Middle East Press On: Netanyahu, Israel, Azerbaijan, Iran, Syria, Turkiye, Eu, Nato, And Antarctica: New Age Islam's Selection, 25 March 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
25 Mar. 25
· If Netanyahu cares about the will of the people, he must fire Goldknopf
· Israel's overlooked front line: Daycare centres emotionally supporting toddlers, infants
· Israel should support the South Azerbaijan's independence from Iran
· Ben-Gvir, Netanyahu and Israel’s deadly dance of power
· Israel making yet more enemies with Syria intervention
· Türkiye’s crucial role in EU, NATO defence
· Antarctica: New arena for Türkiye's international influence
· Fear factor: How rise of Türkiye shakes neighbours’ confidence
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If Netanyahu Cares About The Will Of The People, He Must Fire Goldknopf
By Jpost Editorial
March 25, 2025
These past few days have proven beyond a doubt that Construction and Housing Minister and head of the United Torah Judaism Party Yitzhak Goldknopf is unfit to hold any position in the government.
A government is supposed to represent its people – all of its people. But Goldknopf, in actions revealed throughout the past few days, has betrayed his political base and turned his back on the very foundations of what makes this the State of Israel.
The first issue, one he has been outspoken about throughout his role in the government, is that of haredi (ultra-Orthodox) subsidies reduced due to the push for haredi conscription.
Goldknopf sent a letter to Cabinet-Secretary Yossi Fuchs in late February, stating that over NIS 1 billion of the 2025 budget proposal, which was, up until that point, allocated towards coalition funds, would instead enter the budget base as regular funds, meaning the funding would be used to overcome the loss of daycare subsidies to 7,000 haredim in which the military-age father has not reported for IDF service and to increase the salaries of employees in the private haredi education systems.
This is inherently discriminatory in favour of the haredi community, as the conscription policy has been up until this point. It, in essence, designates any tightening of conditions for conscription in the ultra-Orthodox community null and void.
Not to mention, it is illegal; the Attorney-General’s Office said the government cannot circumvent the loss of daycare subsidies by finding other funds to support families of yeshiva students since this would serve as a financial incentive for them to continue evading IDF service.
This was confirmed as having been reallocated in early March by Shas and UTJ faction Degel Hatorah. Goldknopf has also consistently been threatening to quit the government should a harsher push for haredi enlistment move forward within the 2025 budget.
Then, last week, Goldknopf revealed that in his capacity as construction and housing minister, he had repurposed housing projects in Beit Shemesh intended for non-haredi citizens to the haredi community.
Beit Shemesh is a mostly religious city with a large haredi presence. Doing something that egregious would have been at least unethical, at most illegal. He later clarified on X/Twitter that the ministry “operates in accordance with the law, and contrary to how interested parties sought to interpret my words – nothing has been done against regulations.”
He said in that same post that the ministry works “for the benefit of all populations in the State of Israel,” but that hasty cover-up cannot hide the stain of his previous claims and comments and the implications.
Even if he had not done so, he had bragged as though he had. Even if he had not followed through, it was clear this was an item or move he would have supported. That, in and of itself, should already turn scrutiny on the UTJ party head.
The tipping point
The final straw came Sunday when Goldknopf was filmed dancing to the anti-Zionist “Neturei Karta” anthem on Sunday.
Neturei Karta is an anti-Zionist and pro-Palestinian haredi group. It is a fringe group, even within haredi circles. They have been affiliated with Iran and participated in 2006 in the Holocaust denial event, the International Conference to Review the Global Vision of the Holocaust.
A government minister danced to its anthem.
He said he danced to the song so as not to offend the attendees at the party he was at, but that is a thinly veiled excuse for doing something not only anti-Israel but anti-Jewish as a whole.
Finally, on Monday, he quit – but not from the position he showed off, and then denied manipulating as housing and construction minister; he quit his position in the Prime Minister’s Office.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, after the dancing video went viral, said Goldknopf did well by apologizing and avoided addressing demands in the coalition and the opposition alike that Goldknopf be removed from the government.
Goldknopf must be ousted. He has proven himself to be anti-democratic and anti-Israel, and he must not be permitted to continue in a government position. If Netanyahu were to claim, as he has, that he is the voice of the people, he would remove him immediately.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-847446
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Israel's Overlooked Front Line: Daycare Centres Emotionally Supporting Toddlers, Infants
By Ruth Stern-Katari
March 25, 2025
While public discourse focuses on the physical reconstruction of Gaza border communities and the North and the return of school and kindergarten students to their educational frameworks, a critical issue remains largely overlooked.
Infants and toddlers, especially those under the age of three, have endured severe trauma due to displacement from their homes. As they return to daycare centres, the system is unprepared to provide them with the needed support.
Children from birth to age three are the most vulnerable to trauma. Their brains are in crucial stages of development, and exposure to distressing events affects them profoundly. Early childhood trauma can have long-term consequences, impacting cognitive, emotional, and social development.
Despite this, many remain unaware of the importance of addressing trauma in early childhood. The first years of life present a unique window of opportunity for intervention – proper early support can prevent the development of post-traumatic stress disorder and foster emotional resilience.
Daycare centres are a crucial setting
Daycare centres serve as a crucial setting for providing emotional and therapeutic support to toddlers. Caregivers interact with the children daily, allowing them to identify distress signals and provide initial psychological aid.
However, the 2024 budget cuts, alongside delays in transferring funds to colleges for training daycare staff, have created a reality where resource shortages hinder systemic improvements. Additionally, the cancellation of grants for trained caregivers and a proposal to postpone mandatory caregiver training by three years have left those responsible for the youngest and most vulnerable children without proper professional preparation.
At a time when the importance of professional training for early childhood educators is widely acknowledged, Israeli authorities are moving in the opposite direction. Studies have shown that children cared for by trained caregivers exhibit significant advantages – not only in academic achievements but also in social skills and emotional regulation. These benefits are even more critical for children who have experienced trauma.
For infants and toddlers in the Gaza border communities and the North, who have faced the dual trauma of violent events and displacement, daycare centres serve as much more than a childcare setting. They provide stability, a safe space to process experiences, and a vital foundation for personal and communal resilience.
A survey conducted by the Education Ministry in Sderot revealed that 39% of parents believe their children suffer from extreme anxiety and stress, requiring immediate therapeutic intervention. Yet, as of March 2024, only 4% of displaced children in Sderot had received psychological treatment. These children urgently need stable, trauma-aware educational frameworks.
Daycare staff are uniquely positioned to provide preventive care. They spend long hours with the children, recognizing behavioural changes such as outbursts, withdrawal, or concentration difficulties – often indicators of emotional distress. They can also create an environment that fosters routine and security.
Currently, early childhood daycare centres are at the forefront of Israel’s national psychological recovery. Investing in them is essential for individual families, the resilience of communities, and, ultimately, Israeli society as a whole.
We must invest in daycare centres
The Education Ministry must allocate dedicated resources to daycare centres in the Gaza border communities and the North, including at least 20 hours of specialized training for caregivers to help them effectively support traumatized children.
Additionally, professional training in early identification and treatment of distress signs is needed, alongside raising standards in daycare facilities – reducing group sizes and aligning child-to-caregiver ratios with those in developed countries. Funding must also be allocated to open high-quality daycare centres and improve accessibility for returning families through increased subsidies and logistical support.
The future of our children, especially the youngest among them, is the future of Israel. High-quality, professional, and accessible daycare centres are not a luxury – they are a national necessity. We cannot afford to neglect the needs of a generation that already bears the weight of national trauma.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-847381
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Israel Should Support The South Azerbaijan's Independence From Iran
By Mordechai Kedar
March 25, 2025
The independent state of Azerbaijan was established in 1991, following the collapse of the Soviet Union. For many years, the people of Azerbaijan lived under imperial rule, such as the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. The creation of the Republic of Azerbaijan finally allowed the Azeris to live as a free nation.
It is not widely known that, besides the citizens of Azerbaijan, there are many Azeris who still live under imperialist rule, a regime that crushes their culture and oppresses them daily – the rule of the ayatollahs in the Islamic Republic of Iran.
During the wars between the Russian and Persian empires in the 19th century, the Azerbaijani people were divided into Northern Azerbaijan (under Russia/the Soviet Union) and Southern Azerbaijan, located in the northwest of Iran.
The term Southern Azerbaijan refers to the Iranian provinces of East Azerbaijan, West Azerbaijan, Ardabil, and Zanjan. In these provinces, Azerbaijanis constitute the largest ethnic group in the region so Azerbaijani Turkish is the most widely spoken language.
The free Republic of Azerbaijan is a tolerant country, allowing all the communities living within it to enjoy religious freedom and cultural autonomy. A prime example of this is the Jewish community in Azerbaijan, which is not restricted in any way by the Azerbaijani government (which is a Shi’ite Muslim country – like Iran).
Azerbaijani Jews have no issues praying as Jews, wearing a kippah in public, and teaching Hebrew. In Southern Azerbaijan, residents do not enjoy such freedoms from the Iranian authorities.
A journalist at Gunaz TV, Mahboub Tisheh, a South Azerbaijani dissident, testified about life in the area: “South Azerbaijanis face systematic discrimination in every aspect of life – our language is banned from our education system, our culture is suppressed, and our economic resources are plundered to benefit Tehran.”
Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979 and the rise of the Revolutionary Guards to power in Iran, the situation for the people of Southern Azerbaijan has only worsened.
As mentioned, Iran has made efforts to erase the cultural markers of Southern Azerbaijan. Azeris are banned from teaching Azerbaijani literature and language, and are generally prohibited from publicly displaying a culture that is not Iranian-Persian.
North vs South Azerbaijan
The situation for Jews is also 180 degrees different in Southern Azerbaijan compared to Northern Azerbaijan. They do not receive the same treatment that their Azerbaijani Jewish brothers and sisters enjoy in Azerbaijan.
Anyone living under the rule of the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps does not live a peaceful and secure life, but the Azeris living in Southern Azerbaijan suffer even more. Azerbaijanis are the largest ethnic minority in Iran; they have ties with the Republic of Azerbaijan, which has strong relations with the West and the State of Israel, both of which are enemies of the Islamic Republic.
Furthermore, Southern Azerbaijan and Northern Azerbaijan share a “common border,” meaning that if the day comes when the Azerbaijanis living in Southern Azerbaijan gain enough power (international, military, economic, etc.), they will likely succeed in uniting with Northern Azerbaijan.
It is much easier for Southern Azerbaijan to break away from Iran because it is on the edge of Iranian territory, so it’s not a “big issue.” Perhaps this is why the Iranian regime is so harsh toward Azerbaijani culture in Iran, which has coexisted peacefully with Persian culture for generations. If the Iranians are so afraid of Southern Azerbaijan’s secession, maybe it would be in the interest of their enemies to support Southern Azerbaijan’s separation from Iran.
One of Iran’s greatest enemies is the State of Israel, which has close and warm relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan. The two countries have established ties in areas such as trade, economics, security, energy and more.
Azerbaijan is undoubtedly Israel’s closest ally in the Middle East and the relationship between the two countries has proven effective for both sides on multiple occasions.
Since we assume that Iran fears the independence of Southern Azerbaijan and given the strong ties between Northern Azerbaijan and Israel, the question arises: Why shouldn’t such relations also exist with Southern Azerbaijan?
According to Tisheh, the people of the region look upon the alliance between Israel and Northern Azerbaijan with admiration and appreciation for the Jewish people. “Our respect for Israel and the Jewish people has only grown in recent years, particularly in light of the unwavering support extended to our ethnic brothers and sisters in North Azerbaijan,” he said.
“Following the 44-day war over Karabakh, Jewish doctors played a crucial role in treating our wounded soldiers. These acts of solidarity were not forgotten; they strengthened the bonds between our peoples and reaffirmed our belief in shared values and mutual support.”
Although Southern Azerbaijan is located within Iranian territory, the people there have almost no connection to the ayatollah’s regime. This is how Tisheh spoke about Israeli airstrikes in Iran: “We, the young people of South Azerbaijan, fully support Israel’s firm stance against the Iranian regime, including any actions it may take against Iran’s nuclear facilities.
“Israel’s commitment to countering the regime’s threats is crucial, as Iran continues to oppress its own people and destabilize the region.”
Israel should support Southern Azerbaijan
It seems that supporting the independence of Southern Azerbaijan by Israel would create a new ally for the State of Israel in the Middle East, one with deep knowledge of the ayatollah’s regime, under which they currently live.
In addition to helping and supporting the people of Southern Azerbaijan, there is an obvious strategic interest for Israel to create another country that would be its ally in the Middle East. But why stop there? Once Southern Azerbaijan gains independence and breaks away from Iran, this extraordinary event will likely inspire other ethnic minorities in Iran – the Kurds, Balouch, Arabs, and Turkmens – to demand independence and even take action.
There are many ethnic minority areas in Iran: Khuzestan, populated mainly by Arabs – Sistan and Baluchestan, populated by Baluchis; Golestan, populated mainly by Turkmens, etc. Each ethnic minority will demand to secede from the Persian empire and gain independence after Southern Azerbaijan. Israel must seize this strategic opportunity, which will not only help it create another reliable and close ally but also contribute to the disintegration of Iran.
Therefore, in light of the situation of the residents of Southern Azerbaijan in Iran and the geopolitical and geostrategic benefits Israel will gain, it is highly beneficial for Israel to support the independence of Southern Azerbaijan from the Islamic Republic of Iran.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-847369
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Ben-Gvir, Netanyahu And Israel’s Deadly Dance Of Power
Dr. Ramzy Baroud
March 24, 2025
In a genocidal war that has spiralled into a struggle for political survival, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition and the global powers supporting him continue to sacrifice Palestinian lives for political gain.
The sordid career of extremist National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir epitomizes this tragic reality.
Ben-Gvir joined Netanyahu’s government coalition following the December 2022 elections. He remained in the coalition during the post-Oct. 7, 2023, war and genocide on the understanding that any ceasefire in Gaza would force his departure.
As long as the killing of Palestinians and the destruction of their cities continued, Ben-Gvir would stay on board — though neither he nor Netanyahu had any real “next-day” plan, other than to carry out some of the most heinous massacres against a civilian population in recent history.
On Jan. 19, Ben-Gvir left the government immediately after the start of the ceasefire, which many argued would not last. Netanyahu’s untrustworthiness, along with the expected collapse of his government if the war were to end completely, made the ceasefire unfeasible.
Ben-Gvir returned when the genocide resumed on March 18. “We are back, with all our might and power,” he posted on X on the day of his return.
Israel lacks a clear plan because it cannot defeat the Palestinians. While the Israeli army has inflicted suffering on the Palestinian people like no other force has against a civilian population in modern history, the war endures because the Palestinians refuse to surrender.
Israel’s military planners know that a military victory is no longer possible. Former Defence Minister Moshe Ya’alon this month added his voice to the growing chorus, stating during an interview that “revenge is not a war plan.”
The Americans, who supported Netanyahu’s violation of the ceasefire — thus resuming the killings — also understand that the war is almost entirely a political struggle designed to keep figures like Ben-Gvir and extremist Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich in Netanyahu’s coalition.
Though “war is the continuation of politics by other means,” as Prussian general Carl von Clausewitz once surmised, in Israel’s case the politics behind the war is not about Israel as a state but about Netanyahu’s own political survival. He is sacrificing Palestinian children to stay in power, while his extremist ministers do the same to expand their support among right-wing, religious and ultranationalist constituencies.
This logic — that Israel’s war on Gaza reflects internal politics, ideological warfare and class infighting — extends to other political players as well.
The Trump administration supports Israel in return for the financial backing it received from Netanyahu’s supporters in the US during last year’s election campaign. Meanwhile, the UK remains steadfast in its commitment to Tel Aviv, despite the political shifts in Westminster, thus continuing to align with US-Israeli interests while disregarding the wishes of its own population. Germany, which is said to be driven by guilt over its past crimes, and other Western governments pay lip service to human rights while acting in ways that contradict their stated foreign policies.
This mirrors the dystopian world of George Orwell’s “1984,” in which perpetual war is waged based on cynical and false assumptions, where “war is peace … freedom is slavery … and ignorance is strength.”
These elements are reflected in today’s equally dystopian reality. However, Israel substitutes “peace” with “security,” the US is motivated by dominance and “stability” and Europe continues to speak of “democracy.”
Another key difference is that Palestinians do not belong to any of these “superstates.” They are treated as mere pawns, their deaths and enduring injustice used to create the illusion of conflict and to justify the ongoing prolongation of the war.
The deaths of Palestinians — now numbering more than 50,000 — are widely reported by mainstream media outlets, yet rarely do they mention that this is not a war in the traditional sense, but a genocide carried out, financed and defended by Israel and Western powers for domestic political reasons. Palestinians continue to resist because it is their only option in the face of utter destruction and extermination.
However, Netanyahu’s war is not sustainable in the Orwellian sense either. For it to be sustainable, it would need infinite economic resources, which Israel, despite the US’ generosity, does not have. It would also need an endless supply of soldiers, but reports indicate that at least half of Israel’s reservists are not rejoining the army.
Furthermore, Netanyahu does not merely seek to sustain the war; he aims to expand it. This could shift regional and international dynamics in ways that neither Israeli leaders nor their allies fully understand.
Aware of this, Arab leaders met in Cairo on March 4 to propose an alternative to the Netanyahu-Donald Trump plan to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from Gaza. However, they are yet to take meaningful action to hold Israel accountable for its defiance of international and humanitarian laws, which has continued since the Arab summit.
The Arab world must escalate beyond mere statements or the Middle East may endure further war, all to prolong Netanyahu’s coalition of extremists a little longer.
As for the West, the crisis lies in its moral contradictions. The situation in Gaza embodies Orwell’s concept of doublethink — the power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one’s mind simultaneously and accepting both. Western powers claim to support human rights while simultaneously backing genocide. Until this dilemma is resolved, the Middle East will continue to endure suffering for years to come.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2594704
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Israel Making Yet More Enemies With Syria Intervention
Chris Doyle
March 24, 2025
Since the fall of the Assad regime, the Israeli leadership has consistently shown that it is prepared to hit the new authorities in Syria in a way it never bothered to try when the Assads were in power.
When Bashar Assad was president, Israeli airstrikes in Syria were largely restricted to Iranian targets and to prevent the transfer of weaponry to Hezbollah. At no stage after 2011 did Israel take on the regime. And Russia never tried to thwart Israel’s freedom of operation in the air.
Yet, from the outset, Israel has targeted the new authorities in Syria. In the two days following Assad’s fall last December, Israel carried out more than 500 strikes on Syrian military targets. This included naval facilities and alleged chemical weapons sites.
Israel also helped itself to extra territory. It moved into the 235 sq. km demilitarized zone that was defined by the 1974 disengagement agreement and even beyond. It has set up nine outposts in this new area with the declared aim of complete control of the zone. Israel wants to have the strategic Mount Hermon (Jabal Al-Sheikh) under its control, giving it a view of both Damascus and the Bekaa Valley.
Initially, Israel told the UN Security Council that these were “limited and temporary measures.” By February, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was declaring that Israel would remain there “indefinitely.”
In addition, Israel has been lobbying the US to retain the sanctions imposed on the Assad regime. The EU and the UK have gradually eased their sanctions regimes, but the US has been reluctant. This holds Syria back because, with US banking sanctions in place, businesses and investors will not take the risk of doing business there — a vital stage in revitalizing the dead Syrian economy. Syrian expats feel nervous about sending remittances to their families.
Israel has tried to enforce a demilitarized zone in southern Syria. Defence Minister Israel Katz stated that Tel Aviv would “not allow southern Syria to become southern Lebanon.” He would not allow any attempt by the Syrian government to establish a presence in the security zone and that it has to be totally demilitarized.
To reinforce these actions, the Israeli authorities have allocated themselves a role as guardian of the Druze communities in southern Syria. Israeli officials have reached out to Druze figures, trying to tempt them with offers of work in the Golan Heights, with mixed results.
Is all this because Israel is nervous of the Islamist Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham? Its extremist heritage is well known, having grown out of Al-Qaeda, which it left in 2016. Many Syrians remain nervous about HTS. But what realistic threat does Syria pose to Israel now or in the near future?
Syrian Arab Republic President Ahmad Al-Sharaa has been at pains not to provoke Israel or use it, as he might have done, as a populist move to condemn his southern neighbour at every turn. Al-Sharaa knows that Syrians have endured decades of hollow anti-Israel rhetoric from the Assads, so many would be sceptical if he followed that path.
Or is this another example of Israeli aggression and opportunism, expanding its territorial domains at the expense of Syria and to further destabilize its northern neighbour?
Much does not make sense. Israeli leaders should have seen, from their vantage point, a positive to the exit of the Assad regime, as well as the weakening of Iranian influence in Syria and Lebanon. Logically, Israel should be supportive of a situation where Iran is kept out. If this Syrian transition fails and Syria falls apart again, Iran could exploit this.
Anarchy in Syria would be ideal for extremist groups. Daesh is looking to exploit every opportunity to stir things up. This is hardly in Israel’s interests.
This argument is reinforced by Netanyahu himself trying to take credit for the fall of Assad. On the one hand, he is seeking praise for Assad’s downfall, while on the other he is disparaging what followed. He is trying to have it both ways.
Another Israeli motivation might be to thwart Turkiye’s ambitions in Syria. Israel’s relations with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan are close to nonexistent. Israeli leadership figures do not want to see Turkiye being the dominant external actor inside Syria. But Israel’s approach to sanctions makes Syria even more dependent on Ankara.
Israel should adopt a different approach. Instead of resorting to its traditional policy of force first, second and third, it has an opportunity to reach out and assist, to help the transition and be seen as a positive force for change in Syria. It could have played an active role in getting US sanctions lifted and appeared to be on the side of the people.
Syrians associate Israel with raining on their parade. Syrians tell me that, every time they celebrate, Israeli bombs fall — just as they did after the Assad regime’s demise. This also happened to Deraa as it celebrated the anniversary of the start of the 2011 uprising two weeks ago.
Sadly, for all concerned, Israel is busy making enemies rather than winning friends. It has enough of the latter and an ever-increasing number of the former.
Chris Doyle is director of the Council for Arab-British Understanding in London. X: @Doylech
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2594680
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Türkiye’s Crucial Role In Eu, Nato Defence
By Cüneyd Er
Mar 25, 2025
The world is changing and Türkiye is at the center of these shifts. As is known, the country is relatively aligned with the West but also partially connected to the East. This position makes it a key player in shaping Europe’s future, NATO’s security and the wider global balance of power.
I first highlighted this development in one of my previous articles published again in Daily Sabah. At that time, Europe was finally about to realize the full extent of its growing reliance on Türkiye.
There was a time when empires rose and fell with shifting power struggles. Türkiye, located at the crossroads of continents, has always witnessed history’s great transformations. Today, it is again not just watching from the sidelines but actively shaping events. As global alliances shift, Türkiye moves carefully, fully aware that the world is watching.
Europe’s security policies are undergoing a major change. The war in Ukraine has revealed weaknesses in Western institutions. Meanwhile, Donald Trump’s second presidency in the U.S. has accelerated changes in transatlantic security policies. With Washington’s new stance, European leaders are looking for new sources of stability. Türkiye, with its military strength, strategic location and diplomatic reach, has become an important focus.
Türkiye has NATO’s second-largest army. It is not just a defensive force but an active participant in various conflicts. From Syria to Libya, from the Caucasus to the Mediterranean, Türkiye has gained combating military experience that few European countries can match. Its advancements in drone warfare have already changed modern military strategies. These drones have proven effective even against more advanced military forces.
But Türkiye’s influence is not only military. The country controls the Turkish Straits – the Bosporus and Dardanelles – two key waterways connecting the Black Sea to the Mediterranean. This gives Türkiye unique leverage in global security. As tensions between Russia and NATO increase, Türkiye’s role in regulating naval movement is critical. Its decisions – whether in line with NATO or following an independent course – will shape European security.
Beyond security, Türkiye’s economy is shaping its global role. Positioned between Asia and Europe while close to Africa and the Middle East, it is becoming a key trade and manufacturing hub. This is evident in its expanding Defence industry, which now exports drones, armored vehicles and naval ships. As European nations seek to reduce reliance on traditional Defence suppliers, Türkiye is emerging as a strong alternative.
Balance between allies, rivals
Türkiye’s foreign policy requires careful balancing. It has strong ties with the EU, but these relationships have been complicated. As the U.S. becomes less engaged in European security, European leaders recognize Türkiye’s essential role in maintaining regional stability. It is no longer just Türkiye that needs Europe; Europe increasingly needs Türkiye.
This view was visibly reflected during the EU leaders’ summit on March 20-21, 2025. While the first day passed with limited references, the second day marked a significant shift. In a video conference with Türkiye, the U.K., Norway and Iceland, top EU figures – including European Council President António Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen – explicitly acknowledged the strategic role of key partners in Europe’s Defence posture. Türkiye’s inclusion in this select group underscored its importance, particularly in the context of the EU’s Readiness 2030 initiative aimed at building deterrence and expanding industrial Defence capabilities.
This recognition was more than symbolic. As Europe braces for an uncertain future and the war in Ukraine continues, Türkiye’s geographic position, growing Defence sector, and diplomatic outreach make it a necessary partner rather than a peripheral player. The EU’s gesture during the summit served as another reminder that European security increasingly depends on deeper cooperation with Ankara – even if full political alignment remains elusive.
However, Türkiye’s close economic ties with Russia present challenges within NATO. As Türkiye continues trade relations with Moscow, it also supplies military aid to Ukraine. This dual approach allows Türkiye to act as a mediator, but it also raises concerns. If Türkiye moves too close to Russia, it could face opposition from its Western allies. Energy is another factor. Türkiye still depends on Russian natural gas but is working to develop new sources to reduce this reliance.
The legal dimensions of Türkiye’s international dealings are also important. NATO does not prohibit member states from having independent Defence agreements, but Türkiye’s cooperation with Russia – especially in military technology – has already caused tensions, as seen in the S-400 air-Defence system dispute. Türkiye’s control of the Turkish Straits is governed by the Montreux Convention. If Türkiye were to change its stance, it could spark international conflicts, making its foreign policy even more complex.
At the same time, Türkiye is strengthening ties with regional allies such as Azerbaijan, the Gulf states and the other Turkic nations in Turkestan. Its mediation in conflicts like the Armenia-Azerbaijan dispute highlights its growing diplomatic influence. Türkiye is also a key player in energy projects like the Trans-Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline (TANAP), further solidifying its role in global energy security.
As a merchant in Istanbul’s historical Grand Bazaar – often regarded as one of the first shopping malls of the world – once said: “The wise trader never keeps all his gold in one chest.” Türkiye seems to follow this philosophy in its foreign policy. It does not fully commit to any single alliance, yet it remains indispensable to all. Few nations can manage this delicate balancing act without missteps.
Looking forward, especially due to its geographical location, Türkiye’s future is closely tied to Europe’s security challenges. Whether as a military ally, a diplomatic mediator, or an independent power, Türkiye – rooted in its historical foundation and backed by its vast experience – is not simply reacting to global changes; it is actively shaping them. The question is not whether Türkiye will remain central to these shifts but how it will choose to use its influence. In a world where alliances are constantly evolving, Türkiye is proving that it is not just adapting to history; it is helping to write it.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/turkiyes-crucial-role-in-eu-nato-Defence
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Antarctica: New Arena For Türkiye's International Influence
By Merve Ayşe Kizilaslan
Mar 25, 2025
When President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan declared Türkiye's ambition to play a role in shaping the future of Antarctica in 2019, the country was only taking its almost first steps on the frozen continent.
Now, just recently on March 7, 2025, by joining the Spitsbergen (Svalbard) Treaty, which defines the status of the Svalbard Archipelago in the Arctic, Türkiye has secured the right for its citizens and companies to participate in maritime and mining activities in the region. Additionally, within its polar objectives, Türkiye has kicked off its 9th National Antarctic Scientific Expedition, aspiring to strengthen Türkiye's scientific presence in the polar regions permanently.
Studies of Turkish experts
Türkiye's interest stems from a historical legacy dating back to the Ottoman cartographer, navigator and geographer Piri Reis and his 1513 world map, which represented lands near Antarctica.
Following his footsteps, the Turkish team conducted crucial bathymetric studies in Gaul Bay near Horseshoe Island, enhancing maritime navigation. The Turkish Naval Forces' Navigation, Hydrography and Oceanography Department updated bathymetric maps, providing valuable insights into the region's underwater topography. This effort plans to enhance ship navigation, logistics and passenger transfers.
Türkiye also achieved key milestones as part of the expedition, including the first-ever ship passages and hydrographic surveys in the island's northern and northeastern regions.
Another significant effort involved establishing geodynamic stations around the island, including one between Dismal and Horseshoe Island, to study fault lines, volcanic activity and seismic risks. Since 2020, GNSS and GPS measurements have been conducted in Antarctica, and this year, a new geodetic point was added to monitor tectonic movements on Horseshoe Island.
The team continues its scientific exploration while creating a new navigation map for Antarctica and assisting Türkiye's maritime operations and research safety.
While the Turkish Antarctic Research Station strives to build a permanent base on the continent, the nation is just one of the 35 countries that run a national Antarctic program. As this number is expected to rise soon, the key question that comes to mind is why so many nations are investing in activities in such a remote, uninhabited and even hostile part of the world.
Why Antarctica matters?
Undoubtedly, the Antarctic region is vital for geopolitical, climate and economic reasons. The area boasts a wealth of natural resources, including an abundant supply of edible algae, over 200 fish species and significant iron and copper deposits. Additionally, its strategic geographic position is a key hub for intercontinental air travel via transpolar routes.
The region's geopolitical importance is also visible in its access to space, integration into global maritime communication networks and role in advancing scientific research and environmental sustainability.
Moreover, Antarctica is essential for studying climate change, as its extensive ice sheets and unique weather patterns offer valuable hints about global temperature fluctuations. Regional research allows scientists to monitor rising sea levels and long-term shifts in the Earth's climate system.
Last but not least, the possibility of rich oil, natural gas, freshwater, coal and minerals deposits drives nations to stake claims in the region. In early May 2024, the United Kingdom estimated that the Weddell Sea, part of its claimed Antarctic territory, holds around 511 billion barrels of oil – about 10 times the North Sea's total production over the past 50 years. Hence, unsurprisingly, Antarctica continues to attract interest from many countries due to its potential natural resources.
Competition over sovereignty
Initially, sovereignty claims over Antarctica were based on geographical proximity, historical ties, strategic interests, economic prospects and scientific discoveries. Starting from the 1900s, Argentina and Chile saw Antarctica as a natural extension of their territories, while Australia and New Zealand sought to legitimize their affirmations over their proximity. France and Norway, on the other hand, based their claims on historical exploration. Great Britain joined the convoy to expand its influence by claiming certain territories. Nazi Germany, the United States and the Soviet Union (USSR) perceived the continent as military and ideological power for national prestige.
The principle of sovereignty has seemed to face erosion in international relations since the end of the Cold War, particularly in regions like Antarctica, where governance is shaped by international treaties rather than national ownership. However, a different yet related example of polar geopolitics just recently emerged when U.S. President Donald Trump expressed interest in purchasing Greenland. Although Greenland is an autonomous territory under Denmark rather than an internationally governed region like Antarctica, such territorial claims display polar territories' strategic importance in global politics.
If we turn back our scope to Antarctica, many countries have been using scientific exploration and the right of discovery to justify their sovereignty claims. All these developments, along with the growing number of overlapping territorial claims, further increased international tensions.
To end these sovereignty disputes, the 1959 Antarctic Treaty established the continent as a safe zone of scientific cooperation, preventing military and economic exploitation. The treaty halted existing territorial claims and blocked any new sovereignty assertions. While Antarctica remains largely governed under this framework and dedicated to scientific research, its strategic location, natural resources and the impact of climate change could bring aggressive sovereignty claims back into debate in the coming years. Particularly, expanding Chinese and American activities in the region raises concerns about potential tensions in the future.
Türkiye’s polar vision
As this geography stands as one of the focal points of contemporary global power dynamics, Türkiye strategically seeks to have a say on the continent by increasing its presence.
Türkiye's primary strategy in Antarctica is to expand its influence on the international stage through scientific research and to secure a more substantial role in future decision-making processes.
Currently, Türkiye holds a non-consultative member status under the Antarctic Treaty system but aims to be a consultative party. To achieve this, the country must establish a permanent research station on the continent.
Pursuing this goal, under its National Polar Science Program, Türkiye established the Antarctic Science Base on Horseshoe Island in 2019, marking its official presence on the continent. Looking ahead, the nation plans to build a permanent research station and play a more active role in the continent's governance.
Since 2017, Türkiye has been sending scientists to Antarctica each year, conducting research and strengthening its presence on the continent.
To date, Türkiye has carried out a total of 12 National Polar Science Expeditions – eight to Antarctica and four to the Arctic. Nearly 200 Turkish scientists have had the opportunity to conduct over 100 research projects under polar conditions. Thanks to the efforts of Istanbul Technical University’s Polar Research Center (PolReC) and TÜBITAK MAM Polar Research Institute, seismic and meteorological observations have been carried out in Antarctica.
At the same time, Türkiye has engaged in scientific cooperation with more than 20 countries as part of its polar research initiatives. Hosting 22 researchers from 13 different countries on its expeditions, Türkiye has also participated in international missions organized by nine other nations.
Consequently, Türkiye has successfully completed the process for full membership in the European Polar Board, the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR) and the Council of Managers of National Antarctic Programs (COMNAP). This, without a doubt, stands as one of the most striking examples of Türkiye’s effective science diplomacy in recent years.
Rather than pursuing a military or territorial strategy in Antarctica, Türkiye aims to strengthen its presence through scientific diplomacy and international cooperation. However, with growing interest in the continent’s natural resources and intensifying geopolitical competition, Antarctica is set to become an even more contested space in the coming years.
To navigate these shifting dynamics, Türkiye must solidify its scientific presence and secure a more decisive role in international negotiations. In this context, investments in scientific research are not just about academic progress – they represent a strategic move that will shape Türkiye’s standing on the global stage. Ultimately, Türkiye’s presence in Antarctica is no longer a choice but a necessity to stay competitive in the evolving polar dynamics.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/antarctica-new-arena-for-turkiyes-international-influence
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Fear Factor: How Rise Of Türkiye Shakes Neighbour s' Confidence
By Cenk Kaan Adasoy
Mar 24, 2025
Once dismissed as a mere regional actor, Türkiye has now stepped onto the global stage with unshakable confidence, asserting its influence in diplomacy, geo-strategy, energy, soft power, trade, technology and Defence . No longer content with merely reacting to global shifts, Ankara is now actively dictating them.
Yet power, much like gravity, attracts resistance. Türkiye’s ascent has unsettled certain regional players – none more so than Iran and Greece, which see Ankara’s expanding footprint as a direct challenge to their own precarious ambitions.
Turkic rise instills fear
Tehran, in a fit of strategic anxiety, has ramped up its anti-Türkiye rhetoric while paradoxically supporting the PKK terrorist group in Türkiye and Syria – a masterclass in irony, given its own struggles with ethnic unrest. Intelligence reports suggest Iran is scrambling to execute "population engineering" in East and West Azerbaijan to snuff out the surging pan-Turkic sentiment along the Turkish-Azerbaijani border – a move as subtle as an elephant breakdancing in a china shop.
Iran is anxious about Türkiye's rise to power for several reasons. However, it seems that it is most concerned about the resurgence of national brotherhood among Turkic countries, with Türkiye taking a leadership role in this revitalized alliance.
The strengthening of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) has compounded Tehran’s existential dread. The mere thought of a cohesive Turkic bloc stretching from Anatolia to Central Asia sends shudders through Iran's corridors of power. A regime built on fragile ethnic hierarchies cannot afford to acknowledge the reality of its own sizable Turkic population.
Then there’s TRT Farsi, Türkiye’s Persian-language broadcaster, which has become a persistent thorn in Tehran’s side. Iran has long maintained an iron grip over Persian-language media, ensuring that narratives about regional politics, Turkish history and ethnic identities align with its state-sanctioned worldview. But TRT Farsi has disrupted this monopoly, offering Iranian audiences an alternative lens that resonates not just with reformists but also with Azerbaijani Turks, Kurds and other marginalized communities.
Syria – once an Iranian stronghold – has slipped through Tehran's fingers with the fall of the Assad regime, while Türkiye’s military and diplomatic manoeuvres have systematically outflanked Iranian proxies. In Iraq, Ankara’s deepening ties with the regional communities and strategic investments are further eroding Iranian influence. In addition, Türkiye's alternative energy pipeline projects threaten to render Iran increasingly irrelevant in regional energy transit and Tehran finds itself outmanoeuvred at every turn.
Iran's dogmatic perception
Diplomatic tensions reached a boiling point in early March when Iran summoned the Turkish ambassador over growing disagreements – a symbolic tantrum, if nothing else. But what, exactly, does Iran hope to accomplish? Isolated by Western sanctions, vulnerable to Israeli and U.S. strikes and reduced to issuing fiery but empty threats, Iran's leverage over Türkiye is paper-thin. Ankara is not just outplaying Tehran; it is systematically dismantling its regional footholds piece by piece.
Beyond geopolitics, the most bitter pill for Iran is its self-inflicted stagnation. Once considering itself Türkiye’s equal, Tehran now watches as Ankara deftly balances relations between East and West while Iran suffocates under economic turmoil, political repression and ideological rigidity. Türkiye's rise is a haunting reflection of what Iran could have been – had it chosen pragmatism over dogma.
The irony runs deep: Iran’s supreme leader and president both hail from Azerbaijani Turkic backgrounds. Yet, Tehran conveniently ignores this while railing against Türkiye’s growing influence. A nation shaped by the Seljuks, Safavids and Qajars now finds itself at odds with the civilization that once defined it.
Greece's eternal frustration
While Iran grapples with its fading influence, Greece clings to its long-standing tradition of regional victimhood, coupled with provocative posturing. So far secure under the EU's protective wing, Athens continues to push expansionist maritime claims, enforce discriminatory policies against its Turkish minority and militarize disputed islands – all while expecting unconditional Western sympathy. This is despite Greece’s well-documented history of harboring the PKK and Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) terrorist organizations.
The Western Thrace Turkish minority remains a case in point. Athens has systematically shut down Turkish schools, appointed religious leaders unilaterally and also pressured Turkish communities in Rhodes and Kos. Meanwhile, Greece's militarization of the Aegean islands in violation of international agreements is a calculated provocation, driven by the naive assumption that Brussels or NATO will intervene on its behalf. At the same time, Athens has allowed the U.S. to establish new military bases on its territory, further escalating regional tensions.
Then there’s the never-ending Cyprus issue. Half a century of failed negotiations, like the latest one in Geneva, have proven that the dream of a Greek Cypriot-dominated common federation state is dead. Yet Athens refuses to accept this reality, stubbornly rejecting any solution that includes recognizing the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC).
There are also the unrealistic, even absurd, claims of Greece on the Eastern Mediterranean. The Seville Map – a non-binding academic study cited by Athens to justify its maritime claims – has only deepened tensions in this respect, particularly regarding contested gas fields. However, the 2019 Türkiye-Libya maritime agreement upended Athens' maximalist ambitions, shifting the regional balance. Worse still for Athens, Ankara has been repairing ties with Egypt and other regional players, further isolating Greece in its echo chamber.
Adding to the tensions is the ongoing dispute over the uncleared status of several islands in the Aegean, which Greece continues to occupy while unilaterally defining maritime boundaries in its favor. This is not only a blatant violation of international agreements but also an act of deliberate provocation. Türkiye, committed to defending its sovereignty, has repeatedly called for resolving these disputes through dialogue – though Athens, emboldened by its EU backing, seems more interested in escalation than resolution.
Relying on foreign powers
Adding to its unease, Türkiye’s meteoric rise in the Defence industry has rattled Greek policymakers. The success of Turkish drones – reshaping modern battlefields from Africa to Europe and Asia – has fundamentally altered the military balance. Further amplifying this shift, Turkish drone giant Baykar has recently partnered with Italy’s Leonardo, underscoring Ankara’s expanding influence in the global Defence sector and its ability to forge strategic alliances beyond its immediate region. Türkiye’s indigenous Defence advancements, fuelled by initiatives like TeknoFest, especially among young academics, have left Athens scrambling to keep up.
And for all its posturing, Greece should know better. If Washington’s handling of Ukraine has taught us anything, it’s that relying on Western powers for unconditional support in geopolitical gambles is wishful thinking. Moreover, as trans-Atlantic tensions grow, the EU is increasingly aligning itself with Türkiye over Greece – a shift evident in key invitations to high-level events, where Athens is conspicuously absent, as well as in statements from top EU diplomats acknowledging Türkiye’s indispensable role in regional security and stability.
Türkiye’s unapologetic ascent
Beyond these contested areas, Türkiye's diplomatic reach continues to expand: From Nagorno-Karabakh to the Northern Black Sea, from the Balkans to Africa, Ankara’s ability to mediate, broker and influence has positioned it as a sought-after power player and peace-maker. While Western capitals, for instance, fumble through crises, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan remains the most in-demand statesman of the greater region, consistently at the centre of high-stakes summits and geopolitical manoeuvring.
Given its rising stature, Türkiye’s recent demand for a permanent seat at the U.N. Security Council is also more than justified – considering that the exclusion of a Muslim-majority nation from the Council is an outdated relic of post-World War II power structures. As Erdoğan has frequently stated, "The world is bigger than five," advocating for a reformed U.N. Security Council that reflects the realities of the 21st century.
For sure, resistance to Türkiye’s rise is inevitable. But Türkiye is not waiting for permission. It is not seeking approval. Once again, it is asserting its place on the global stage. History does not favour those who resist change – it favours those who drive it. And Türkiye is not just adapting to a changing world but shaping that change.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/fear-factor-how-rise-of-turkiye-shakes-neighbour s-confidence
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