issue, is another unknown.
Last but not least, Netanyahu has some serious domestic difficulties connected with his war plans in the Gaza Strip.
IDF recruitment and call-ups
The IDF has repeatedly announced that it is short of at least 12,000 new recruits, without any progress visible with regard to the enlistment of haredim for mandatory military service, which could resolve this problem.
At the same time, difficulties are expected regarding tens of thousands of call-ups for reserve duty, in a situation where numerous reservists have already served for hundreds of days since October 2023. Many incurred serious financial difficulties resulting from their businesses having gone bankrupt, or from losing their jobs, not to mention marital problems resulting from their long absences from home.
Though the dimensions of the problem are not yet clear, there is concern that reservist turnout toward the next round of fighting will be much lower than it was at the beginning of the war.
All this gives rise to serious concerns. What we seem to need at the moment is a miracle, or a major change of heart by our prime minister. Both will be welcome.
Since 1966, the writer has written journalistic and academic articles, as well as several books, on international relations, Zionism, Israeli politics, and parliamentarism. In 1994-2010, she worked in the Knesset library and the Knesset Research and Information Center.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-853688
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Affirming Our Sovereignty: Taxing Foreign Political Donations To Israeli 'Water Carriers'
By Douglas Altabef
May 13, 2025
One of the dramatic post-October 7 realizations in Israel has been the recognition that we have been consistently manipulated by foreign governments and related entities in their efforts to impact Israeli policy.
While this has been a state of affairs that Im Tirtzu has been highlighting for several years, the recent intensified focus on “deep state” issues has made this manipulation more visible – and unacceptable.
The government, recognizing the potential subtle toxicity of the influence and control that foreign political funding can have on Israeli social and political discourse, has decided to strike a blow against such impact.
There is now a bill making its way through the Knesset that would tax donations received by Israeli NGOs from foreign political entities by as much as 80% of the donation received.
The applicable entities would be foreign governments, or quasi-governments such as the United Nations and the European Union, as well as NGOs that are used by them as conduits for donations by the governments themselves. They would not include private foundations or individuals.
Thanks to years of revelations of this foreign patron/Israeli foreign agent relationship, it is increasingly clear that we have no need, let alone desire to give these countries and their cronies free rein in trying to influence Israeli governmental policy through the offices of anti-Zionist Israeli NGOs.
Numbers are staggering
These Israeli NGOs enjoy very little popular support, but thanks to consistent and high-level foreign political funding, they have loud voices and significant leverage.
From 2012 through 2024, more than NIS 2.4 billion was contributed to 485 organizations, with hateful entities such as B’Tselem receiving more than NIS 83 million, while Breaking the Silence received more than NIS 50 million.
Well-financed organizations have the will, and the wherewithal, to barrage the High Court of Justice with hundreds of petitions designed to counter the war effort, the treatment of terrorist prisoners or any number of government policies.
Their loud voices are invariably designed to undermine the government, which the foreign entities have come to understand is a better way of trying to influence Israeli policy than via a frontal assault.
Now the governing coalition recognizes that the opportunity is ripe for addressing this arrangement. The bill is just beginning its legislative voyage, so it will undoubtedly be tweaked, expanded, and altered.
Ideological and practical
However, its thrust is both ideological and practical. On the ideological level: Why should foreign political money be, in effect, subsidized and even enhanced by Israeli taxpayers in the form of tax-free donation power?
Why would the government facilitate those who are seeking to counter or undermine it? The common-sense answer to that question – that it wouldn’t – underlies the self-evident need for this change.
On a practical level: Taxing such donations sends a clear message as to the awareness of what the patron/agent relationship is about – and hopefully lessens its impact by depleting the agents of much of their funding.
There is a strong awareness that, should the law pass, it must be administered with an eye to reality, to the fact that there will be exceptions that can be carved out or situations that should not be subject to the law. For example, assistance provided by foreign governments to Holocaust survivors and their families would be an obvious exemption from taxation applicability.
Addressing the High Court
Again, the choreography here is intricate and effective. Foreign powers have no ability to address our High Court, but they can do so through the offices of the Israeli NGOs that they underwrite.
One of the current provisions of the bill would be to preclude, either in full or in part, the ability of Israeli NGOs that receive a majority of their funding from foreign governments or other deemed foreign political entities to petition the High Court.
This is an effort to break the chain of action that effectively allows foreign entities to have standing and a voice before our High Court.
While there has long been a desire to implement a law that would diminish the impact of foreign funding, the heightened sensitivity to destructive foreign influences, such as UNRWA and Al Jazeera, has intensified the perceived importance of not undercutting the effectiveness of our amazing soldiers on the battlefield by being oblivious on the home front.
A law whose time has come
The law is a recognition that Israel must protect itself, preserve itself, and do all that it is in its power to make sure that we are not allowing others to take advantage of the openness and liberality of our society in order to undercut us.
There is no nobility in not standing up for ourselves. If others want to oppose us, we should not be assisting them or making their efforts more effective.
The Knesset has the chance now to strike a blow for self-defense and common sense protection. A new law cannot happen soon enough.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-853679
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Why Israel Makes Me Smile: Reflections On Life, Culture, And Connection
By Holly Cin
May 13, 2025
In a previous article, I began alphabetically cataloging the many reasons Israel brings a smile to my face. Today, I continue with the letter “I,” beginning not with international access, as mentioned in my previous article, but with something more fundamental: Israelis themselves.
This reflection offers a glimpse into the daily experiences, cultural nuances, and deeply personal moments that make life in Israel both challenging and rewarding.
Rough neighborhood
Israelis are certainly a unique bunch, hardened by a lifetime of living in a rough neighborhood. With determined enemies on all sides, how could they be anything but tough? In my class at Bar-Ilan University the other day, I noted the difference between American and Israeli communication styles, mentioning that ChatGPT has a very chipper, polite, and specifically American voice. Reminiscent of C3PO from Star Wars, Chat says things like “If you’d like any further help, please feel free to reach out.” I joked that if ChatGPT were Israeli, it might bluntly respond, “Why are you asking such dumb questions?”
In comparison to other cultures – especially those of the many Asian students I have taught – Americans are considered very direct; not too much beating around the bush. Israelis, however, make Americans look more reserved than Asians.
Just today at the Poleg Country Club, a lifeguard bluntly responded to my cheerful comment about the beautiful pool by calling me naïve, citing the dangers Israel faces.
An earful
Recently, on Remembrance Day, while I was waiting at the Yitzhak Navon Jerusalem train station for a train that never arrived due to the fires in the Jerusalem Hills, the woman sitting next to me gave me an earful about how our nation is fraying. When I said we needed unity, I did not mean like North Korean soldiers marching in lockstep but like an orchestra that is harmonious despite its different instruments, she smiled and accused me of naivete.
Still, what I appreciate very much is the ability and the willingness of Israelis to be honest and straightforward, even with relative strangers. Though often jarring to outsiders, this candor reflects a cultural norm of sincerity and familial connection.
Such a comfort level with strangers exists because we don’t really think of ourselves as strangers. There is a sense that we are one extended family, albeit with many disgruntled siblings or distant cousins. This blend of boldness and familial openness is one of the traits that make daily life in Israel so dynamic.
Jerusalem
If Israelis represent the pulsing heartbeat of the nation, then Jerusalem, with its layers of ancient and modern identity, is surely its soul.
When I spent a year in Israel after high school at the Machon L’Madrichei Chutz La’Aretz training institute for Diaspora youth leaders, I lived in the dorms in Kiryat Moriah, next to Talpiot Mizrach. Back then, the Hass Promenade overlooking the Old City from the south of Jerusalem was about one third the size it is now, and a good portion of the land heading north from Kiryat Moriah toward the old train station, now known as First Station, was either empty, sketchy, or simply underdeveloped.
The same was true for the entire area from Jaffa Road to the Old City, now home to the beautiful Mamilla Hotel and open air mall.
Back then, while Ben-Yehuda Street was the “cool” center of town, Jaffa Road was a congested mess. Nowadays, one strolls on Jaffa Road, made car-free for use by pedestrians and the light rail, or one meanders through the Old City to the expanding Western Wall Plaza, and one feels the special beauty of this old/new city, the modern capital of the third commonwealth of the nation of Israel.
And what a pleasure to zip through town on the light rail, like something out of the Carousel of Progress at Disney World.
Packed with 3,000 years of history, yet refreshingly modern, Jerusalem is a place like none other in the world.
Although we’ve chosen to make our home in Netanya, every visit to Jerusalem brings a feeling of joy. When we inadvertently got stuck overnight in Jerusalem on Remembrance Day, I said to myself that Jews throughout time and space would have done anything to be in my predicament. I feel privileged indeed to be living just a train ride away from our holy city.
Kosher dining
Observing kashrut outside of Israel often imposes limitations, which can simplify dining decisions but restrict culinary variety. In cities such as Houston, kosher options – though increasing – remain limited. Although Houston now boasts six or seven quality kosher restaurants, for many years the choices were a paltry few. These eateries are homey, meaning that, for better or for worse, one almost always sees a familiar face when dining out.
By contrast, Israel offers an abundance of diverse and accessible kosher food options across the country, from urban centers to rural communities.
Prof. Barry Schwartz once gave a TED talk explaining the paradox of choice. He argued that while one choice, which is really no choice, is insufficient for satisfaction, having too many choices leads to decision paralysis. While this could certainly be true regarding choosing cereal, a dishwasher, or a marriage partner, with unlimited kosher dining choices one simply feels like a normal citizen of a country, rather than an adventurer on a treasure hunt.
Kosher food here isn’t a niche category as it is abroad; it is the norm. One of the greatest pleasures we enjoy here as kosher consumers is the limitless availability and variety of food, in every city and every town, from the most secular to the most religious.
One of the most pleasurable moments of our hol hamoed (intermediary days of the holiday) trip to the Carmel Mountains was the availability of kosher-for-Passover ice cream, sold by the vendors outside the park. Living kosher outside of Israel, one never has such an opportunity except perhaps in the major Jewish enclaves of Los Angeles, Miami, or New York City.
Here in Israel, kosher is ubiquitous. We’ve barely made a dent in the eateries of Netanya, let alone of greater Israel, and we notice new spots all the time that we’d like to check out. We look forward to the countless opportunities ahead. It is no exaggeration to say that being a free nation in our own land includes the freedom to eat in public as we do in private.
Rhythm of a nation
These facets of Israeli life – its people, its capital, and its culture – illustrate the unique rhythm of a nation steeped in history yet evolving rapidly.
While challenges remain, the everyday moments of connection, progress, and tradition continue to inspire me with joy, pride, and gratitude. How do I love Israel? I just counted three more ways.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-853641
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