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Middle East Press on: Netanyahu, ICC, Syria, Arabs, Jews, Palestinian: New Age Islam's Selection, 7 December 2024

By New Age Islam Edit Desk

7 December 2024

Netanyahu And The ICC: Justice Must Be Swift And Unyielding

How Syria’s Opposition Groups Achieved Democratic Maturity

Only One Nation Can Help Syria Recover: The Arabs

Syria Battles Are Test Of Iran's Ability To Preserve Its Resistance Axis

Israel-Hezbollah Ceasefire Has Set The Stage For A Fourth Lebanon War

'Progressives' Calling For Immediate Ceasefire Ensure War And Death For Both Sides

Jews Must Stand Tall, Reclaim Our Identity, And Embody The Legacy Of Benjamin Disraeli

Why Is The World Silent About Israel Imprisoning Its Youngest Palestinian Child Yet?

Lebanon’s Economic Crisis Returns To Prominence

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Netanyahu And The ICC: Justice Must Be Swift And Unyielding

By Faroukou Mintoiba

 Dec 07, 2024

The news of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu being issued an arrest warrant for Israeli crimes against Palestinian civilians has echoed like a thunderclap. For many, it represents a milestone in pursuing justice and officially acknowledging Palestinian sorrow. However, this development raises numerous concerns. Does this warrant a meaningful step toward ending impunity, or is it merely a symbolic gesture? Why does this question arise?

Just imagine... It feels like a game where the referee consistently blows the whistle in favor of the same team. The rules are well known but seem to exist only for appearances. This is the impression international justice sometimes conveys. Today, Netanyahu is in the spotlight with an arrest warrant from the International Criminal Court (ICC). But this raises another pressing question: will he truly be held accountable, or is this just another symbolic gesture?

The ICC was founded with a noble mission: prosecuting war criminals without distinction. However, its track record often resembles a chronicle of unmet promises. The court's history is filled with arrest warrants issued against high-ranking leaders, frequently celebrated as symbolic victories for international justice. Yet, how many of these warrants have been successfully enforced?

For instance, the case of former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, who was subject to an ICC arrest warrant yet continued to travel freely, was welcomed by several states that, in theory, were obligated to detain him. It was not the ICC but a popular uprising in Sudan in 2019 that ultimately led to his deposition and arrest by his own people. Similarly, while warrants have been issued for African militia leaders and actors in conflicts in Eastern Europe, many of these individuals remain at large.

The case of Jean-Pierre Bemba of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is equally revealing. After a decade of detention, he was ultimately acquitted, a reversal that left a bitter taste for those who had hoped for impartial justice. These precedents illustrate that while the issuance of an arrest warrant is significant, it does not guarantee that justice will be delivered.

ICC's two faces

As part of Israel's alleged genocide against the Palestinians, Netanyahu now faces international justice on war crimes charges. For many, this mandate represents a glimmer of hope – a signal that international justice might also scrutinize the powerful allies of great nations. But let’s be realistic: how many Western leaders or strategic allies of the West have ever been brought before the ICC? This glaring disparity has led to frequent criticism of the institution for its apparent bias in selecting the cases it prosecutes.

The figures speak for themselves: of the dozens of cases prosecuted by the ICC, the majority target African leaders, creating the impression of a selective geography in international justice. Meanwhile, leaders involved in equally violent conflicts often enjoy near-total impunity. The ICC seems to wear two faces: a strict enforcer for some and a passive observer for others. What explains these double standards? The answer is simple: politics. Despite its professed independence, the ICC is frequently swayed by geopolitical dynamics. Prosecuting an African or Middle Eastern leader without significant international backing is possible. But holding leaders shielded by powerful alliances accountable is an entirely different matter.

Take, for example, the case of Russian President Vladimir Putin. A warrant has been issued for what has been labeled "his crimes in Ukraine," but who is actually going to arrest him? While Putin may not be on the best terms with Western leaders, one thing is clear: Russia remains a military superpower. Now, consider Israel, a strategic ally of the United States and several European powers. This relationship complicates the likelihood of this mandate being enforced. In fact, in response to the arrest warrant, White House spokeswoman Karine Jean-Pierre rejected the validity of the warrants, emphasizing that the ICC was not competent in this matter since Israel is a non-member state of the ICC.

We can also point to Western military actions in the Middle East, particularly in Iraq and Afghanistan. Accusations of war crimes have been made against American and British authorities for abuses in these countries; however, no warrants have been issued to date. Why have the violations committed in Yemen, often with the implicit or explicit support of Western powers, not been subject to similar prosecutions? Why not? The answer is simple again: the powerful do not hold each other accountable. The least that can be said is that international justice appears to wear very selective blinders.

These double standards strengthen the perception that international justice is only a political weapon used to serve geostrategic goals. For the Palestinians and several other individuals seeking justice worldwide, this arrest warrant signifies the long-overdue acknowledgment of their suffering. They are more aware than anybody else, nevertheless, that symbolic declarations are insufficient. They suffer the daily effects of occupation, forced relocation and brutality. There needs to be tangible action taken in response to the arrest warrant against Netanyahu. Pointing the finger of blame is insufficient if nothing is done to apprehend him, hold him accountable, and consider restitution. Beyond rhetoric, the international community must strive for the actual implementation of international law. A world where the rules apply to everyone, without exception, shall not be a utopia.

Regrettably, Netanyahu's situation also draws attention to the systemic flaws in the international legal system. As a sitting head of state, he can invoke diplomatic immunity, an argument often used to protect leaders from prosecution. What's more, Israel, like other powers, has never signed up to the Rome Statute on which the ICC is founded, which further complicates prosecutions. This impasse reveals a wider problem: international justice lacks coercive means. International institutions cannot function effectively if they depend on the goodwill of states to implement their decisions.

Justice cannot be in variable geometry

Several changes are needed for the ICC to become a genuine instrument of justice. Initially, it is necessary to fortify its autonomy. This entails safeguarding the court from economic and political pressure. Subsequently, it is imperative to establish an international cooperation mechanism in which member states pledge to execute warrants without exception.

An equitable and consistent approach must also be adopted by the international community. Justice cannot function with a variable geometry. Every war crime and every human rights violation must be treated with the same rigor, regardless of the country concerned or the status of the leader involved.

Action, value

It is time for the international community to move from words to deeds. Justice devoid of complacency should transcend mere rhetoric and manifest as a tangible reality. The Netanyahu case presents a significant occasion for the ICC to demonstrate its capacity for decisive action rather than mere rhetoric.

Ultimately, justice that selectively overlooks circumstances cannot be deemed true justice. It is merely a construct of perception. The world is watching. The ICC has an opportunity to demonstrate its commitment to its stated mission. However, to achieve this, it must demonstrate that no leader, regardless of their power, is exempt from the law.

International justice must not persist as a stage where solely the vulnerable face scrutiny. It should evolve into a steadfast foundation, an emblem of equity and veracity. Otherwise, this warrant against Netanyahu will merely represent yet another instalment in a protracted narrative of unfulfilled commitments.

https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/netanyahu-and-the-icc-justice-must-be-swift-and-unyielding

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How Syria’s Opposition Groups Achieved Democratic Maturity

By Ihsan Aktaş

 Dec 07, 2024

As is widely recognized, the Syrian civil war originated from the aspirations of the Syrian people for an improved quality of life, a stronger economy and the opportunity to live freely within a democratic framework.

Initially, the United States aimed to facilitate a regime change in Syria and establish a democratic order. The "Friends of Syria" platform, comprising approximately 60 members, included Türkiye as an active participant. In the course of events, the U.S. abandoned the objective of regime change in Syria, influenced by factors such as the assassination of the U.S. ambassador in Libya and the steadfast opposition from Iran and Russia.

When the U.S. abandoned the objective of regime change, it diverged from Türkiye’s approach. Subsequently, Syria became a focal point for various actors, including Iran, Russia, the U.S., Türkiye and numerous terrorist organizations.

On one hand, Syria, despite the backing of Iran and Russia, effectively lost its status as a functioning state. On the other hand, its territory has become a battleground for wars of influence between competing powers.

Under the guidance of the Republic of Türkiye, the Syrian National Army (SNA) and the interim Syrian government were established, particularly along the border with Türkiye. These groups began to pin their hopes on the Geneva and Astana formats to shape Syria’s future.

On the other hand, a group with ties to al-Qaida in the past, which later became the Nusra Front, and which actually consists of thousands of sub-groups and calls itself Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), was also present in the Idlib region.

Democracy in chaos

Initially, the SNA and the interim Syrian government comprised individuals who developed a state-oriented mindset with Türkiye's support and gradually evolved into a cohesive regional administrative entity.

One of the most prominent discussion topics in the past week has been the democratic progress and maturity of the opposition structures in Idlib.

In contrast, Iran's steadfast involvement is exemplified by the high motivation of its Shiite militias. These militias have often demonstrated behavior far from just or fair, along with Hezbollah members, who have occupied cities with the backing of Iran and Russia.

Moreover, the region has witnessed the emergence of parallel extremist threats. In fact, Iran has produced radicalism that is a mirror image of Deash on the other front, which was created by the U.S. Consequently, Syrian society has been confronted with violent organizations like the terrorist group the PKK, but also with the scourge of Deash and its exact ideological counterpart, Hezbollah and Shiite militias.

Coexisting in peace

The opposition groups that recently captured Aleppo and advanced toward Hama have adopted a noteworthy and distinctive approach. Upon entering Aleppo, they made deliberate efforts to engage with Christian neighborhoods, offering reassurances that no undemocratic practices would be practiced. They emphasized that Christians, Muslims, Armenians, Arabs, Turks and all other communities would coexist peacefully as residents of Aleppo.

Furthermore, these groups have pledged not to impose military rule over the city but to transfer its governance to the interim Syrian government. In addition, they articulated their intent to establish a local administration composed of Aleppo’s residents to address and manage the community’s needs and aspirations effectively.

The expectation for such groups operating on the Syrian ground was that they would act with greater vengeance, severity and a retaliatory mindset. However, during this process, whether due to the role of Türkiye as a mediator in the region, collaboration with Arab countries or the involvement of some mission leaders in Qatar, the reality has been quite different.

The Syrian opposition, mainly the SNA and the HTS, has demonstrated a grade of maturity, democratic principles and moral integrity that indicates a capacity to govern Syria in the future.

Meanwhile, Russia, already in a vulnerable position due to the ongoing Ukrainian-Russian war, is keen to avoid any unforeseen complications in Syria.

Iran, facing its own challenges with Israel, has experienced a regional setback as Hezbollah forces have predominantly returned to Lebanon, diminishing its influence on the ground.

From the perspective of Türkiye, its primary concern in the Syrian civil war remains the presence of terrorist groups in the region, particularly the PKK. Given the PKK's history of violent and terrorist acts targeting Türkiye directly, its presence is categorically unacceptable. At the same time, Türkiye remains committed to advancing the Geneva process and seeks meaningful progress towards a political resolution.

Refusing extended hand

As for the Assad regime, it has declined President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's overtures for reconciliation, likely influenced by the short-term and reactive policy recommendations of Iran. Moreover, the Assad regime has engaged in prolonged stalling tactics, delaying the implementation of both the Geneva and Astana processes for the past seven to eight years.

The Republic of Türkiye, with its vision centered on a political solution and the success of the Geneva process, is closely monitoring the situation. However, it remains cautious, refraining from taking hasty actions as it seeks a balanced and strategic approach.

The shifting global context remains uncertain, yet it is evident that Türkiye has consistently upheld a principled stance in support of Syria's territorial integrity and its long-term transformation into a democratic, unitary state, far from any ambitions of occupation. Thanks to Türkiye's ability to maintain a strong position in the region during these turbulent days in Syria, the evolving conditions and global conjuncture have directly propelled Türkiye into a stronger position, further solidifying its regional influence.

https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/columns/how-syrias-opposition-groups-achieved-democratic-maturity

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Only One Nation Can Help Syria Recover: The Arabs

By Amotz Asa-El

December 6, 2024

With war’s fury gripping his land, seven-year-old Amineh Abu Kerech’s father fled Damascus to the unknown, taking with him Amineh, her mother, sister, and childhood.

After one nomadic year in Syria and three more in Egypt, they proceeded to England, where Amineh – by then 13 – penned the prizewinning poem, “Lament for Syria.”

“Syrian doves croon above my head,” she wrote, “their call cries in my eyes.”

“I’m trying to design a country,” she went on, a country “that will go with my poetry / and not get in the way when I’m thinking / where soldiers don’t walk over my face / I’m trying to design a country / which will be worthy of me if I’m ever a poet / and make allowances if I burst into tears / I’m trying to design a city / of love, peace, concord, and virtue / free of mess, war, wreckage, and misery.”

Tragically, the Syria for which Amineh longs this week grew even more distant than it already was.

Military developments

THE MILITARY developments seem clear.

Islamist rebels stormed Syrian outposts and bases, entering Aleppo, Syria’s commercial capital, and seizing its airport.

Tactically, the assault is reminiscent of Hamas’s October 7 attack, deploying riflemen and light vehicles while catching an unsuspecting military by complete surprise. Strategically, however, the rebels’ chances of rebooting Syria’s civil war are low. The Syrian arena is too crowded and contradictory for anyone to fully seize it.

The insurgency is led by fundamentalists for whom the secular President Bashar Assad is an infidel. However, the same Assad’s staunchest allies are Iran’s equally fundamentalist mullahs.

Syria’s Sunnis resent Assad’s tribe, the Alawites, but the anti-Sunni alliance’s Russian patron has a huge Sunni population, nearly 25 million Russians. The rebels’ patron, Turkey, is expectedly Sunni, but its main enemy in this theater are the Kurds, who are also Sunnis.

Turkey is fighting the Syrian Kurds because of its own Kurdish minority, whose nationhood it denies and whose potential secession it dreads. The US, however, backs the Kurds, which places NATO allies Ankara and Washington on opposite sides of the Syrian war.

Israel’s position in all this is even murkier. On the one hand, its Lebanese nemesis, Hezbollah, fought for Assad. On the other hand, the Sunni Islamists Hezbollah fought are, from Israel’s standpoint, just as dangerous.

It’s a big mess, then, but three facts nonetheless loom beyond Syria’s regathered battle fog.

First, Assad is firmly backed by Russia, which sees in its aerial and naval bases in western Syria major outposts in its imperial master plan. Second, Russia’s air power should suffice to stem the renewed rebellion’s thrust. And third, the 13-year war’s already massive devastation, dislocation, and despair are now set to further expand.

Syria has become a battleground for a plethora of imperial predators, religious fanatics, and distant powers, none of which answers Amineh’s question: “Can anyone teach me how to make a homeland?”

Syria's future

SYRIA CAN, and someday will, be rebuilt. But before young Syrians learn “how to make a homeland,” they must understand who will not remake their homeland. It won’t be any of the three non-Arab powers that assisted Syria’s suicide.

It won’t be Turkey, whose military occupies hundreds of Syrian towns along a northern strip nearly twice the size of the West Bank. Having sheltered more than three million Syrian refugees, Turkey now wants them to return to their homeland, but Assad demands that Turkey first end its occupation. It’s a recipe for stalemate and yet more decay, disillusionment, and wrath.

The Turkish demand is fair, but its refusal to retreat means it doesn’t care about Syria. It cares about Turkey. Worse, even if it wanted to help rebuild Syria, Turkey is in no position to help anyone because the lira, worth $0.26 when Amineh penned her poem, has since plunged to hardly three cents. The same goes for Russia, where the ruble tanked over the same period, from 16 American cents to less than one penny, not to mention Iran’s paper money, which now trades officially at 42,000 – and unofficially at more than 100,000 – rials to the dollar.

It is now six years since these three countries concocted the deal that halted the fighting in Idlib and seemed to end the civil war. Alas, for the war to end, Syria had to be led from there to a path of massive reconstruction, the way the US was after its civil war, and the way Europe was after World War II.

To end the war, Ankara, Moscow, and Tehran should have launched a Marshall Plan that would have carpeted Syria with thousands of new houses, factories, hospitals, and schools. Such thinking, besides being beyond their means, is beyond their minds. They do war, not peace.

There was a time when the West would assume such a role, but chances of such altruism happening during the approaching Trumpian era are as good as chances that Russia will join NATO.

Only one nation, it follows, can help Syria recover, the same nation that Syria’s Persian, Turkish, and Russian intruders have so intensely bludgeoned and dishonored: the Arabs.

The princes, emirs, and sheikhs of Riyadh, Kuwait, Abu Dhabi, Qatar, and Oman have not only the money Syria begs for but also the Arab ears that should hear, and the Arab souls that should feel what Syria’s foreign invaders will never hear or feel: the lament, as Amineh penned it, for “Syria, my love,” the land of “merciful soil” and “fragrance of jasmine,” the tormented motherland whose “screaming cry” she hears “in the cries of the doves” while reporting from afar that her wing is broken, like those of her lost country’s doves.

https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832224

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Syria Battles Are Test Of Iran's Ability To Preserve Its Resistance Axis

By Aviram Bellaishe

December 7, 2024

The struggle in Syria between the rebels and the army of President Bashar Assad is not only for the future of Syria but also for the future of Iran in the Middle East. That much is evident from discourse among senior Iranian analysts over whether Iran’s status in the Syrian arena is under grave threat or, conversely, Iran has an opportunity to reinforce that strategic status.

According to one view, the latest developments seriously imperil Iran’s position in Syria. Deliberately or not, an intersection of interests has emerged in Syria among the United States, Israel, Turkey, and Russia, aimed at ousting the Iranian forces and their allies from the country, say the analysts. This convergence poses a real threat to Iran’s presence in the region. The analysts do not believe that this is a collusion between the United States under Biden’s leadership and Russia. Rather, they say, it involves separate agreements between Russia and Israel on the one hand, and Turkey and Russia on the other, which entail danger for Iran. 

These agreements, it is claimed, stem from Turkey’s pressure on Russia after Turkey tried to arrange a meeting with Assad and he refused because of pressure from Iran. At the same time, Israel warns about attacking Syria and assassinating Assad if the Russians are unable to convince him to cut ties with Iran. According to these analysts, that was the aim of Israeli official Ron Dermer’s visit to Russia.

The Iranians view Russia’s airstrikes as reflective of a change in strategy. Whereas in the past these proved decisive in the struggle against the Syrian opposition, they are now weak if they occur at all. And so, the Kremlin, not in a position to contend with the situation alone, transfers the responsibility to the Syrian army.

The Iranians also believe that on Assad’s visit to Russia in recent days he was given the choice of completely severing ties with the Islamic Republic or being ousted from his post.

Additionally, Iranian analysts maintain that were Assad to be assassinated or deposed, it would not affect Russia’s influence on Damascus. If Moscow, they say, has indeed signed separate agreements behind the scenes with Turkey and Israel, it will eventually play a more significant role in Damascus without a strong Iranian presence.

On the issue of Turkey, the Iranians assess that even if it was behind the rebel attack, or even if it only consented to it, its goal is not only revenge on Assad. It also wants, they say, to prepare to act against the Kurdish independent administration in the near future. Therefore, the withdrawal of the Russian forces from Tel Rifaat [in northwestern Syria] is the prelude to that.

The analysts lament what they see as the Iranian regime’s greatest error, the perception of Israel and the US as posing the gravest danger to Iran – instead of understanding that it would come from a Turkey That is becoming imperialist.

What are the possible future scenarios for Iran, and how do they bode?

From this standpoint, possible future scenarios are quite gloomy for Iran.

AMONG THE possibilities these Iranian analysts point to are: The collapse of the Syrian regime as the opposition rapidly advances, the halting of the offensive as a result of international understandings that will entail a cutoff of Damascus-Tehran ties, or even a military coup that would change the governmental structure in Syria completely. Iran could find itself outside of the game, they warn– and suggest awaiting the developments.

Conversely, some Iranian analysts also see opportunities. In their view, Israel and the US’s shared objective is to prevent Hezbollah from recovering. Therefore, they must eliminate its supply lines and support. In other words, a focus on the Syrian arena.

Israel, indeed, recently sent warnings to the Syrian government and to Assad himself that if Syria does not cut off supplies to Hezbollah, the regime will face a danger of collapse – prompting an uptick in visits to Syria by senior Iranian officials.

The US, Israel, and Turkey apparently assess that the Syrian government, the Syrian army, Iran, and Russia will not be able (as they were from 2011-2018) to wage a battle against the rebels and defeat them, especially when, unlike in the past, Iran is involved in a conflict with Israel, and Russia is immersed in a war in Ukraine.

Moreover, according to assessments, Hezbollah, which played a major role in protecting the regime, cannot do so at present, in light of the losses of fighters and weaponry it has suffered in the war with Israel, which is one of the reasons that the rebels attacked when they did.

Iranian analysts see a possibility that Israel, too, will choose to exploit opportunities in Syria and take aggressive action there, not just in support of the rebels as in the past.

The current crisis, despite its complexity, also harbors important opportunities for Tehran. The battle for Aleppo is a fight for the future of the resistance axis, analysts say. They argue that a victory in this arena will not only counteract the immediate threats but also give Iran an opportunity to reestablish its regional status.

The city of Aleppo, liberated in the past thanks to Iranian forces, is a flashpoint once again. Success in warding off the terrorists could lead to the liberation of Idlib and the destruction of the Syrian opposition after years of fighting, the analysts explain. Moreover, the current battles offer an opportunity to beef up the operational presence of the Iranian resistance forces, which can help expand Iran’s influence in the region and therefore should be sent to the region.

DESPITE CONSIDERABLE pressure on Assad to distance himself from Iran, some analysts believe that the latest events will only increase his dependence on the Islamic regime. If the Syrian regime finds itself more isolated, Iran will become its inevitable ally, they claim.

It is understood in Tehran that the battles in Syria are not just territorial; they are a test of Iran’s ability to preserve its regional status and its axis. The conclusion, then, is that Iran must fight to maintain its hold on Syria and shore up the resistance axis.

Iran is now indeed dispatching forces to Syria, according to the analysts, ostensibly to help the Syrian regime, but the real aim is to stymie regional attempts to sever the Tehran–Damascus axis. In Tehran’s view, it must strive to prevent the takeover of its strategic assets, in light of the weakness of the Syrian regime and the efforts to forge alliances,

Iranian forces, which are entering Syria under the regime’s auspices, constitute an important change on the northern front. Amid the disorder, these forces are likely to act against Israel and use Syrian territory to keep striving to rearm and rehabilitate Hezbollah.

https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832230

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Israel-Hezbollah Ceasefire Has Set The Stage For A Fourth Lebanon War

By Michael Freund

December 6, 2024

Last week, Israel made one of its gravest strategic mistakes since the war began on Oct. 7 last year.

Snatching defeat from the jaws of victory, the Jewish state agreed to a ceasefire in Lebanon, prompting shouts of joy and sighs of relief in underground Hezbollah bunkers throughout Beirut.

Sure, Israel gave the terrorist organization an unprecedented pummeling in recent months, degrading its military arsenal, weakening its command structure, and delivering a blow to its fighting image.

But it is precisely now, when Hezbollah is down but not out, that Israel can and should finish the job rather than retreating to its corner like a boxer in the ring in between rounds.

As of this writing, the ceasefire is teetering on the brink of collapse, as Hezbollah, not surprisingly, has willfully and repeatedly violated its terms. Whether the deal holds or not is beside the point because the very idea of granting a respite to Hezbollah means giving the thugs a breather, a chance to regroup, refine their strategy, and plan future violence and attacks.

But don’t take my word for it.

Just two weeks ago, former Lebanese president Amin Gemayel warned in an interview that a ceasefire would give Hezbollah an opportunity once again to reassert itself on the Lebanese scene.

“I believe that in the long term, this does not serve the interests of Israel, the United States, and the Arab region,” Gemayel said, adding, “It will be a preparation for an additional war and a type of ticking time bomb.”

Indeed, if this latest act of capitulation by Israel seems familiar, that’s because it is virtually identical to what happened in 2006 at the end of the Second Lebanon War, when the government of prime minister Ehud Olmert ignominiously agreed to halt the IDF’s counterterrorism operation against Hezbollah.

The result of that war was UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which was supposed to ensure that Hezbollah would pull back north of the Litani River and never again threaten Israel’s North.

We all know how that turned out.

At the time, Olmert insisted that his mini-war had achieved its aims. In an interview with the German magazine Der Spiegel a few months after the end of the conflict, Olmert said, “The goals we set forth for this war were to deploy the Lebanese army in the south of Lebanon and to remove the threat of Hezbollah from the townships of northern Israel. When I accepted the ceasefire on August 14, these goals were to be implemented successfully.”

The following year, in May 2007, Olmert doubled down and told Hadassah Magazine that one of the aims of the war had been “the complete removal of all Hezbollah fortifications south of the Litani River. This was achieved in full.”

Within just a few years, however, Hezbollah had not only rebuilt what had been destroyed but vastly expanded its arsenal both quantitatively and qualitatively, and eventually had terrorists literally patrolling the border with Israel.

All the promises made by the Lebanese government, the assurances of international guarantees, and soothing words from talking heads on television proved to be sheer rubbish.

Yet now, the government is inexplicably risking a repeat of Olmert’s catastrophe by putting a premature end to the third Lebanon war, which has been raging in recent months.

This is the equivalent of watching a movie for a second or third time in the hopes that the ending will be different. In other words, it is an act of unadulterated folly.

Why Israel's ceasefire with Hezbollah is a bad idea

Just consider a few of the absurdities in the ceasefire deal. It failed to create a buffer zone in southern Lebanon and permitted residents of the area’s villages, many of whom are Hezbollah terrorists and accomplices, to return to their homes.

Sure enough, within days of the deal’s announcement, there were videos on social media of Hezbollah terrorists waving their organization’s flag not far from the border with Israel.

The agreement also neglected to include detailed and specific guidelines and mechanisms for disarming Hezbollah, leaving it in possession of weapons with which to carry out future attacks.

But perhaps the biggest joke of all is the ostensible agreement that the manufacture of weapons in Lebanon or their importation will be overseen by the Lebanese government.

It is difficult to imagine that this idea was concocted with a straight face because it is precisely due to the weakness of the Beirut authorities that Hezbollah has been able to operate as a state within a state for all these years.

Furthermore, Hezbollah has held cabinet positions in Lebanon’s various governments since 2005 and currently has two seats in its administration.

Does anyone seriously think that a government that includes Hezbollah will take the steps necessary to disarm Hezbollah?

Residents of Israel’s North are furious about the arrangement, and rightly so. They have lived on the front line for decades and watched as successive Israeli governments failed at the most basic and elementary task of providing them with security.

SO IF, as I suggest, this agreement is truly as harebrained as it seems, you might be wondering why Israel went along with it.

The solution is to be found in, of all places, the length of the agreed-upon ceasefire, which is 60 days.

Why 60 days and not, say, 15 or 30?

Well, a look at the American political calendar provides the obvious answer. Sixty days takes us through the end of the Biden administration. In other words, Biden wants to go out with a “win” of some sort, and his envoy Amos Hochstein reportedly threatened Israel behind the scenes with everything from withholding weapons shipments to refraining from vetoing anti-Israel resolutions at the UN Security Council.

This is the only possible rational explanation for this deal – namely, an attempt to buy time until Donald Trump is sworn in as president in January and leave him to deal with the mess.

However politically or diplomatically necessary some believe this deal may have been, it does not take away from the fact that Israel is squandering a historic opportunity to destroy Hezbollah and restore our national deterrence.

Our brave young soldiers did not go into Lebanon to fight and bleed for the sake of yet another meaningless piece of paper backed by unreliable international monitors. They put their lives on the line to put an end to the threat to the state.

Leaving Hezbollah in place to regroup and rebuild, and abandoning the territory in southern Lebanon adjacent to Israel’s northern border, are merely setting the stage for the fourth Lebanon war.

It may take days, weeks, months, or even years, but, sadly, it will come.

And it is entirely avoidable, if only Israel demonstrates the courage to win.            

https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832127

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'Progressives' Calling For Immediate Ceasefire Ensure War And Death For Both Sides

By Fred Naider

December 7, 2024

The United Nations Security Council recently voted on a ceasefire resolution to end the state of hostilities in Gaza. This seemingly righteous resolution was fundamentally flawed. It called for the cessation of the war between Israel and the Islamic terrorists including Hamas but did not require the release of 101 hostages now held under dire conditions for more than 400 days.

The draft resolution (SC/15907) was supported by 14 of the UNSC members but did not pass due to a veto by the United States. Previous resolutions from the UNSC had linked hostage release with the end of the war. Why the change in language?

The Genocide Convention is an International Treaty criminalizing genocide, which as defined in Article II, is the deliberate destruction of a racial or ethnic group by a government or its agents. Francesca Albanese, the UN special rapporteur on human rights, and a select UN committee have accused Israel of committing genocide during the Israel-Hamas War in Gaza.

The Wall Street Journal reported that the UN has decided to fire its Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, Alice Wairimu Nderitu from Kenya. According to the WSJ, Nderitu was terminated because she defined Israel’s response to the massacre of October 7, 2023, as an attempt to dismantle a terrorist regime.

Moreover, she concluded that Israel has tried to protect Palestinian civilians during the conflict. Thus, in her view, Israel is not conducting a genocidal campaign. When UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres appointed Nderitu, he praised her experience and track record in violence prevention. Why has the UN fired its own expert on conflict resolution at a time when war rages in the Middle East?

IN PARALLEL to these farcical actions by the UN, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former defense minister Yoav Gallant for crimes against humanity and genocide during Israel’s campaign against Hamas in Gaza. Notably missing in warrants issued by the ICC are those that name Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Khaled Meshaal, Naim Qassem and Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, leaders of Iran, Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis, respectively.

These gentlemen have sent hundreds to thousands of missiles and drones targeting civilians. They have held 101 hostages underground for more than 14 months, killing many in cold blood. They have targeted international shipping. They publicly promote the eradication of a UN member state. Yet they remain free to travel the world without fear of being arrested under ICC charges. How does one understand this cynical behavior by a putatively respectable court of justice?

The October 7 massacre by Hamas did not discriminate in choosing its victims. Many women were included among the murdered and kidnapped. Testimony and forensic evidence support the fact that Hamas sexually harassed and raped their victims both on October 7 and during the more than 400 days of detention.

World has failed to condemn Hamas atrocities

Nevertheless, the progressive Left and international women’s groups either remained silent or refused to condemn Hamas’s actions against women until confronted with outside pressure.

What factors prevented progressive women from immediately censuring the brutal criminal actions by Hamas against Jewish women? Are terrorists free to rape and sexually abuse women because they are Israelis?

The West needs to awaken to the challenges that it confronts. The Geneva Convention and Rules of War assume that the parties to the lethal conflict are sovereign states or countries. As such they have responsibility for their citizenry, and they distinguish between soldiers and non-combatants. Terrorist entities like Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis are non-state actors who hold little or no allegiance to the people of Gaza, Lebanon, or Yemen, respectively. They do not answer to the sovereign governments of the countries that provide their refuge and feel no responsibility for its citizens.

When Hamas official Mousa Abu Marzouk was asked why Hamas didn’t build bomb shelters for civilians, he answered that the tunnels in Gaza were built to protect Hamas fighters, not civilians; protecting Gaza civilians is the responsibility of the UN and Israel (interview in late October 2023 translated by the Middle East Media Research Institute).

Terrorist fighters of Hamas and Hezbollah are free to send rockets and drones against civilians because as non-sovereign entities, they do not feel bound by the Geneva conventions. Often the media believes it is objective to criticize Israel for actions taken fighting to protect its sovereignty while romanticizing brutal terrorist murderers as freedom fighters. What is their justification for this decision?

THE RULES of war should not be misconstrued to enable terrorist groups to fight against sovereign states by embedding themselves in hospitals, schools, houses of worship, and/or civilian neighbourhoods. It is the duty of independent observers to criticize, and not to provide excuses, for such actions. An example is the collusion between UNRWA and Hamas during the current conflict.

Although the UN and Israel disagree concerning the extent of UNRWA employees who were members of Hamas and Islamic Jihad, there is growing evidence implicating the aid agency of housing terrorists and carrying out terrorist activities in and under their facilities.

Israeli intelligence has provided information, based on captured documents, that UNRWA employees numbering in the hundreds were in Hamas military positions and that numerous Hamas command centres used its buildings. The curriculum used in UNRWA schools perpetuates the claim that Jews do not have a historical connection with the land of Israel.

Why have the major Western media outlets, both in print and in live broadcasts, refrained from condemning these activities? Future analysts will question these “progressive” institutions for portraying the Palestinians and their terrorist warlords as victims, while Israel is labelled the oppressor.

“‘Progressive” voices advocating for an immediate ceasefire, which will allow Hamas to retain dominion over Gaza, are ensuring continued war, death, and suffering for both the Palestinians and the Jews. The actions of Hamas terrorists on October 7, 2023, and the plan by Hezbollah to overrun the Galilee, should leave no doubt as to how the Iran-backed Islamic savages would deal with Jews in Israel if they were to gain the upper hand. The hypocrisy of these “progressives” should not dictate the outcome of the current battle.

https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832221

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Jews Must Stand Tall, Reclaim Our Identity, And Embody The Legacy Of Benjamin Disraeli

By Steven Burg

December 7, 2024

The recent Oxford Union debate, whose members voted overwhelmingly that Israel is an apartheid state committing genocide, was a stark reminder of the persistent antisemitism in academia, specifically in the Oxford Union.

This farce echoes the Union’s 1933 vote against fighting for “King and Country” as Hitler rose to power. Then-British premier Winston Churchill called that decision “an abject, squalid, shameless avowal.” Today, we face a similar disgrace.

For centuries, Jews have strived for acceptance, contributing Nobel Prizes and prosperity to their host nations. Yet, as the Oxford Union debate proved, some institutions remain bastions of hate. Academic and political scientist Gerald Steinberg rightly pointed out in July when he was invited to speak at the debate, that the Oxford Union is merely a “platform for crude political propaganda,” no different from its inglorious past.

It’s time for Jews to channel the spirit of former British prime minister Benjamin Disraeli. When attacked for his Jewish heritage in 1835 by Daniel O’Connell, the Irish Roman Catholic leader, Disraeli proudly declared, “Yes, I am a Jew, and while the ancestors of the right honourable gentleman were brutal savages in an unknown island, mine were priests in the Temple of Solomon."

Our heritage has brought morality and ethics to the world. While others waged war, we sought peace. Israel stands as a beacon of hope, fighting barbaric terror to free both Jews and Palestinians from the shackles of some of the worst terror organizations the world has ever known.

We have transformed swampland into a thriving nation, only to face those who would destroy it and take it from us.

We’ve seen this before. Germany’s universities were the institutions that first turned against the Jews in the 1930s. If the current face of academia is the one we have seen at Oxford, Harvard, Penn, Columbia, UCLA, and others, it’s time to pursue education where we’re wanted.

For Jewish children, success should no longer be measured by Ivy League prestige if that prestige is tarnished by anti-Semitic student bodies and administrations who do nothing, or worse, to protect those spreading hate.

Their success should rather be measured by our connection to our heritage and our contribution to society. Israel boasts world-class universities, many of which have just opened English programs to welcome students from the United States. 

Taking steps to protect Jewish students

The United States, likewise, has institutions that protect Jewish students and uphold righteousness. Campuses including Brandeis, Maryland, University of Florida, University of Maryland, Florida State, University of Arizona, and Binghamton University, to name a few, have taken steps to combat antisemitism on campus and shut down these so-called “pro-Palestinian” protests.

We must abandon toxic environments such as Oxford and its ilk. These places have become academic parodies, losing sight of the true meaning of free thought and free speech. Jewish students should demand safety and respect – or have the pride to go elsewhere.

As Jews, we possess an incredible legacy. We brought light to the world when others dwelled in darkness. Israel, born from unwanted swamps, blossomed into beauty. Now, terrorist sympathizers worldwide seek to destroy it, fabricating false narratives to deny our heritage.

It’s time to stop chasing acceptance from those who despise us. It’s time to demand respect or depart with dignity.

It’s time for Jewish students to say “enough” to hostile campuses. Let’s embrace universities that embrace us. Let’s build and support institutions that celebrate our contributions, protect our safety, and honour our heritage. Let us embrace our own institutions and our own pride. We are the descendants of Solomon’s priests, not savages on unknown islands.

Jews need to be like Disraeli. We must stand tall, go where we’re welcomed, and share our light with institutions that value us. Our strength lies not in the approval of others, but in the unshakeable pride of who we are and what we’ve given the world.

Let us proudly proclaim our Jewish identity and the ancient wisdom it carries. It’s time to leave the savage islands of hate and reclaim our place as priests in the temple of knowledge and progress.

https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832213

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Why Is The World Silent About Israel Imprisoning Its Youngest Palestinian Child Yet?

By Anjuman Rahman

December 6, 2024

On Sunday, 14-year-old Ayham Al-Salaymeh began serving a one-year prison sentence in Israel, becoming the youngest Palestinian ever imprisoned under Israel’s military law.

Before being forced to surrender himself at Al-Moskobiya prison in Jerusalem, Ayham’s father, Nawaf, took him on a final walk through the streets of their hometown, Jerusalem. In a moment captured on video, Nawaf told his son how to survive in prison: “Every prisoner inside is your brother. They were imprisoned because of the love they have for their country.”

Ayham’s case is not an isolated transgression imposed by Israel; it is a reflection of a deeply rooted system of apartheid and oppression. In this system, Palestinian children are criminalised, stripped of their childhoods and imprisoned under conditions that would spark global outrage if they were happening anywhere else. Yet the world remains silent, even as Ayham’s story highlights the brutal machinery of Israel’s military occupation and its impact on the most vulnerable.

Ayham was first arrested in January 2022, at the age of 12, along with four other boys. Accused of throwing stones at Israeli settlers, they were detained by Israeli occupation forces and subjected to humiliating treatment and physical violence during their interrogation, according to the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem. After posting bail, Ayham was placed under house arrest, confining him to his home and stripping away his ability to live as a child.

His incarceration comes after the Israeli government passed a law last month permitting the imprisonment of children as young as 12 for offences categorised as “terrorism”. This controversial measure has become a weapon against Palestinian minors, who are treated as security threats rather than as children deserving of protection.

Ayham’s case is part of a much larger crisis. As of now, 270 Palestinian children are held in Israeli-run prisons, including notorious facilities like Ofer, Megiddo and Damon. These prisons are known for severe human rights abuses, including overcrowding, physical and psychological torture and medical neglect.

Save the Children has documented an alarming escalation of abuses since October 2023. Palestinian children detained in Israeli prisons report hunger, overcrowding and exposure to diseases like scabies due to unsanitary conditions. Many have suffered severe physical abuse, strip searches and even sexual violence. Testimonies from recently released minors paint a harrowing picture.

One Palestinian boy, Qusay, described seeing a child so brutally beaten by Israeli guards that he fainted whenever he tried to stand. “The younger children were really scared and kept crying,” he said. When Qusay asked to comfort them, he was violently beaten by guards. Another child, Firas, spoke of using a lighter to burn ticks that infested the bedding, while guards mocked prisoners who pleaded for medical care.

Conditions have worsened since the start of Israel’s war in Gaza. Reports indicate mass detentions have led to intolerable overcrowding, with detainees denied access to basic hygiene, medical treatment, or adequate food. One Israeli guard ordered prisoners to “Call me back when he’s dead,” after they requested help for a child with a severe rash.

These testimonies reveal a blatant disregard for international law, which prohibits the torture or cruel treatment of children under any circumstances.

The root of this crisis lies in Israel’s discriminatory dual legal system in the occupied territories, recognised by many as apartheid, systematically targeting Palestinians while shielding settlers. Palestinian children in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem are subjected to military law, which denies them basic rights and treats them as adults in almost every way. Israeli settlers in the same areas, however, enjoy the protections of civilian law.

Earlier this year, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) declared Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories unlawful, reinforcing the illegitimacy of policies like military detention. Despite this, Israel remains the only country in the world to automatically prosecute children in military courts.

The plight of Palestinian children like Ayham is well documented. Human rights organisations, including B’Tselem, Save the Children and UNICEF, have repeatedly called for an end to these illegal practices. Yet, the world’s response has been tepid. Western governments and media, often quick to condemn abuses elsewhere, have largely ignored the systematic targeting of Palestinian children.

This silence perpetuates the suffering. Ayham’s father’s words – “We handed him over while our hearts were burning” – capture the helplessness of families forced to comply with Israel’s  unjust system. For the global community to remain silent in the face of such blatant violations is to condone them.

Meanwhile, for Palestinian children who are released, the trauma doesn’t end. Psychologists working with Save the Children describe a deep psychological toll on former detainees, who often suffer from post-traumatic stress, guilt and a pervasive fear of re-arrest.

One psychologist noted: “They can’t make decisions, they say, ‘Why would I think of tomorrow if they will re-arrest me?’ Their families describe them as ‘frozen’.”

If human rights are to mean anything, the global community must act.

Governments must demand accountability from Israel, pressuring it to end the detention and mistreatment of children. Media outlets must break their silence, amplifying these stories and ensuring they reach audiences worldwide.

Ayham is just 14 years old. The question isn’t whether we know what’s happening. We do. The question is whether we will act – or continue to look away.

The names of children in Save the Children’s report were changed to conceal their identities.

https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241206-why-is-the-world-silent-about-israel-imprisoning-its-youngest-palestinian-child-yet/

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Lebanon’s Economic Crisis Returns To Prominence

Zaid M. Belbagi

December 06, 2024

Last week’s ceasefire deal has refocused minds on Lebanon’s dire economic situation. Though formal hostilities have drawn to a close, questions over Israel’s continued presence in the south of the country and questions as to the military and political future of Hezbollah raise the spectre of ongoing uncertainty. With almost 1 million Lebanese displaced and with yet more capital flight, Lebanon, whose economy has been in freefall since 2019, is facing an unprecedented crisis. Within this context, efforts to bolster its post-war economy are critical to improving the lives of its long-suffering citizens.

According to the World Bank, Lebanon’s pre-war financial crisis ranked “among the worst economic crises globally since the mid-19th century.” Following the 14-month Hezbollah-Israel conflict, this crisis is all the more acute. Today, it is estimated that Lebanon faces a reconstruction bill of more than $25 billion, compounding the economic losses of $8.5 billion and including $2.8 billion in damage to housing infrastructure.

With Israel having struck Lebanon again since the deal came into effect, sending the lira plummeting further, the fragility of the peace highlights the essential nature of political reforms and institutional stability. These are needed to create the suitable conditions for a window of recovery that the country so desperately needs.

While Lebanon’s towns and cities show significant bomb damage, the tourism industry, once a key economic pillar, has collapsed due to heightened insecurity. Following a welcome increase in 2022, visitor numbers have fallen, with the World Travel and Tourism Council estimating that tourism’s share of Lebanon’s national economy will decrease from 6.6 percent in 2023 to 5.5 percent in 2024.

This downturn has had the knock-on effect of a dramatic rise in hotel and flight cancellations, with the tracked-to-scheduled flights ratio dropping from 98.8 percent to 63.3 percent in the first month of the war. This decline, which has been more pronounced than in other countries neighbouring the conflict, is likely to persist throughout the first quarter of 2025, resulting in significant job losses and reduced income for those reliant on the sector, such as hotel and restaurant workers.

The warnings of countries like the US, the UK and France for their citizens not to travel to Lebanon due to regional instability have had a significant effect on the economy, as 63 percent of Lebanon’s international arrivals in 2022 were expatriates. This community, which numbers some 10 to 18 million people, is much larger than the population within Lebanon and has a critical part to play in the small country’s economy.

The cyclical nature of conflict and corruption, which has crippled political life in Lebanon, has also hampered the efficacy of international aid, of which Lebanon has been a significant recipient. In circumstances where the politics of the region do not precipitate aid from international donors and Lebanon’s internal dynamics and realities are contrary to the political views of its wealthier neighbours, a concerted effort to court the economic force of the diaspora is necessary.

This is supported by a June report by Bodhi Global Analysis and the Danish Refugee Council, which highlighted widespread dissatisfaction with traditional aid mechanisms and a preference for direct involvement in recovery efforts. This approach reflects a shift away from the frequent fundraising efforts of Lebanon’s self-serving political elite and toward a growth in community-driven solutions, emphasizing local agency (and that of the diaspora in particular) over external dependencies. In this context, a combination of for-profit and philanthropic models can provide the support the hollowed-out state needs to create profitable ventures that stimulate the local economy.

Though the state can play an important role in mobilizing the diaspora — much as the parliament speaker recently called on Lebanese abroad to support the displaced — Lebanon must overcome the political impasses that have stunted its development and encouraged militia movements in order to cease or at least spread out the country’s debt and conflict cycles.

Although Israel’s military actions have been controversial, it is Lebanon’s political impasse that lies at the core of the country’s ongoing crises, including the collapse of state institutions, economic volatility and deepening political divisions. The latest war caused an unhelpful shift away from the existing urgent domestic issues, further prolonging Lebanon’s internal dysfunction. Though the conflict focused on Hezbollah, it also deepened the country’s internal paralysis, highlighting once again the centrality of Lebanon’s political failures to the poor lot of its citizens.

The pre-Oct. 7 status quo was one in which political disputes continued to cripple the country. Now that a ceasefire has been agreed, Lebanon can either return to this status, which would not offer a path to recovery, or push its political factions to negotiate an internal settlement and agree on a president, prime minister and government structure. Such a compromise could encourage regional support, particularly from the Gulf, and create the conditions for Lebanon to address its urgent economic challenges.

Long-term recovery is dependent on comprehensive reforms to allow for the rebuilding of infrastructure, a return to international agreements like the Paris frameworks and to attract regional and diaspora investment. Lebanon has been without a president or active government since 2022, with Najib Mikati currently serving as the prime minister only in a caretaker capacity. With urgent negotiations with the International Monetary Fund necessary to guarantee sustainable financial support, Lebanon’s political crisis and the failure of its public institutions will kill more Lebanese in the long term than Israel’s military has.

https://www.arabnews.com/node/2582034

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URL:     https://www.newageislam.com/middle-east-press/netanyahu-icc-syria-arabs-jews-palestinian/d/133952

 

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