Middle East Press On: Gaza Genocide, Drug Lords, Death Squads: New Age Islam's Selection, 14 October 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
14 October 2025
The True Cost To Israel Of Its Gaza Genocide
‘Free Marwan Barghouti’: The War Against Palestinian Democracy
From Drug Lords To Death Squads: Israel’s Gaza War Continues Through Collaborator Gangs
The War In Gaza Is Over, The Battle To Stop Israel From Becoming Sparta Is Just Beginning
As The Hostages Return, What Has Israel Learned From The Gaza War?
Gaza Foundation – A Dark Page In The History Of Humanitarian Work Comes To An End
Gaza Will Not Forget, Palestine Will Remember
Rebuilding Gaza, Undermining Palestine?
------
The True Cost To Israel Of Its Gaza Genocide
Dr. Ramzy Baroud
October 13, 2025
A single candid statement by US President Donald Trump during a Fox News interview last week may illuminate the true calculus behind Israel’s decision to agree to a ceasefire in Gaza, following a relentless, genocidal two-year campaign that has tragically killed or wounded nearly a quarter of a million Palestinians.
“Israel cannot fight the world, Bibi,” Trump declared during the interview, a direct warning he is said to have previously delivered to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
The reality is that very few people around the globe currently support Netanyahu. Crucially, a significant segment of his own populace has already held him in contempt, a resentment that predates the war on Gaza — a war that he treated as a desperate, personal quest for renewed domestic popularity.
Yet, his delusion persists. Even as millions globally protest his systematic extermination of innocent Palestinians, Netanyahu has seemingly convinced himself that world opinion is miraculously shifting in his favor — a shift that would require the world to have liked him in the first place.
But what precisely did Trump mean by, “you cannot fight the world?”
The term “fight” here clearly transcends physical combat. Gaza, besieged, starved and devastated, was the entity enduring the physical confrontation. Trump’s reference is unambiguously to the surge of anti-Israel sentiment worldwide: the sanctions imposed by nations like Spain, the legal proceedings initiated at the world’s highest courts, the widespread demands for boycott, the organizing of freedom flotillas, and more.
It is profoundly significant that, in the minds of both Washington and Tel Aviv, these global events have registered as a serious strategic concern. Future historians will likely designate this moment as the definitive turning point in global attitudes toward the Israeli occupation of Palestine. If strategically fostered by Palestinians, this burgeoning solidarity movement holds the potential to fully isolate Israel, compelling it to finally relent and free the Palestinian people from its enduring system of colonialism and apartheid.
However, “Bibi” is not merely losing the world, he is losing America itself. For decades, the US has operated as Israel’s indispensable benefactor, underwriting every war, financing every illegal settlement, justifying every act of violence and consistently blocking any international attempt to hold Israel accountable.
The reasons for America’s decades-long, unwavering commitment to sustaining Israel are complex. While the overwhelming influence of the powerful pro-Israel lobby in Washington and Israel’s disproportionate sway over major media outlets are correctly cited as factors, the dynamic runs deeper. The prevailing, mutually reinforced narrative in both nations has consistently framed Israel not merely as an ally but as an essential extension of America’s political identity and core values.
However, cracks in this political edifice have begun to appear with unmistakable clarity. What were once marginalized dissenting voices, often labeled as “radicals” within the American left, gradually solidified into mainstream dissent, particularly within the Democratic Party. Poll after poll demonstrated a mass shift, with the majority of Democrats turning against Israeli policy and lending their support, instead, to the Palestinian people and their just struggle for freedom. One of the most telling polls was conducted by Gallup in March. It found that 59 percent of Democratic voters say they sympathize more with Palestinians, while only 21 percent say they sympathize more with Israelis.
The Israeli genocide in Gaza catalyzed more than just dissent within one of America's two major political parties. Outright opposition to Israel has rapidly gone mainstream, transcending traditional political lines — a rupture that has alarmed those determined to maintain the illusion that Israel can act with impunity, free from American objection.
The pro-Israel media apparatus in the US fought a shameful war to obscure the extent of the Israeli genocide. It consistently sought to blame Palestinians for Israel’s actions and brazenly promoted the insidious notion that the war against Gaza’s innocents was a necessary component of the ever-elusive “war on terror.”
But it was ordinary people, powerfully amplified by countless social media platforms, who collectively fought back. They successfully defeated a mainstream propaganda machine that had, for decades, served as the primary defensive line for Israel.
A particularly troubling fact for Israel was the erosion of its newly established base of support: the evangelicals and the broader Republican Party. Polling indicated a significant exodus, especially among young Republican voters. A University of Maryland Critical Issues Poll in August found that only 24 percent of Republican voters aged 18 to 34 said they sympathize more with Israelis than with Palestinians.
According to Politico, Israel even attempted to manipulate social media by paying influencers significant sums of money to circulate its fabrications and deception. That campaign involved about 600 fake profiles posting more than 2,000 coordinated comments per week, targeting more than 120 US lawmakers.
But can Israel possibly swing the narrative back in its favor? While vast sums of money will undoubtedly be spent on sophisticated campaigns aimed at polishing Israel's severely tarnished image, these efforts will prove futile. The once-marginalized Palestinian narrative has surged, becoming a powerful, compelling moral authority worldwide. The strong, unyielding and dignified resilience of the Palestinian people has garnered global sympathy and galvanized support in unprecedented ways.
This new reality may very well represent hasbara’s final stand, as no amount of money, newspaper coverage or Netflix specials can ever successfully polish the image of a state that has so openly committed genocide — and one of the most thoroughly documented genocides in recorded history.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2618742
------
‘Free Marwan Barghouti’: The War against Palestinian Democracy
By Dan Steinbock
October 13, 2025
If Palestinians could have a democratic election, the 66-year-old Barghouti, their charismatic leader in the West Bank prior to his imprisonment, would be the absolute winner. That is why Israel announced last Thursday that Barghouti will not be among the 2,000-odd Palestinian prisoners who will be released as part of the ceasefire deal with Hamas.
Since 1948, Israel’s grand strategy has been the fragmentation of the Palestinians and their dream of statehood that most nations recognize today. A popular unifying Palestinian leader is a great concern to the Netanyahu cabinet.
The 2006 Election and the West’s Blockade
Despite Israeli Prime Minister Arik Sharon’s unilateral disengagement from the Gaza Strip in 2005, Israel continued to control its airspace, territorial waters and the movement of goods and people in and out of Gaza. Hence, the status of Israel as the effective occupation power has prevailed.
The withdrawal did set the stage for the first Palestinian election in a decade. The original election had taken place in 1996, when the peace process still fueled the PLO’s predominance, while its main adversary, Hamas, refused to participate, due to the former’s “unacceptable negotiations and compromises” with Israel.
Postponed for years as a result of disagreements between the two adversaries and the Second Intifada, the elections took place in 2006. The results – the electoral victory of Hamas (44% of the vote) against the ruling Fatah (41%) in the West Bank and Gaza, occupied by Israel since 1967 – was enough for Hamas to run the government without forging a coalition.
U.S. President George Bush had presumed that a democratic election would result in a pro-Western government. Similarly, Arafat’s successor, Mahmoud Abbas, felt confident that Fatah would win the election. The result was a triple-whammy. Israel felt vindicated, the U.S. humiliated, and the EU lost.
War against Palestinian Democracy
As Ismail Haniyeh, the political leader of Hamas, prepared to take power, the West shunned Hamas’s triumph. Following the crackdown by Hamas’s leadership on Fatah, which had not taken its electoral defeat easily, Israel and the Middle East Quartet—the U.S., Russia, UN and EU—introduced economic sanctions against Palestinians and there have been no new elections.
After January 2009, the PLO’s Mahmoud Abbas stayed president after the expiration of his term, then refused to hold elections, even supporting the blockade of the Gaza Strip to weaken Hamas.
Among Palestinians, such conduct was widely condemned. In Israel and the West, it was broadly supported. Most Palestinians in both the West Bank and Gaza do not see Abbas as their prime representative, as evidenced by public surveys ever since then.
It was these fatal, flawed decisions that paved the way to October 7, 2023, and Israel’s subsequent decimation of Gaza’s infrastructure and the genocidal atrocities of its Palestinian residents.
Despite the calls by Israel and the West for a “reformed PLO leadership,” most Gazans have supported and continue to support the Hamas offensive, even at the risk of their lives, as evidenced by the latest Palestinian polls.
What Palestinians Really Want
If the two presidential candidates were Marwan Barghouti of Fatah and Khaled Meshaal of Hamas, Barghouti would garner 58% of the vote and Meshaal 39%. These results indicate a 6-point rise in the percentage of votes for Barghouti and an 8-point drop in the vote for the Hamas candidate.
Since the late 1990s, the Netanyahu cabinets’ strategy has been to assassinate Hamas’s leaders, particularly those regarded as more moderate. From 1996 to 2017 – after the Israeli assassination of Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, the founder of Hamas and his successor – Meshaal served as the second chairman of the Hamas Political Bureau until he was succeeded by Ismail Haniyeh. In 1997, Mossad tried to assassinate Meshaal in Jordan and he fell into coma. It was only after King Hussein threatened Netanyahu that he would void the historic 1994 bilateral peace treaty and President Bill Clinton’s intervention that the Israeli PM turned over the antidote.
Meshaal served has been the acting leader of Hamas since 2024. He is regarded as one of the most prominent leaders of Hamas since the death of Ahmed Yassin, assassinated by Israel in 2004, and Ismail Haniyeh and Yahya Sinwar, assassinated by Israel in July and October 2024, respectively – amid ceasefire talks between Israel and Hamas.
Subsequently, Meshaal faced several new assassination threats and attempts. On September 9, 2025, Meshaal was reportedly in the Hamas HQ when it was struck by Israeli air strikes.
Like other Hamas leaders, Meshaal is often demonized in Israel and the West. But like his peers, including Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, Meshaal has occasionally alluded to peace options in exchange for ceasefire and the end of Israeli occupation. As he put it in a 2008 op-ed for Los Angeles Times, “our message to the U.S. and EU is this: Your attempt to force us to give up our principles or our struggle is in vain…Our message to the Israelis is this: Our conflict with you is not religious but political. We have no problem with Jews who have not attacked us — our problem is with those who came to our land, imposed themselves on us by force, destroyed our society and banished our people.”
Marwan Barghouti, Palestine’s Nelson Mandela
Marwan Barghouti remains convicted of killing and injuring Israeli civilians, with five consecutive life sentences. Unlike PM Netanyahu’s hard-right Likud, Israeli peace activists and leaders have seen him as a moderate who is trusted by Palestinians and could play a role in peace talks.
The Palestinian leader has lived a significant part of his 23 years of incarceration in solitary confinement. The 66-year-old Barghouti, who was Fatah’s charismatic young leader in the occupied West Bank prior to his imprisonment, is one of nearly 10,000 Palestinian prisoners languishing in Israeli prisons.
Born near Ramallah into the influential clan, Barghouti joined Fatah at 15, became the co-founder of its youth movement, was first sentenced at 18 and gained fluency in Hebrew while in prison. After studies in Birzeit University, he became one of the Palestinian leaders in the West Bank amid the First Intifada. During the uprising, he was arrested and deported to Jordan for incitement but eventually permitted to return, thanks to the Oslo Accords.
In the aftermath of the 1996 election to the Palestinian Legislative Council, he began to push for the creation of an independent Palestinian state. Campaigning against corruption in Arafat’s administration and human rights violations, Barghouti established relationships with a number of Israeli politicians, authorities and members of the peace movement. When the Camp David summit failed to bring about the peace deal, Barghouti became disillusioned.
Providing tacit support to Hamas, Netanyahu cabinets’ goal became to undermine PLO’s popular young leaders such as Barghouti, while supporting their older, compromised incumbents. Hence, the first Israeli effort to blow Barghouti to pieces in a missile attack. According to Israeli security sources, there were several attempts to assassinate Barghouti. After that failure, the IDF hoped to neutralize the leader Western media called “Palestine’s Nelson Mandela.”
Typically, the international campaign to free Marwan Barghouti and all Palestinian prisoners was launched in 2013 from Nelson Mandela’s former prison cell on Robben Island. As Barghouti wrote about his hunger strike in New York Times at the time: “Rights are not bestowed by an oppressor… Only ending occupation will end this injustice and mark the birth of peace.”
Following Israel’s devastating 2014 Gaza War, Barghouti urged the Palestinian Authority to immediately end security cooperation with Israel and called for a Third Intifada. Today, he is seen as a viable Palestinian leader even by the European Union. Unlike any other incumbent Palestinian leader, Barghouti could bring Palestinian people together in an enduring peace deal, a process that China’s intermediation made more viable in summer 2024.
Likud supporters and the Messianic far-right do not want a unified Palestinian front. In February 2024, amid the Israel-Hamas war, when Hamas called for Barghouti’s release, he was placed in solitary confinement.
Keep Hope Alive, or else…
When Marwan Barghouti was imprisoned in 2002, he did not have a fair trial nor was the evidence persuasive. Through two decades, he has held his head high and, against all odds, tried to advocate a constructive, peaceful solution between Israel and the Palestinians. Ever since October 2023, he has been beaten several times by the prison guards, held in solitary confinement and he has not seen his family. In the past year, the brutal assaults have been intensified.
Why this horrible, inhumane torture? Because Barghouti continues to have a huge political clout. The Israeli cabinet is afraid of him because he can do what Prime Minister Netanyahu has struggled against since the late 1990s: he can unify the Palestinians, as Nelson Mandela once united the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa.
In a brief video circulated in August, Israel’s far-right minister Itamar Ben-Gvir threatened the frail-looking Marwan Barghouti inside the infamous Ganot prison, known for its repressive measures, assaulting detainees and tightly shackling them.
Barghouti gives the Palestinian cause and resistance leadership, direction and integrity. To those Palestinians (and Israelis) who seek for peace, he gives hope.
If that hope dims, the net effect will be violent.
https://www.palestinechronicle.com/free-marwan-barghouti-the-war-against-palestinian-democracy/
-----
From Drug Lords to Death Squads: Israel’s Gaza War Continues through Collaborator Gangs
By Palestine Chronicle
October 13, 2025
Despite Israeli forces having largely ceased fire, they are now hatching a plot using collaborator proxies across Gaza as part of a continuation of the genocide. This includes using these criminal gangs to execute civilians, murder security force members, and even assassinate journalists.
Under the current ceasefire agreement, ‘phase one’ has triggered an Israeli withdrawal from many populated areas of the Gaza Strip, yet the military still remains in between 56-58% of the besieged enclave’s territory. On the first day of the ceasefire’s implementation, Israeli forces murdered nearly 40 civilians, mostly through gunfire.
While Israeli army fire began to subside, the three primary militia forces that Israel has backed against Hamas have escalated their attacks on both civilians and Hamas-aligned security forces. These militant groups are led by drug-traffickers, ex-Palestinian Authority Preventive Security Force members, and Salafist militants. They are also linked to ISIS.
These groups have begun to carry out assassinations in the Gaza Strip over the past week, starting with the murder of Mohammed Imad Aqel, the son of a senior Al-Qassam Brigades Commander.
On Sunday, they even murdered prominent Palestinian journalist Saleh Aljafarawi, along with the son of Hamas politburo member Bassem Naim. These Israeli-backed militants had ambushed a group of Gazan security force members, murdering them along with civilians returning to their homes in the north.
According to Gaza’s Dr. Mohammed Abu Lahia, in the case of Aljafarawi, the Israeli collaborator gang had kidnapped the beloved journalist, tortured him and then executed him with seven bullets from point-blank range.
Hours later, Hamas’ security forces, reportedly alongside members of the Qassam Brigades, pursued these militants to their hideout in the Sabra neighborhood of Gaza City, eliminating dozens and arresting others.
According to reports on the ground, the internal security forces seized Israeli-supplied weapons and a hit list containing the names of prominent figures in the north of Gaza.
A Gaza Proxy War
These militia groups are located throughout the Gaza Strip, but each wing of this anti-Hamas coalition of Israeli-backed death squads is responsible for managing different turf.
Operating out of eastern Rafah is the armed gang calling itself the “Popular Forces”, led by convicted drug trafficker and ISIS-affiliate Yasser Abu Shabab. This force began receiving overt backing from Israel to carry out coordinated armed robberies of humanitarian aid trucks heading into Gaza, following the Israeli seizure of the Rafah Crossing on May 6, 2024.
The so-called “Popular Forces” is a newer name for the group that had previously operated in the shadows, solely focusing on stealing humanitarian aid.
Under Israeli supervision, inside territory considered an active ‘kill zone’ for anyone other than the Israelis, Abu Shabab’s men, and coordinated aid truck entries, the militants would demand $4,000 bribes from humanitarian organizations, or they would seize all the aid.
While civilians in Gaza were suffering severe malnutrition and lacked the ability to get their hands on medical supplies, clean water, shelter, and food, Abu Shabab’s men were hoarding the aid and living under 24-hour Israeli military protection in eastern Rafah. They stockpiled the stolen aid and then drip-fed it onto the black market, where civilians were forced to pay exorbitant prices for the bare necessities.
Later in 2024, however, Yasser Abu Shabab began trying to change his ISIS-linked gang’s image, a project that Western mainstream media attempted to aid him in doing. Suddenly, the Israeli and corporate media began presenting Abu Shabab and his gang of criminals as a grassroots anti-Hamas opposition force.
The Western media’s facelift to a band of drug-dealers, Salafist militants and murderers began. Then, during the Gaza ceasefire that began in January of 2025, Israel supplied Abu Shabab’s men with Israeli tactical vests, helmets, badges, weapons and vehicles. After Israel decided to collapse the ceasefire in March, the so-called “Popular Forces” were born.
On July 24, the Wall Street Journal even published an article entitled “Gazans Are Finished With Hamas”, which they claim was written by Yasser Abu Shabab. However, this promotional piece for the ISIS-linked aid-looting death squad could not have been written by Abu Shabab, not only because he doesn’t speak English, but because he is reportedly illiterate in Arabic too.
The so-called “Popular Forces” were even collaborating with the American Private Military Contractor (PMC) led Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), which was labeled by Gazans as a “death trap” where over 1,500 civilians were murdered after being lured towards food, after being deprived of any aid for three months.
There was even a plot for Abu Shabab’s men to be used to rule over a concentration camp in southern Gaza, which Israel constructed and was planning to herd the population of the territory into.
Later in August, another group popped up in Khan Yunis, calling itself the “Counterterrorism Strike Force” (CSF) and led by Hosam al-Astal, a former member of the PA’s Preventive Security Forces – intelligence branch – who has long been linked with the Israeli Shin Bet.
The CSF has been accused of raiding hospitals, killing civilians, stealing aid, and looting homes, but its primary role has been to launch raids against Palestinian resistance fighters.
Earlier this year, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was forced to admit his backing of these ISIS-linked gangs after Israeli Knesset Member Avigdor Lieberman criticized the strategy publicly.
On September 17, the Israeli newspaper Haaretz confirmed that the Israeli support extended beyond simply arming these militants and that they were given orders directly from the Israeli chain of command. The Israeli media outlet even interviewed officers who expressed their disapproval of the use of these militants, as they were out of control and potentially posed a threat to Israeli military objectives.
Both the “Popular Forces” and CSF are directly connected with one another. Granted cash, weapons and control of territory under Israeli supervision in exchange for attacking Hamas on their behalf.
Then came a new Israeli-backed militia with the beginning of Israel’s “Operation Gideon’s Chariots 2”, otherwise known as the attempt to occupy Gaza City. This militia is composed primarily of members from the Doghmush clan and is led by Ashraf Mansi, calling itself the “People’s Army Northern Forces”.
They are comprised of Palestinian Authority-affiliated militants and were also responsible for looting aid trucks throughout the genocide.
The territory in which the northern Gaza death squad operated was Jabaliya, Beit Lahia, and areas in Gaza City. During the Israeli military’s re-invasion of northern Gaza, these militants had carried out a number of operations against Palestinian resistance factions.
The Israeli Vision For Gaza
The Israelis are currently allowing these militant groups to operate out of the territory their army is still occupying in Gaza, providing them with drone cover and, as it appears here, hit lists that appear to include prominent journalists.
As a strategy, this means backing these collaborator death squads to do Israel’s dirty work without them having to lift a finger. Tel Aviv and its propagandists can then point to the clashes as a “Palestinian civil war” or “anti-Hamas uprising”, when in reality they are actively using these forces to do their direct bidding.
According to Palestinian journalist Muhammad Shehada, there are signs that civilians in Gaza could be offered to live in the areas that are under the control of the militias and Israeli occupation forces, luring them there through claims that they can rebuild their lives.
This strategy is extremely unlikely to work, however, as all of those used by Israel to run these groups are deeply unpopular. For instance, in northern Gaza, the militia is run by members of the Doghmush clan, which is a family long stereotyped as “trouble makers” locally.
Despite this reputation, many members of this family explicitly refused to collaborate with Israel and were murdered for it, the clan also lost nearly 100 relatives to Israeli airstrikes during the genocide.
A group of Palestinians from northern Gaza told the Palestine Chronicle that the Dogmush family is infamous. While noting that not all of the family is to blame, one man stated that “I remember that before the Intifada they used to steal cars from 48 and sell them in Gaza”, another remarked that “ask anyone in Gaza and they will tell you they are known for making problems”.
Similarly, Yasser Abu Shabab comes from the Bedouin Tarabin clan. They are widely stereotyped as drug dealers and criminals inside Gaza. It should be noted, however, that the Tarabin family has openly condemned Abu Shabab and stands against his so-called “Popular Forces”.
It would be unfair and untrue to adopt the understanding that an entire clan is responsible for the actions of their relatives, yet the importance of mentioning this is to point out that Israel has chosen the most unpopular people to lead their anti-Hamas proxy war.
Not only do the people of Gaza despise these criminal gangs for committing armed robbery, extortion, drug-dealing, aid theft, the murder of civilians, and collaborating with the military that is committing a genocide, but these groups are led by people who have some of the worst reputations imaginable.
What is likely to happen now is that these death squads will continue carrying out assassinations, robberies, and raids on the orders of the Israeli military, as the Palestinian resistance and internal security forces hunt them down.
Amidst this, there will be attempts to sow chaos, to destabilize the security situation and also the publishing of propaganda to claim that Hamas is carrying out abuses. Israeli propagandists are already using old videos, fake videos, or mischaracterizing events to claim that Hamas is cracking down on a grassroots uprising. This will have little impact on Palestinians in Gaza, however.
The most pernicious forms of propaganda will come from Palestinians themselves, who claim to be with the people of Gaza, but who are apologists for the Israeli regime and whose job it is to cause division. These propagandists, most of whom live in the United States, will work hard to spread false propaganda in an attempt to sow chaos and promote Israeli narratives.
In other words, the war is not over yet. Instead, the Israelis are trying to ignite a proxy conflict after they militarily failed to defeat some dozen Palestinian resistance groups in Gaza themselves.
https://www.palestinechronicle.com/from-drug-lords-to-death-squads-israels-gaza-war-continues-through-collaborator-gangs/
------
The War In Gaza Is Over, The Battle To Stop Israel From Becoming Sparta Is Just Beginning
By Menachem Z. Rosensaft/Jta
October 14, 2025
Now that the war in Gaza appears to have come to an end and Hamas has returned the remaining 20 living hostages to their families, we can fully expect Israel’s enemies and other critics across the globe to turn their attention to the declared intention of some of the extremist members of the Israeli government to formally make the West Bank part of a greater Israel that stretches from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean.
Except, of course, that United States President Donald Trump seems to have preemptively put the kibosh on any such scenario. “I will not allow Israel to annex the West Bank,” Trump told reporters two weeks ago. “It’s not going to happen.”
Trump realizes and has said out loud the simple truth that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his acolytes stubbornly ignore: Israel cannot endure in the long run by permanently subjugating the Palestinian population of the territories it has held since the June 1967 Six-Day War. More importantly, as Trump told Netanyahu in a telephone conversation this past week, “Israel can’t fight the world.” Or as he told Netanyahu during his speech to the Knesset on Monday, “Be a little bit nicer, Bibi, because you’re not at war anymore. … You don’t want to have to go through this again.”
An Israeli, or Jewish, hegemony over what was once the biblical land of Judea and, in due course, morphed into pre-1948 British Mandatory Palestine is not and has never been the goal of mainstream Zionism as conceived and understood by the likes of Theodor Herzl, Chaim Weizmann, David Ben-Gurion, and Louis D. Brandeis. But with the concept and essence of Zionism widely misunderstood or deliberately mischaracterized, it is more critical than ever to place the broad and multifaceted nature of this ethnocultural ideology in its accurate historical context.
We know whereof we speak. We are both unabashed Zionists who unequivocally identify with the State of Israel, even though we radically disagree with the extremist ideology and many of the policies of its present government. One of us is a former national president of the Labor Zionist Alliance and a past member of the Zionist General Council, which oversees the work and activities of the World Zionist Organization. The other has been a visiting professor at both the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University, and maintains ongoing relations with both. We are long-time supporters of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. One of us met with Yasser Arafat and senior leaders of the Palestine Liberation Organization together with four other American Jews in Stockholm in December 1988, resulting in the PLO’s first public acceptance of Israel as a state in the Middle East. The other is presently writing a book on the early socialist founders of modern Israel.
Netanyahu's 'super-Sparta' speech
Trump’s above-quoted comments regarding the West Bank came against the backdrop of an earlier pronouncement by Netanyahu in which he resurrected the old meme of Israel as latter-day Sparta. Acknowledging Israel’s ever-increasing political and economic isolation in consequence of what then still seemed as his government’s seemingly interminable war in Gaza, Netanyahu declared that his country “will increasingly need to adapt to an economy with autarkic characteristics” and become a “super-Sparta.”
Had Netanyahu’s reference been to Plutarch’s account of the ancient Greek polity, a society highly unified, disciplined, and militarily formidable when existentially threatened, then perhaps, fair enough. The problem with his analogy, however, is what it leaves out: First, that Sparta’s hegemonic dominance was decisively and permanently ended by its catastrophic defeat at the hands of a far superior Theban army at the Battle of Leuctra in 371 BCE. And, more importantly, second, that Israel was meant by its socialist founders to emulate Athens more than Sparta, and that most of its population longs to return to this “Athenian normal” even as its current leaders try to force it into a Sparta-only straight-jacket.
There are, in short, two conflicting contemporary visions of Israel that can, when taken in “absolutist” fashion, distort understandings of both the Athenian and the Spartan aspects of today’s Israel. Peace, progress and prosperity await both refinement and synthesis of both visions.
The first vision, part of which was at the core of the Labor-Zionist-guided establishment of Israel under UN auspices in 1948, is of a democratic polity rooted in not only the quintessentially Jewish values of justice and social solidarity but also, equally important, a Jeffersonian-republican model of social democracy pursuant to which religiously and ethnically diverse groups coexist and co-govern as a matter of course.
This vision requires updating in one subtle respect to stay true to the Israel-as-Athens picture: namely, by supplementing the largely pastoral-agricultural imaginary of Israel’s primarily kibbutznik Labor-Zionist founders (not to mention of Jefferson himself) with a now fuller and more productively-diversified picture of Israel now widely called, among tech visionaries and others, the “Startup Nation.” This we must do if we are to understand both the motivations and, indeed, the promise of the Abraham Accords with their vision of a vibrantly revived Mediterranean-Levantine civilization, the likes of which hasn’t been seen since the days of the ancient Phoenicians.
The second, borderline-apocalyptic vision of Israel now dominant in today’s Netanyahu-led Israel government is that of a fundamentalist Jewish hegemony over the entire biblical territory that encompasses not only Israel but the West Bank as well – “From the River to the Sea for Jews and Jews Only,” as it were. This is the pseudo-messianic model that Netanyahu and the shots-calling extremist far right members of his government are working feverishly and openly to bring about at the expense of Israel’s Jewish and non-Jewish citizens alike- not to mention its neighbors, its standing in the international community, and even the interests of Jews across the globe.
This vision requires far more radical revision to do justice to a plausible, and indeed desirable, Spartan comparison than does the original Labor-Zionist vision to do justice to a plausible Athenian comparison. Indeed, an accurate Spartan vision would have to be as Jeffersonian as the Athenian model: It would be that of a republic of citizen-soldiers able to mobilize on short notice, “Minute Man” style, when threatened, but otherwise going about the business of producing, inventing, arguing (these are Israelis, after all), and governing under the rule of law just as the ancient Israelite leaders were anointed only on condition that they rule under then-Hebrew law.
Happily, there are hundreds of thousands of Israelis who not only reject the Netanyahu government and its (distorted) “Super-Sparta” policies, but also have consistently taken to the streets against it long before Hamas’ terrorist savagery on October 7, 2023. These Israelis have sought to block Netanyahu’s attempt to eviscerate their country’s independent judicial system. They are the ones who called consistently for the ceasefire in Gaza that has now been reached and that will hopefully result in a pathway to a viable Israeli-Palestinian coexistence. And they are among those whom, alas, the likes of Hollywood actors Javier Bardem, Emma Stone, and Hannah Einbinder seek to boycott.
Israel’s aforesaid enemies, for whom a putative “anti-Zionism” they do not begin to comprehend or deliberately distort is an article of blind and blinded faith, seem either cognitively unable or perversely unwilling to distinguish between anything-but-Athenian neo-fascists like Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and Internal Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir who want to destroy Israel’s democracy on the one hand, and the likes of Israeli President Isaac Herzog and opposition leader (and former prime minister) Yair Lapid, among others, who work to preserve that democracy, on the other hand. And in his heart of hearts, we fear, Netanyahu desperately wants the world to see only the former and never the latter.
Nahum Goldmann, then president of both the World Zionist Organization and the World Jewish Congress, pointedly observed, in the wake of Israel’s June 1967 “Six-Day War,” that Israel cannot prevail exclusively as “the Sparta of the Middle East.” He was right. Israel must be both Athens and Sparta — and it must be the actual, not the children’s book, version of both. Netanyahu does not seem to “get” this. Nor, sadly, do some of those who support New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani, who, in endorsing a “global intifada,” are, wittingly or otherwise, effectively calling for the elimination of Israel altogether and thereby perpetuating Netanyahu’s comic-book Sparta government with all the apocalyptic horrors that this entails.
The road ahead will not be easy, even after the Gaza war is in the rearview mirror, and it will not be short, but if there is to be any hope for the future, the leaders of both sides of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict must embark on it by recognizing each other’s humanity and seeking to emulate Athens more and Sparta less.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of JTA or its parent company, 70 Faces Media.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-870385
-------
As The Hostages Return, What Has Israel Learned From The Gaza War?
October 13, 2025
For the first time in two years, Israel can breathe. Relief, gratitude, and exhaustion mingle as the hostages begin to return, and a nation emerges – battered but standing – from one of the darkest and most difficult chapters in its history.
The day long imagined but seldom believed possible has finally arrived. After two years of anguish, Israelis are preparing to witness the homecoming of those torn from their families – a moment that restores a measure of justice and reminds the country of its own stubborn will to endure. For a brief moment, it feels as though a terrible wrong has been righted.
That relief, however, is tempered by sober reflection: that it took so long, that so many lives were lost before US President Donald Trump brokered a deal that neither Netanyahu, Hamas, nor mediators Egypt and Qatar could afford to refuse.
Yet, even within that frustration lies acknowledgment of what perseverance, military resolve, and diplomatic pressure have ultimately achieved.
In the days ahead, global and regional reactions will determine which doors this agreement opens – and which ones it closes. Israel’s relations with its neighbors and with its closest ally have already been shaped by two years of war. They will now be tested and, perhaps, redefined by the choices made in the coming days and by what comes next.
How this deal was achieved – and how earlier efforts failed – will also reverberate in Israel’s politics and determine the contours of the next election. It will shape the campaign already underway to cast the agreement as a national success and measure how much credit Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu can claim. Only on election day will we be able to see whether the public agrees.
But those arguments will unfold later. For now, there is quiet acknowledgment that something once thought unattainable has been realized.
Hamas did not agree to release all the hostages at one time as a result of Trump’s diplomatic acumen alone. It was forced to do so by pressure, by the persistence of IDF soldiers and reservists who fought to dismantle Hamas and by a public that refused to let the hostage issue fade. This outcome, as painful and costly as it has been, is also a testament to Israel’s endurance and unity of purpose.
Still, the images from Gaza – an enclave reduced to ruin – will remain etched in global memory. However justified this campaign was, its diplomatic cost abroad is steep.
Israel’s challenge now is not only to rebuild what was destroyed in its South, but also to restore its standing in a world where, for many, the moral compass has been lost and too many can no longer distinguish between terrorists who scorn human life and those forced to fight them.
The immediate danger ahead for Israel is complacency. In the rush toward relief and normalcy, Israelis cannot allow old habits of apathy, division, and avoidance to return. Two years is a long time to live inside a nightmare. We must now learn from it, not merely survive it.
These years have revealed that the home front is as vital as the battlefield; that mental and psychological resilience are as essential as physical security; and that the fractures within Israeli society cannot simply be ignored. Real dialogue – as Jewish tradition teaches – demands patience, empathy, nuance, and solidarity. Anything less will tear us apart.
In the battle of narratives, Israel has struggled to tell its story, and the Palestinian narrative has won this round. Hamas propaganda, amplified by Al Jazeera and by organized pro-Palestinian student movements in the West, has revived some of the oldest antisemitic tropes in modern history.
Yet the real challenge is not messaging but mindset. Israel cannot afford to treat the Palestinian issue as something to be ignored until violence erupts again. Jerusalem needs to be proactive because neglect carries its own heavy cost.
As Western and Arab leaders convene in Sharm el-Sheikh to discuss “the future of Israelis and Palestinians” – without either side represented at the table – Israelis must remember that this front is not behind us. It is merely waiting for our attention.
The nightmare may finally be over. Now, the test of what we’ve learned begins.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-870275
-----
Gaza Foundation – A Dark Page In The History Of Humanitarian Work Comes To An End
by Muhammad Jamil
October 13, 2025
From the darkness of closed rooms in November 2024, a criminal organisation emerged under the name Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. It was nothing more than a tool in the hands of the Israeli occupation — an instrument designed to militarise humanitarian aid.
Under the cover of darkness on the evening of Thursday, 9 October 2025, as Israeli forces began their withdrawal in accordance with the first phase of the ceasefire agreement, they were ordered to dismantle the distribution centres established by this so-called Gaza Foundation in the south.
Those very centres, which only yesterday served as death traps and sites of humiliation for the desperate, now stand deserted with only hollow ruins that the people of Gaza wander through in shock. They look upon the remnants and wonder how could the world in the twenty-first century allow a criminal organisation to control the food of over two million people. Many remember their loved ones who perished trying to secure a meal for their families; others recall their own wounds or their narrow escape from certain death.
To this day, the Foundation’s operators and backers have not declared its dissolution, though in reality it has ceased to exist. Under the ceasefire agreement, the Foundation has no role whatsoever in the delivery or distribution of humanitarian aid. The accord explicitly states that such responsibilities fall under the mandate of United Nations agencies, first and foremost, UNRWA.
During negotiations, Netanyahu had insisted on keeping the Gaza Foundation and redeploying it alongside the withdrawing army, in order to preserve Israel’s control over humanitarian supplies and entrench the Foundation as a permanent substitute for UN bodies and other relief organisations. Yet, the Palestinian delegation and mediators firmly rejected any continuation of its work.
The aid-distribution system created by the Israeli occupation, backed by the United States, is unprecedented in the history of humanitarian operations. Never before has an organisation, bearing a humanitarian label, operated under direct military supervision, with its “distribution centres” designed as fortified compounds surrounded by soldiers and heavily armed security contractors. Without mercy, they opened fire on starving crowds herded into narrow passageways, leaving the ground strewn with the dead and wounded.
From the earliest days of the genocide, Israel had been laying the groundwork for such a system. It imposed a suffocating siege on Gaza, vowing that no food, medicine, or fuel would be allowed in. It targeted aid workers and UN distribution centres, struck convoys belonging to relief agencies, and in some cases, bombed them outright. Looters were allowed to intercept the few trucks that made it through. Parallel to these atrocities ran a relentless media campaign demonising UN institution, especially UNRWA, until they were completely barred from operating. By the end of May 2025, the Gaza Foundation’s own distribution centres were inaugurated, replacing the UN agencies on the ground.
The occupation defied every international appeal, every UN resolution, and even the precautionary measures issued by the International Court of Justice calling on it to permit the unrestricted entry of aid. Despite the international community possessing mechanisms beyond the Security Council to enforce these rulings, it chose submission, standing idle as famine spread across the Strip.
Rather than pressuring the Israeli occupation to allow aid into Gaza, certain Arab states complicit with the occupation reached cynical arrangements to conduct occasional airdrops, where media spectacles meant only to deflect criticism of their collaboration. Some of these air-dropped crates killed or injured civilians upon impact. Such theatrical gestures did nothing to meet Gaza’s immense needs: each aircraft carried barely half a truck’s load. According to World Food Programme data, even on days with as many as 20 airdrops from multiple countries, the total cargo amounted to roughly 150 tonnes, which is equivalent to six or seven trucks, while Gaza required an average of 600 trucks a day. The so-called “air bridge” thus covered less than one per cent of the actual need.
The Gaza Foundation was nothing but an instrument of Israel’s starvation policy. On one hand, the occupation boasted that the foundation distributed millions of food parcels; on the other hand, it deprived the vast majority of people of food, as they were unable to walk hundreds of kilometres to obtain it. Hunger tore through the young, the sick, the wounded, and the elderly. News screens and newspapers were filled with images of skeletal children and frail elders taking their last breaths. On 22 August 2025, a coalition of UN agencies, including OCHA, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Health Organization, and the World Food Programme, formally declared that famine had struck Gaza for the first time in the region’s modern history, based on the strict IPC global food-security classification.
The perpetrators behind this criminal organisation believed that American protection would shield them indefinitely. But the circumstances that once made them feel immune are only temporary, and the pursuit of justice is gaining strength. Files have already been submitted to the International Criminal Court detailing the crimes committed by the Foundation’s leaders and collaborators. Requests have been filed with European governments to sanction its officials under the Magnitsky Act. In July 2025, a comprehensive dossier was presented to the Armenian Prosecutor General against Armenian national David Babazian, one of the Foundation’s directors. The office announced the opening of an investigation, coinciding with an international arrest warrant issued against him on corruption charges dating back to 2024.
With full confidence, it can now be said: the Gaza Foundation is a dark page in the history of humanitarian work, and that page has been turned. Whether or not its operators officially announce its dissolution is irrelevant; it no longer exists on the ground, and its leaders face dark days ahead. We can only hope that circumstances will never again allow its return. Despite the many pitfalls in the fragile new agreement, the strong international momentum behind it, reinforced by Donald Trump’s personal guarantees and his attendance with twenty nations at the signing ceremony in Sharm el-Sheikh, are positive indicators. They confirm that the criminal Netanyahu has at last been shackled, unable to manipulate the accord as he has done so many times before.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20251013-gaza-foundation-a-dark-page-in-the-history-of-humanitarian-work-comes-to-an-end/
----
Gaza Will Not Forget, Palestine Will Remember
by Jamal Kanj
October 13, 2025
Gaza will not forget
The suffocating smoke still hangs over her ruins, thick with the acrid stench of explosives powder and dust carrying the scent of betrayal and the mark of courage. Her streets, once filled with children’s laughter, became Israeli fields of slaughter. Now they echo with the names and memories of martyrs.
The mass graves, the broken concrete, and the twisted steel are not just evidence of Zionist hatred. They are witnesses to those who stood with her, and to those who failed her. Today, Gaza’s rubble holds more memories than all the nation’s libraries.
Palestine will remember
She will remember the selfless sacrifices of doctors and healthcare workers who refused to abandon their sick patients as bombs rained on their hospitals; the journalists who became the news, targeted for daring to expose the truth; the mothers who wrapped their children in the red, black, green, and white flag of a nation Israel is desperate to erase.
These are not tales of despair, but of defiance, insisting on its right to breathe life amid death.
Gaza will not forget
She will not forget the silence of Western democracies. In a tragic inversion, most European nations, shackled by the ghosts of their past, traded morality for absolution. The self-proclaimed champions of human rights offered Palestinians on the altar of yesterday’s victims to atone for Europe’s sins.
Gaza will not forget the Biden administration, which vetoed every U.N. Security Council resolution calling to end the genocide. Nor Donald Trump, who poured fuel on the fire, then demanded recognition for dousing his own flames.
This week, Arab, Muslim, and world leaders gather like moths around the American arsonist-turned-firefighter, “celebrating” the ashes of Gaza.
Palestine will remember
She will remember the people who rose for Gaza, from Yemen to Dublin, from Cape Town to London and Madrid, while Arab capitals from Cairo to Riyadh slept. Ireland and Spain led the boycott, while Arab countries from the Gulf to Jordan opened their ports and highways to provide alternative routes for Israeli goods, even as Yemen imposed a sea blockade in the Red Sea.
Gaza will not forget — nor forgive — the Arab governments that opened their ports when shipyard workers in Italy refused, delivering American weapons used to annihilate her children and destroy her hospitals.
Palestine will remember
She will remember South Africa — not an Arab or Muslim nation — that led her case before the International Court of Justice, charging Israel with genocide. A country once scarred by apartheid became the moral conscience of a world too timid to speak. In that act of solidarity, South Africa rekindled the universal truth that justice knows no borders.
Palestine will remember the Lebanese resistance that gave its leaders for Gaza’s defense; Yemen, poor in wealth but rich in dignity, whose solidarity never wavered; and Iran, steadfast against Israeli hubris. She will remember Ireland and Spain, who did not turn away when Arabs did, proving that true solidarity transcends borders, faith, and kinship, resting only on shared humanity.
She will remember the heroes of the flotillas who braved waves of hatred and siege to carry messages of compassion; the nameless volunteers who left the safety of their countries to heal the wounded and feed the hungry; the American students who turned campuses into encampments of resistance; the artists, actors, and musicians who risked careers for justice; the employees who lost their jobs protesting the complicity of Google, Microsoft, and other tech giants in Israel’s crimes.
Gaza will not forget those who betrayed her
Palestine will forever be grateful to those who dared to speak the truth when it was dangerous, who marched when it was forbidden, who grieved when it was unfashionable.
Palestine will remember. History will remember. Justice will remember.
For nearly two years, Gaza has endured a genocide so relentless it defies descriptive language. Israel’s war machine has turned hospitals into morgues, UN schools into mass graves, and refugee camps into craters. Yet Gaza refuses to die.
Each time she is bombed “back to the Stone Age,” she rises — like the phoenix — to rebuild, not only her structures but her indomitable will. In that defiance lies the occupier’s greatest fear: memory.
Israel can destroy buildings but not erase remembrance. The siege may starve Gaza’s body, but it nourishes Palestine’s collective soul.
Gaza’s children will grow up with memories no child should bear. But they will also inherit something indestructible: dignity. In every demolished home and every shattered family lives a story that refuses burial.
Gaza’s memory will not fade. For the mind, unlike stone, cannot be occupied. It is the eternal archive of a people’s resilience, passed from one generation to the next, weaving the indelible tapestry of Palestine today.
The ruins of Gaza stand not only as testimony to Israel’s genocide but to the moral collapse of those who enabled it.
Gaza will rise again, brick by brick.
But what will never be resurrected is the Israeli lie, which, for eight decades, cloaked the Zionist project in the guise of victimhood, occupying Western narratives and manufacturing consent.
Gaza will rise — and the Israeli myth will remain buried beneath her rubble, forever.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20251013-gaza-will-not-forget-palestine-will-remember/
-----
Rebuilding Gaza, undermining Palestine?
by Ronny P Sasmita
October 13, 2025
When the Gaza Plan was first introduced, it was hailed as a bold humanitarian and diplomatic initiative, a roadmap to reconstruction after one of the most devastating wars in recent memory. Backed by Washington, Cairo, Abu Dhabi, and a coalition of Western and Arab donors, the plan promised to rebuild Gaza’s shattered infrastructure, restore essential services, and install a technocratic interim authority to administer the enclave. For much of the international community, exhausted by images of bombed hospitals and displaced families, it sounded like a pragmatic bridge between war and peace.
Yet, beneath the veneer of reconstruction lies a peril far greater than Gaza’s immediate suffering, the slow erosion of the Palestinian political question itself. The Gaza Plan, as currently framed, risks transforming Palestine from a national struggle for sovereignty into a managed territory, a kind of humanitarian protectorate whose fate is dictated by international boards, donor committees, and geopolitical convenience.
For decades, the Palestinian cause has been defined by two intertwined goals, ending occupation and realizing an independent state alongside Israel. The so-called two state solution has been a pillar of international diplomacy, reaffirmed in countless resolutions and summits. But the Gaza Plan, in its structure and logic, begins to hollow out that very vision. It replaces the pursuit of sovereignty with administrative stability, turning political liberation into a project of perpetual management.
Under the proposed framework, Gaza would effectively be governed by a board of international trustees, an amalgam of Western donors, Arab mediators, and technocrats claiming neutrality. This arrangement may ensure order, but it also ensures dependency. It creates a system in which Palestinians are recipients of governance rather than authors of it, where reconstruction becomes an end in itself rather than a means toward political emancipation.
The danger, however, extends beyond Gaza. By allowing the Gaza Plan to harden into a semi-permanent arrangement, the international community risks legitimizing a new political status quo, one that normalizes the absence of statehood. The longer this structure remains in place, the more it will be accepted as the “new reality.” The world may soon start speaking not of “occupation” and “liberation,” but of “stability” and “reconstruction.”
In this process, the Palestinian question risks being quietly redefined, not resolved. The two state solution, already fragile and deferred, could effectively dissolve under the weight of “temporary” solutions that become permanent. Gaza, in this sense, becomes the laboratory for a single state reality, one in which Palestine exists only as a dependent administrative zone orbiting around Israel’s economic and political gravity.
Indeed, that economic dependency is already profound. The Palestinian economy remains tethered to Israel’s, through labor markets, trade flows, and taxation systems. Even the currency in daily use, the Israeli shekel, serves as a constant reminder of this structural subordination. This dependency, once seen as a byproduct of occupation, risks becoming institutionalized through the Gaza Plan. If the plan endures, Gaza’s reconstruction will be funded externally, its governance outsourced to international oversight, and its economic arteries still controlled by Israel. Independence will become an abstraction, deferred indefinitely under the rhetoric of “development” and “peace.”
This is not to dismiss the urgent need for rebuilding. Gaza’s devastation is real, and its people deserve the dignity of homes, hospitals, and functioning schools. But reconstruction must not come at the price of political erasure. The world cannot confuse humanitarian intervention with nation building, nor can it allow the moral urgency of relief to justify the strategic convenience of containment.
Arab states, in particular, must tread carefully. Their motives, ensuring regional stability, avoiding refugee spillovers, and maintaining strategic ties with Washington, are understandable. Yet, by embracing the Gaza Plan without demanding political safeguards, they risk becoming guarantors of a framework that cements Palestine’s marginalization. Reconstruction, if not tied explicitly to a roadmap for sovereignty, becomes complicity in a slow motion annexation, one managed through aid rather than arms.
The deeper threat of the Gaza Plan lies in its political psychology, it reframes the Palestinian struggle as a humanitarian management issue rather than a colonial question. It invites the world to measure progress by the number of rebuilt schools rather than by the restoration of rights. And it gives Israel, perhaps unintentionally, what decades of diplomacy could not, the normalisation of a single, de facto state where Palestinians are governed, not represented.
If this trajectory continues, the Gaza Plan will not be remembered as a bridge to peace but as the blueprint for Palestine’s quiet disappearance from the map of sovereign nations. Once reconstruction stabilizes the territory and international supervision becomes routine, the pressure for political resolution will fade. The “temporary” trusteeship could outlast the conflict itself, transforming Gaza into a perpetual ward of global governance, a territory that functions but never belongs to itself.
For the world’s supporters of Palestine, from Arab capitals to European parliaments, this is the moment for vigilance. The humanitarian urgency of Gaza cannot obscure the political imperative of Palestine. Every dollar of aid and every reconstruction project must be linked to a clear, enforceable commitment to sovereignty, not to endless oversight. Otherwise, the Gaza Plan will succeed where years of occupation failed, it will redefine Palestine out of existence, not through conquest, but through consent.
If the two state vision is to survive, the Gaza Plan must be treated as an emergency measure, not a political model. Its timeline must be finite, its objectives transitional, and its ultimate purpose aligned with Palestinian self determination. Anything less risks replacing one kind of occupation with another, one that comes not from tanks and walls, but from well funded technocracy and global indifference. The world cannot afford to let Gaza’s ruins become the foundation of a permanent political trap. The promise of peace must not be built on the burial of a nation.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20251013-rebuilding-gaza-undermining-palestine/
----
URL: https://www.newageislam.com/middle-east-press/gaza-genocide-drug-lords-death-squads/d/137239
New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism