Middle East Press On Gaza Genocide, Yahya Sinwar, NATO, UNRWA, Israel: New Age Islam's Selection, 19 October 2024
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
19 October 2024
Israel’s Losing Game In The Middle East: A War With No Results
Iran Is Embattled. But It's Still Winning The Ideological War
The ‘General’s Plan’ In Gaza: A Genocide By Starvation
After Sinwar's Death, Israel Aims To Lock In Strategic Gains Before US Election
Türkiye And The Call For Nuclear Peace
Events In Gaza, Lebanon May Bring Egypt And Iran Closer
NATO Should Prioritize Improving Ties With Middle East States
Western Naiveté Is Undermining Israel's Fight For Survival
Israel's Path To Unity In The Sukkah
Why UNRWA’s Nobel Peace Prize Nomination Is A Disgrace For Israel
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Israel’s Losing Game In The Middle East: A War With No Results
By Muhammad Roman
October 18, 2024
A year-long Israeli aggression against Palestinians in Gaza has resulted in the killing of approximately 41,000 civilians. As per United Nations and UNICEF reports, 16,756 children have been killed and 5300 injured, while 11,346 women killed in the conflict, so far.
In parallel, Israeli forces are choosing counter-value targets instead of counter-force, ultimately causing a serious humanitarian crisis in the Middle Eastern region. WHO data reveals that there had been 48 attacks reported on healthcare facilities in Gaza Strip, resulted in the damage of 24 hospitals including Al-Ahli Arab and Al-Shifa hospitals. According to UN reports, only four out of 22 health facilities are operational in Gaza strip.
In the same manner, Israeli forces are attacking the healthcare set-up of Lebanon. According to the WHO, in the recent air strikes, Israel shattered 37 healthcare facilities and killed dozens of medical staff. As a result, the Lebanese government is forced to close three hospitals in South Lebanon amid the fear of Israeli air strikes. In addition, hospitals near the Israel-Lebanon border are running out of supplies, making it impossible for them to carry out their duties.
US-controlled response to Israeli genocide is raising concerns across the globe. Its neither a hawk nor a dove policy on Israeli aggression is dragging the US away from its principle stance on the Russia-Ukraine war and China-Taiwan crises. Instead of playing an active role in stopping Israel from further aggression, the US is providing advanced weaponry to Israel and strengthening their combat readiness.
Conversely, the Israeli leadership lacks clear policy objectives regarding what they aim to achieve from this war. The opening of a second front in Lebanon now places Israel in a position where there is no end in sight on either front. Their targeting of civilian infrastructure is directly related to the making of more freedom fighters, because countering oppression is the basic teaching of Islam.
Tel Aviv, in a year-long conflict achieved nothing but shame and disgrace on the global stage, which highlights the basic policy failure towards handling the war. Arguably, the silence of International institutions on the ongoing genocide in Gaza ultimately strengthens Israeli stance and actions. Therefore, it provides a sense of legitimisation to Israel while bombing hospitals and children.
It is important to highlight that Tel Aviv stands unsuccessful in eliminating the ideology already established in the Gaza Strip and peripheries which considered Israel as an occupying force. Similarly, Tel Aviv has failed to inculcate its vision of a sovereign and legitimate state in the people of Palestine; neither could they attract them nor could they convince them. Still, after a year of bloody conflict, those masses are not willing to accept the Israeli state and consider it an occupying force living on the lands of Palestinians. Which ultimately means that it is possible to kill individuals but it is nearly impossible to kill an ideology.
If one delves into the recent history, the US’s 20 years-long invasion of Afghanistan did not change the ideology of the Afghans, despite using every kind of weapon there, which is why they failed and got defeated. The same results can be drawn from the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.
Moreover, targeting civilian infrastructure, taking counter-value targets on priority and eliminating the thinking cycle by force would not make one victorious; instead, there is a need to start the process of a healthy dialogue to end this long-standing conflict in the Middle Eastern region. Time and again, periods of intense hostility are followed by brief lulls, only for violence to reignite.
Furthermore, the involvement of other regional actors like Iran and Lebanon in the ongoing hostility is exacerbating the crises into a regional conflict, having global security consequences. It has the ability to disrupt global supply chains and drag global powers, i.e., the US and Russia into the conflict.
Moving in opposition to Clausewitz’s Trinity concept may only bring failure for Israel. According to a survey of PEW Research Centre, 68 per cent Israeli citizens said that they are extremely or very concerned about the war going on for a long time without achieving primary objectives. The people to fight with are already against you, but when those you’re fighting for turn against you, it will create real chaos. Severing the crucial “People” element of Clausewitz’s Trinity from Tel Aviv’s strategy will result in fiasco.
Therefore, a global call for dialogue and settlement of the conflict is need of the hour. A united demand for de-escalation, protection of civilians and renewed diplomatic efforts could serve as a blueprint for resolving future conflicts. Rather than backing either side, the international community should focus on creating avenues for peace, highlighting the humanitarian cost of protracted wars and championing the protection of non-combatants. The international community must break this cycle and they must promote dialogue over destruction.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241018-israels-losing-game-in-the-middle-east-a-war-with-no-results/
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Iran Is Embattled. But It's Still Winning The Ideological War
By Syed Zubair Ahmed
October 18, 2024
Cafes in bustling Central London are always full of tourists, of which many moneyed ones come from the Arab world. Once, I found myself deep in conversation with a young Saudi architect, who, in a moment of rare candour, shared his thoughts on what he termed the "slaughtering of Gazans" over the past year.
"We are in distress," he sighed. "We young Saudis can see Gaza being flattened, but my country stays silent." These are brave words from a Saudi, no doubt on foreign land. But then, it's a country where the closest thing to freedom of speech is the freedom to agree with the monarch.
But what really made the conversation interesting was his view on Iran's missile strike against Israel on October 1. "Iran is the only country standing up to Israel and America," he said in admiration and relief. A Sunni Saudi praising a Shiite Iran is like an Iranian praising Israel. It should give Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman a sleepless night.
Two weeks ago, an avalanche of missiles rained down over Israeli skies, causing limited damage but sending shockwaves through the Muslim world. From Jakarta to Jenin, the celebrations were will - people cheering as though it was Israel's final defeat. Screams, slogans, sheer disbelief. Never mind that Israel's inevitable retaliation, which is yet to come, could be even more spectacularly deadly. For them, the mere fact that someone - anyone - had dared to defy Israel was enough. Forget logic. This was emotional catharsis at its peak.
It is not surprising then that Tehran's defiance against Israel and the US is making the Islamic Republic more popular across both the wider Shiite and Sunni communities. It is important to recall the 2006 Lebanese war, when Iran's active support to Hezbollah against Israel generated a surge in support for Iran across the Muslim world.
Iran's Soft Power
"The Iranian people's revolution is just the beginning of the revolution for the entire Islamic world." Those were the words of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the man who kickstarted the 1979 Iranian Revolution and essentially declared his intention to export Iran's brand of Islamic revival far and wide.
While policymakers and analysts in the West tend to fixate on the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and its well-trained armed militias, they are really just scratching the surface. Sure, the IRGC's militia network packs a punch, but that's only one part of Iran's influence. The real thing happens behind the scenes, where Iran has built a whole soft-power empire across West Asia - and beyond -thanks to its soft-power agencies. Under Iran's current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran has continued with its policy of exporting its revolution. In fact, the export of its ideology is enshrined in its Constitution implemented after the 1979 revolution.
What Iran cannot do militarily to Israel, it's doing with its soft power. It has encircled the Jewish state with a web of entities deeply influenced by its ideology. It has cloned its ideology in Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen. Its ideological fingerprints are all over Syria and Iraq too. Additionally, Tehran's influence is creeping into parts of the Gulf, with Bahrain, a Shia-majority country, being a notable example. It's also trying to make inroads into Afghanistan and even in places like the Palestinian territories.
And if you are looking for where else Iran's revolution is spreading much beyond its boundaries, just visit the Shia majority Kargil in Kashmir. The life-size cutout of Khamenei outside a Shia mosque in the main town says it all.
By 2009, right in the middle of US and UN sanctions, Iran had completed around several hundred development projects in southern Lebanon - schools, religious centres, sports complexes, hospitals -you name it. And all of them conveniently spread Tehran's Islamic ideology.
The question is, why does Iran support Hamas and, more generally, all Palestinians, even though they are Sunni who have not accepted its Shia revolution? The answer is simple. The clerical regime asserts it is its Islamic duty to be the defender of what it believes is the oppressed people. To support the oppressed and oppose the oppressor is at the core of the Shia doctrine.
Shiite Doctrine Of Sacrifice
From the early years of Islam, the followers were divided into Sunni and Shia sects. The former enjoys the majority and the latter's population is restricted to West Asia, Pakistan and India. Persia had a vibrant ancient culture. After embracing Shia Islam, the Persian pride in culture remains strong in Iran.
Urdu poet Allama Iqbal has summed up the spirit of Shiite martyrdom in this couplet: "Islam zinda hota hai har karbala ke baad" (Islam is revived after every Karbala-like tragedy). The Shiite spirit of martyrdom is deeply rooted in the tragedy of Karbala, where Imam Hussain, the grandson of Prophet Muhammad, and his followers, were brutally killed in their stand against tyranny. This sacrifice is seen not just as a historical event but as a timeless symbol of resistance, justice, and self-sacrifice for a higher cause. In Shiite belief, martyrdom is the ultimate act of devotion and defiance against oppression, which has been encapsulated in the Islamic Republic of Iran's ideology.
Therefore, US sanctions or Israeli attacks on its infrastructure only hardens a Shiite's resolve to resist and defy. Take, for example, how over the last four years, the Israeli campaign against Iran, which has seen sabotage and attacks on nuclear and military facilities within Iran, assassinations of nuclear scientists and decorated military officers on Iranian soil and even elsewhere in Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and other locations, have failed to deter Iran or Hezbollah from harming the Israeli cause.
Israel may launch an attack on Iran and destroy its oil fields or other infrastructure in retaliation to the October 1 attack, but it is quite possible it will only firm up the Shiite resolve to launch further attacks on Israel. It might become a never-ending cycle of violence
The Competition To Win Over Muslims
Much before the Islamic Republic of Iran began exporting its ideology, it was Saudi Arabia that was engaged in winning the hearts and minds of the Muslim world. The export of Wahhabism gained momentum during King Faisal's reign (1964-1975) and continued under subsequent monarchs. Its primary objective was to promote Wahhabism, support Muslim communities worldwide and counter Shia and Iranian influence. "The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia" by David Commins encapsulates the rise of Wahhabi ideology quite well. Wahhabism took an extreme form in some societies, which gave birth to entities such as the Taliban and Al Qaeda. There was no surprise in the fact that out of the 19 hijackers of planes in the 9/11 terror attack, 15 were Saudi nationals.
It is ironic then that the US would continue to nurture monarchs in Saudi Arabia. Of course, there is no denying that in recent years, Saudi Arabia has attempted to rebrand itself as a force against extremism, introducing reforms under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's 'Vision 2030'. However, critics argue that these reforms are superficial and the underlying Wahhabi ideology remains intact.
Saudi Influence Wanes
Saudi Arabia was on the brink of signing the Abraham Accord with Israel before the deadly attack by Hamas on October 7 last year. Many in Muslim societies complain that Saudis appear to be doing nothing for the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. On the contrary, it is being accused of cold-shouldering the Palestinian issue. Clearly, with Iran positioned to take on powerful forces like Israel and America, Saudi Arabia is losing the battle of winning the hearts and minds of Muslims.
But West Asia is a complex region. Arabs, Turks and Persians are the largest ethnic or linguistic groups there. Together, they make up 90% of the region's population. The Arab population is divided into over 20 countries. Turks and Iranians largely live in Turkey and Iran, respectively. Much of the current Arab countries and the land where Israel stands today were until the First World War part of the Ottoman Empire. So, Turkish influence in the region cannot be ignored. Turkey Muslims practise Sunni Islam but they are more moderate compared to the Saudi brand of Islam. Modern Turkey, under President Erdogan, is engaged in spreading its cultural and political influences across the Muslim world.
Iran Is Far From Isolated
It is widely believed that due to sanctions imposed by the US since 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran stands isolated. The sanctions have no doubt hugely impacted its economy, but the country has still managed to create a huge missile production industry and manufacture the most modern drones. Iran has not only built its axis of resistance in Hezbollah and the Houthis, but it has also nurtured good diplomatic ties with key regional players, such as Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Qatar and, more recently, even with Saudi Arabia. In the last two years, it has become part of geopolitically important multilateral fora, such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). A strong anti-US sentiment has also brought Iran and Russia much closer together, which is indeed a big deal for the former.
The US once had an excellent relationship with Iran after it helped depose an elected Prime Minister and install a monarch in 1953. It continued to support the oppressive regime of the Pahlavi monarchy until the 1979 Islamic revolution replaced the tyrant administration. In a way, the US is indirectly responsible for the Islamic revolution and for oppressed Iranians under the monarchy finding refuge in the Shiite faith. True to its habit, the US has often supported dictators and anti-democracy leaders in West Asia. Military dictatorships in Egypt and the monarchies in Saudi Arabia and Jordan continue to depend on the US security umbrella. Maybe there is a need for a West Asia policy reset. But then there are hawks in the US Congress and inside Israel for whom any rapprochement with Iran will be tantamount to blasphemy.
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(Syed Zubair Ahmed is a London-based senior Indian journalist with three decades of experience with the Western media)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author
https://www.ndtv.com/opinion/iran-is-under-fire-but-its-still-winning-the-ideological-war-6816583#pfrom=home-ndtv_opinion
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The ‘General’s Plan’ in Gaza: A Genocide By Starvation
By Jamal Kanj
October 18, 2024
George Orwell’s dystopian foresight could easily find new expressions in the ongoing Israeli wars of genocide in Gaza and Lebanon. Much like “war is peace”, the Biden administration and the European Union have contributed to creating phrases such as “aggression is self-defence,” “murder is collateral damage”, “safe areas are death traps” and “humanitarian aid is a starvation diet.”
After enduring a full year of Israeli terror, extreme torment and military occupation, fear never conquered Gazans. Despite the complete Israeli blockade – abetted with the help of the Egyptian regime – and the stark imbalance in military power, Gaza’s collective resistance, by all means necessary, remained steadfast and resilient.
Notwithstanding the above, Benjamin Netanyahu has not succeeded in achieving any of his declared objectives. For instance, less than seven per cent of the freed Israeli captives were recovered by force. Perhaps because the Israeli prime minister’s undeclared Zionist objectives, such as land grabs in the West Bank under the shadow of the Gaza genocide, took precedence over pursuing a proven venue for the release of Israeli prisoners.
Netanyahu’s war success can be only measured by Israel’s scale of vengeance, as the toll of the murdered and injured has reached 150,000. Gaza has been turned into a living hell. A war that pervasively and systematically diminished Gaza’s economic capacity, following an 18-year blockade that crippled the economy and forced upon it an ever-increasing sense of dependency.
Yet, Israel failed to bring any part of Gaza into submission. As a result, several Israeli generals, led by former national security adviser Israeli Maj-General Giora Eiland, contrived a new approach, the “General’s Plan”, to ethnically cleanse northern Gaza.
The General’s Plan is not exclusively a military strategy but rather an orchestrated non-combatant action, euphemistically termed to mask its true intention: genocide and ethnic cleansing through starvation. It calls first for the complete isolation of northern Gaza from the rest of the Gaza Strip. Second: compartmentalise northern Gaza into separate quarters and declare each section a war zone, forcing civilians to leave or become legitimate military targets.
The initial phase, which began in early October, blocked aid trucks from reaching the north and then segregated the Jabalia camp from its surroundings. In other words, genocide by attrition, one quarter at a time, in a slow motion.
As part of the General’s Starvation Plan, Israel bombed the only UN distribution center in Jabalia camp on Monday, murdering ten civilians queuing to receive food aid. Since last October, around 400,000 civilians remain in northern Gaza out of the original 1.2 million. Many refuse to evacuate despite the unbearable conditions. They know from historical experience that evacuation is an Israeli alias for ethnic cleansing. Once they leave, they may never return, as happened in 1948. They also saw what happened to those who evacuated, many were killed as they “moved south”, while others were murdered in the Israeli death traps, otherwise known as designated “safe areas.”
The Biden administration has been whitewashing Israeli use of starvation as a method of warfare since 9 October, 2023 when the Israeli minister of war declared “no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed.” However, on Tuesday, a little over a year after the minister’s declaration, the American secretaries of state and defence sent Israeli officials a letter giving them another grace period of 30 days to allow food aid into north Gaza or risk a restriction of US military assistance to Israel.
The new warning feels like a classic case of a déjà vu. In April 2024, the Biden administration issued a similar warning to Israel ahead of a report that was being prepared by American officials examining Israel’s violation of the Leahy Law, particularly subsection 6201(a). The law stipulates that the US should not provide assistance to any country that “prohibits or otherwise restricts, directly or indirectly, the transport or delivery of United States humanitarian assistance.”
Following that warning, US government agencies and officials concluded that Israel was blocking American humanitarian aid to Gaza. The US Agency for International Development (USAID) notified the State Department of Israel’s “arbitrary denial, restriction and impediments” of American aid to Gaza residents. In addition, the State Department’s refugee bureau issued a similar opinion stating that “facts on the ground indicate US humanitarian assistance is being restricted.”
Even after those palpable reports from the two US agencies, the Israeli Sayanim and American Secretary of State, told Congress on 10 May that Israel does not restrict “the transport or delivery of US humanitarian assistance” in Gaza.
Empowered by Washington, the General’s Starvation Plan aims to block the delivery of medical aid, food, fuel and water to the besieged quarter, currently Jabalia camp where more than 20,000 people live. This is part of what appears to be a gradual genocide, while creating the illusion of allowing aid trucks into the northern area, as the US ambassador informed the UN Security Council on Wednesday.
The entry of aid trucks does not guarantee the delivery of food to the starving population. It means that Israel retains complete control over what section is fed and who is left to starve. It also confirms that American officials continue to be Israel’s willing enablers to carry on with its General’s Starvation Plan in a systematic and phased mini-genocide.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241018-the-generals-plan-in-gaza-a-genocide-by-starvation/
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After Sinwar's Death, Israel Aims To Lock In Strategic Gains Before US Election
By Reuters
October 18, 2024
The killing of Hamas leader, Yahya Sinwar, a mastermind of the attack that ignited the war in the Gaza Strip, marked a major triumph for Israel. But Israeli leaders are also seeking to lock in strategic gains that go beyond military victories – to reshape the regional landscape in Israel’s favour and shield its borders from any future attacks, sources familiar with their thinking say.
With US elections approaching, Israel is rushing to inflict maximum damage on Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon and seizing the moment to carve out de facto buffer zones in a bid to create an irreversible reality before a new president takes office in January, eight sources told Reuters.
By intensifying its military operations against Hezbollah and Hamas, Israel wants to ensure that its enemies and their chief patron, Iran, do not regroup and threaten Israeli citizens again, according to Western diplomats, Lebanese and Israeli officials and other regional sources.
US President Joe Biden is expected to use Sinwar’s killing to pressure Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, to wind down the war in Gaza. But the Israeli leader may prefer to wait out the end of Biden’s term and take his chances with the next president, whether the Democratic candidate, Vice President Kamala Harris, or Republican rival, Donald Trump, with whom Netanyahu has had close ties.
Before considering any ceasefire agreements, Israel is accelerating its military campaign to push Hezbollah away from its northern border while thrusting into Gaza’s densely packed Jabalya Refugee Camp in what Palestinians and UN agencies fear could be an attempt to seal off northern Gaza from the rest of the enclave.
It is also planning a response to a ballistic-missile barrage carried out by Iran on 1 October, its second direct attack on Israel in six months.
“There is a new landscape, a new geopolitical change in the region,” said David Schenker, a former US assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern affairs who is now a senior fellow at the Washington Institute think tank.
Before Hamas’s attack on 7 October, 2023, Israel was “willing to tolerate a high-level threat”, responding to rocket fire from the Palestinian group and other foes with limited strikes, Schenker said. “No longer.”
“This time, Israel is fighting on many fronts. It’s Hamas; it’s Hezbollah, and Iran is coming soon,” he said.
Hamas-led fighters killed around 1,200 people and seized more than 250 hostages during the assault in southern Israel, according to Israeli tallies. Israel’s subsequent offensive has killed more than 42,000 Palestinians in Gaza, according to health authorities in the enclave.
However, since then, it has been revealed by Haaretz that helicopters and tanks of the Israeli army had, in fact, killed many of the 1,139 soldiers and civilians claimed by Israel to have been killed by the Palestinian Resistance.
Netanyahu said in a statement on Thursday that Sinwar’s death “settled the score”, but he warned that the Gaza war would continue with full force until Israel’s hostages were returned.
His office said it had nothing further to add.
Israeli military spokesman, Rear-Adm. Daniel Hagari, said Sinwar’s elimination marked a “great achievement” in efforts to destroy Hamas’s military apparatus, but added there were other commanders in Gaza.
Israeli forces have inflicted other big blows on its enemies.
A series of high-profile strikes wiped out senior leaders, including Hamas political chief, Ismail Haniyeh, Mohammed Deif, head of its military wing, Hezbollah leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah. and its top military commander, Fuad Shukr.
Israel also claims to have eliminated thousands of the groups’ fighters, captured deep tunnel networks and severely depleted their weapons arsenals.
In September, thousands of booby-trapped communications devices used by Hezbollah members were detonated – an attack for which Israel has neither confirmed nor denied responsibility.
But Israel’s ambitions are broader than short-term military victories, however significant, the sources who spoke to Reuters said.
Broader Ambition
A ground offensive launched in Lebanon over the past month aims to drive Hezbollah back around 30 km (20 miles) from its northern border, to behind the Litani River, and ensure the Shia group is fully disarmed after 30 years of military support from Iran. By doing so, Israeli officials argue they are enforcing a United Nations resolution intended to keep peace in the area and protect its residents from cross-border attacks.
Security Council Resolution 1701, adopted after Israel’s last war with Hamas in 2006 and repeatedly violated by both sides, authorised a peacekeeping mission known as UNIFIL to help Lebanon’s army keep the area south of the river free of weapons and armed personnel other than those of the Lebanese state.
Israel complains the two forces never gained control of the area from Hezbollah, long regarded as Lebanon’s most potent military force.
Hezbollah has resisted disarming, citing the need to defend Lebanon from Israel. Since last year, its fighters have used the border strip as a base for near-daily exchanges of fire with Israel in solidarity with Hamas in Gaza.
Israeli officials say the only way to enforce Resolution 1701, and ensure the safe return of some 60,000 residents evacuated from northern Israel, is through military action.
“At the moment, diplomacy is not enough,” an Israeli diplomatic source told Reuters.
Lebanese authorities say the offensive against Hezbollah has displaced more than 1.2 million people in Lebanon, mostly members of the Shia community from which Hezbollah draws support.
Israel has also faced international criticism over incidents in which its forces fired at UN peacekeeping posts, injuring several of them.
A Lebanese security official and a diplomat familiar with the situation in southern Lebanon said it appeared that Israel wanted to drive UNIFIL from the area, along with Hezbollah.
The security official said Israeli forces were fighting for access to strategic overlook points, which are where UNFIL bases are located.
“Their goal is to clean up this buffer zone,” the diplomat said.
This could take a few weeks, if Israel aims to clear Hezbollah positions and infrastructure from a narrow band of Lebanese territory along the border, they said, but anything deeper would take much longer at the current pace.
On Monday, Netanyahu rejected accusations that Israeli troops were deliberately targeting UNIFIL’s peacekeepers but said the best way to assure their safety was to heed requests to temporarily withdraw from combat zones. Israel’s military says Hezbollah has been operating from sites within and adjacent to UNIFIL posts for years.
The UN has said its peacekeepers will not leave their positions in southern Lebanon.
“We have to stand against … every suggestion that if Resolution 1701 was not implemented it’s because UNIFIL did not implement, which was never its mandate,” UN peacekeeping chief, Jean-Pierre Lacroix, told reporters on Monday, stressing UNIFL has a supporting role.
UN, US and other diplomatic envoys agree that reviving the Resolution could provide the basis for a cessation of hostilities, but better implementation and enforcement mechanisms are needed.
Israel’s UN Ambassador, Danny Danon, told Reuters on Monday that he wanted to see “a more robust mandate for UNIFIL to deter Hezbollah.”
Any changes to the mandate would have to be authorised by the 15-member Security Council, and diplomats said there were no such discussions at the moment.
Lebanon’s caretaker Prime Minister, Najib Mikati, has said the government is prepared to deploy troops to enforce resolution 1701 as soon as a truce takes hold. The United States and France have said that strengthening Lebanon’s army would be crucial to this endeavour.
Buy-in from Iran will also be needed, said the diplomat familiar with the situation in southern Lebanon. But they said Israel did not appear ready to start negotiating any truces.
“They want to push their advantage, to be in an even stronger position to negotiate,” the diplomat said.
Purging Borders
Israel informed several Arab states last year that it also wanted to carve out a buffer zone on the Palestinian side of Gaza’s border. But it remains unclear how deep Israel would like it to be or how it would be enforced after the war ends.
Israel’s ongoing offensive in Jabalya, an area that endured heavy bombardments early in the war, has raised concerns among Palestinians and UN agencies that Israel wants to clear residents from northern Gaza. The Israeli military denies this and says it is trying to stop Hamas fighters from regrouping for more attacks.
In May, Israeli forces moved into the so-called Philadelphi Corridor, a narrow strip running along Gaza’s southern frontier with Egypt, giving Israel effective control over all of the Palestinian Territory’s land borders.
Israel has said it will not agree to a permanent ceasefire without guarantees that whoever runs post-war Gaza will be able to prevent the Corridor from being used to smuggle weapons and supplies to Hamas.
Iran is also in Israel’s crosshairs following the recent missile attack, launched in retaliation for Israeli strikes against Iran and its proxies.
The Middle East has been on edge about Israel’s response, worried that it could disrupt oil markets and ignite a full-scale war between the arch-enemies.
Israel’s Defence Minister, Yoav Gallant, said last week the response would be “lethal, precise and, above all, unexpected”, although he has also said Israel was not looking to open new fronts. Iran has warned repeatedly that it will not hesitate to take military action again, if Israel retaliates.
The US, Israel’s chief weapons supplier, has supported campaigns against targets like Hezbollah and Hamas, which it has designated foreign terrorist organisations. But tensions have grown as US officials have tried to persuade Israel to improve humanitarian conditions in Gaza, curb air strikes on residential areas and negotiate ceasefires.
Biden’s attempts to engage with Iran through indirect talks about restoring a 2015 nuclear deal and his opposition to any strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities have also been points of tension. Israel views Iran’s nuclear program as an existential threat.
Some diplomats suspect Netanyahu is also considering how a ceasefire might affect the election. Any breakthrough could help Harris, when Netanyahu would prefer to deal with Trump, whose hard-line views on Israel, Palestinians and Iran align more closely with his own, they say.
“There is no reason for Netanyahu to stop his wars before the American elections,” said Marwan Al-Muasher, Jordan’s former foreign minister, now vice president for studies at the US-based Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “He’s not going to give Harris any credit or gift before the polls.”
For now, Netanyahu appears determined to redraw the map around Israel in his favour by purging its enemies from its borders.
“He put his win in his pocket and is pursuing his wars and imposing a new (regional) status quo,” said the Lebanese political official.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241018-after-sinwars-death-israel-aims-to-lock-in-strategic-gains-before-us-election/
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Türkiye And The Call For Nuclear Peace
By Ali Oğuz Diriöz
October 19, 2024
This year, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Nihon Hidankyo, a Japanese anti-nuclear weapons group founded by survivors of the atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Hidankyo was recognized "for its efforts to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons and for demonstrating through witness testimony that nuclear weapons must never be used again."
Indeed, as the victims and witnesses who share their testimonies are now very old or have mostly passed away, it is crucial to maintain awareness of the destructiveness of these weapons of mass destruction (WMDs). The atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the end of World War II have been subjects of literature worldwide. Turkish poet Nazım Hikmet Ran’s 1956 poem "Little Girl" ("Kız Çocuğu") was also written about this tragedy. Every year on Aug. 6, the tragedies of Hiroshima and Nagasaki are commemorated around the world at various memorials. Notably, there is also such a memorial in Ankara. The Hiroshima Bell in Ankara is located in a prominent spot on Jinnah Avenue in the Botanical Park in Çankaya, near the landmark tower Atakule.
This leads us to the importance of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament and reminds us of the guiding principle of Turkish foreign policy, "Peace at Home, Peace in the World," set by the nation's founding leader, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, in 1923.
Universal human rights and the right to live free from the fear of a nuclear apocalypse are indispensable. Abiding by agreements ("Pacta Sunt Servanda") is a fundamental principle of international law. Unfortunately, many decision-makers around the world who should be making rational and sensible decisions do not always act rationally in their domestic or foreign policy practices. Diplomacy and the protection of national interests are the main motivations of all states, yet they often criticize their counterparts for failing to comply with universal human rights principles.
Yet, the issue of disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation is complex, and the detailed aspects of such matters are perhaps best addressed by expert academics like Mustafa Kibaroğlu and Şebnem Udum. For my part, I have discussed the United Arab Emirates (UAE) Nuclear Power Plant in an article published in the prestigious Middle East Policy journal. I felt the need to touch upon the subject of nuclear energy, as Türkiye is a country currently developing civilian nuclear energy and is committed to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Like the UAE, Türkiye seeks to acquire nuclear energy to ensure a safe, secure and uninterrupted baseload energy supply.
Strategy, Management
Nuclear energy, if implemented safely, is a strategic resource with no atmospheric emissions and can provide uninterrupted electricity. However, nuclear power plants carry significant risks, as we have seen from the Chernobyl and Fukushima Daiichi meltdowns. The management of nuclear waste and the catastrophic consequences of potential accidents show that nuclear plants are associated with considerable hazards.
Additionally, the fuels used in nuclear power plants, though possessing much lower radioactivity than weapons-grade uranium and plutonium, are subject to international inspections. Türkiye signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in 1968 and ratified it in 1970. Like all NPT signatories, Türkiye is subject to international inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Türkiye’s first nuclear power plant, the Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant, is also under IAEA inspections. However, Türkiye will only use civilian nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, specifically energy generation.
Under the non-proliferation regime, the IAEA inspects and monitors the international nuclear energy system and reports suspicious cases to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), recommending sanctions if necessary. Countries that violate the NPT or are suspected of doing so, such as Iran and North Korea, face severe international sanctions.
India, Pakistan, and Israel have never signed the NPT and are widely believed to possess atomic weapons. None of these countries are NATO members. Iran, meanwhile, has special negotiation processes, and although questionable, according to Armenian sources, may have tested certain weapons capabilities due to abnormal seismic activity. In any case, if Iran were to possess nuclear weapons, it would destabilize regional balances, further jeopardize security in the Middle East, and negatively impact Türkiye’s national security.
Risk Or Not
While most experts and academics agree that the proliferation of nuclear weapons poses a security risk for everyone on Earth, some academics argue that nuclear weapons could prevent conflicts, a highly speculative claim. John Mearsheimer published an article in 1993 the Foreign Affairs magazine suggesting that Ukraine should maintain its nuclear deterrent capability. However, Mearsheimer's assumption could also accelerate the collapse of the current international order, as scenarios resembling neo-medievalism are becoming more common. Most states critical of the current UNSC seek reform, not the collapse of the global system. Additionally, if more countries were to acquire nuclear weapons (as inferred from Mearsheimer's arguments), not all of them would necessarily have the infrastructure or rational governance to safely and securely manage such weapons, which would heighten insecurity and risk.
These times, international governance and a stronger institutional order are indispensable for maintaining a non-proliferation regime. Institutions and collective security organizations such as NATO play a critical role in the security of the North Atlantic, Europe and Türkiye. As a member of the NATO alliance, Türkiye is under a nuclear deterrence and defence umbrella that protects member states. NATO, the world's most significant collective security organization and defence alliance, serves as a valuable "insurance" against global geopolitical crises. This was made clear with Finland and Sweden's memberships after 2022.
In conclusion, it is vital to recognize the importance of nuclear disarmament in Türkiye's region and the defence umbrella provided by NATO deterrence. Just as Türkiye is a key contributor to NATO's security, NATO is also a key security provider for Türkiye's national security. I sincerely hope that NATO's significance will not be undermined again following the U.S. elections in November. Any rhetoric suggesting that NATO is obsolete would only weaken the alliance and make its members less secure.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/turkiye-and-the-call-for-nuclear-peace
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Events In Gaza, Lebanon May Bring Egypt And Iran Closer
By Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy
October 18, 2024
The relationship between Egypt and Iran is one of the most complex in the Middle East, largely due to significant political and ideological differences that have persisted for decades. Recently, changing dynamics in the region, especially the ongoing events in Lebanon and Gaza, have brought this relationship back into focus. As regional tensions rise, observers are questioning whether these developments will hasten the normalization process between Cairo and Tehran, two historically influential players in the region.
As a result of Israel’s wars on Lebanon and Gaza, the prospect of rapprochement between Egypt and Iran seems closer than ever. Both public and behind-the-scenes communications are ongoing, culminating in Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi’s visit to Egypt on Thursday as part of his Middle East tour. The discussions focused on ways to de-escalate the situation in Gaza and Lebanon, as well as easing tensions between Iran and Israel.
Through this visit, Iran sought to improve relations with Egypt after years of stagnation. Since the March 2023 Saudi-Iranian agreement to resume relations, communication between Iran and Egypt has increased. Oman has played a mediating role, conveying messages between the two countries to pave the way for the potential resumption of diplomatic ties. Despite the obstacles, there are encouraging signs of diplomatic progress between Cairo and Tehran, particularly given the shared security challenges in the region, such as the situations in Yemen and Gaza.
To understand the prospects for rapprochement or normalization between Cairo and Tehran, it is important to consider the historical context of the crisis.
Before the 1979 Iranian Revolution, led by Ayatollah Khomeini, Egypt and Iran enjoyed strong strategic relations. There was close political and military cooperation, with Iran supporting Egypt in facing regional challenges during the era of President Gamal Abdel Nasser. The two nations maintained strong diplomatic relations.
However, the relationship changed dramatically after the overthrow of the shah. Relations entered a phase of continuous tension, largely due to the new Iran regime’s opposition to the 1978 Camp David Accords. Egypt also viewed Iran as a backer of extremist Islamist groups that threatened its national security, a belief reinforced by the assassination of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in 1981. Iran further strained relations by naming a street in Tehran after Sadat’s assassin, Khalid Islambouli.
Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, relations remained cold, with both countries supporting opposing sides in various regional conflicts. Iran was a key backer of Hezbollah in Lebanon and Palestinian factions, while Egypt, under President Hosni Mubarak, remained a pillar of the Sunni Arab order and maintained close relations with the US.
Despite these tensions, limited communication persisted, with economic and cultural exchanges remaining open to some extent. This laid the groundwork for potential reconciliation if the geopolitical landscape changed.
Egypt and Iran have often found themselves on opposing sides of many issues. For instance, during the Iran-Iraq War, Egypt fully supported Iraq and opposed Iran’s ambitions of regional expansion. Egypt also backed the Gulf states threatened by Iran’s proxies, particularly Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.
When conflict erupted in the region on Oct. 7. 2023, all possibilities became open. Iran plays a central role in supporting Hezbollah on both the military and political fronts, while Egypt views the situation in Lebanon with deep concern, especially as further escalation could affect the stability of the entire region. Despite disagreements between Cairo and Tehran over Iran’s role in Lebanon, this crisis could open the door to new dialogue on how to contain the situation.
In Gaza, Iran is a major military and financial backer of Hamas, while Egypt has consistently acted as a mediator between Israel and Hamas. Cairo is keen to avoid a full-scale war that would negatively impact regional security. This situation presents potential opportunities for direct understandings between the two states.
Araghchi’s visit to Egypt, following intensive communication, came at a highly sensitive moment, with tensions in the region at unprecedented levels. This suggests that Iran is seeking to improve its relations with regional countries, including Egypt, to ease international and regional pressure. Strengthening its ties with Cairo would bolster Iran’s regional stance, particularly on issues like Lebanon and Gaza.
For Egypt, maintaining stability in Gaza is crucial for its national security. Meanwhile, Iran’s support for Palestinian resistance factions, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad, through financial and military backing, aligns with its broader anti-Israel narrative. Tactical coordination could serve the interests of both countries.
Lebanon’s political and economic crisis also casts a shadow over the region. Hezbollah, an Iranian proxy, wields significant influence in Lebanese politics. While Egypt has traditionally avoided engaging with Hezbollah, the deteriorating situation in Lebanon has raised concerns in Cairo about potential instability spreading across the Arab world. There is growing recognition in Egyptian foreign policy circles that some form of cooperation with Iran may be necessary to prevent Lebanon’s collapse, which could have far-reaching regional consequences.
Another factor driving Egypt and Iran toward possible rapprochement is the changing dynamics in the Gulf. Saudi Arabia, Egypt’s closest Gulf ally, has begun its own dialogue with Iran. Although relations between Riyadh and Tehran remain strained, these talks indicate a broader trend towards regional de-escalation. Egypt may see this as an opportunity to explore its own path to normalization without jeopardizing its relationships with Gulf states. If Saudi Arabia and Iran can engage diplomatically, there is room for Egypt to explore rapprochement as well.
However, despite the realistic chances of rapprochement, major hurdles remain. One is the ideological divide. Egypt remains sceptical of the political Islam embraced by Iran, as well as its revolutionary narrative. Additionally, the two countries have conflicting alliances, with Egypt closely tied to the West while Iran remains heavily sanctioned. Iran’s support for groups like Hezbollah and Hamas continues to be a point of contention, as Egypt views these groups as destabilizing forces in the region.
Iran’s continued backing of armed groups across the region, which Egypt sees as a direct threat to Arab national security, presents a major barrier. Furthermore, Iran’s expansionist policies in Yemen and Syria are still key points of disagreement between the two countries.
Despite these challenges, the relationship may see at least temporary rapprochement, as the two countries cooperate on shared regional issues like the crises in Lebanon and Gaza. This scenario assumes that the two nations will work to build trust through political and diplomatic dialogue.
Whether this rapprochement can help resolve the situations in Gaza and Lebanon remains uncertain. Progress will depend on both parties’ ability to overcome these obstacles and engage in effective political dialogue to address regional challenges.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2575841
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NATO Should Prioritize Improving Ties With Middle East States
By Luke Coffey
October 18, 2024
Former Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte has only been in his new role as the secretary-general of NATO for a few weeks, but already his inbox is full. Russia’s war against Ukraine has been dragging on for almost three years and the geopolitical situation in Europe has been complicated by reports of North Korean soldiers possibly being sent there. There is a lot of uncertainty regarding America’s role in the transatlantic community after the US elections next month. And even after all the rhetoric, promises and proclamations made by European politicians, Europe still does not collectively spend enough on its defense.
However, one issue that cannot be ignored by NATO is the volatility and instability across parts of the Middle East. As is often the case, many of the geopolitical challenges experienced in the Middle East also impact Europe. In recent decades, European countries have been actors in the region in multiple conflicts, ranging from Iraq to Syria and naval security missions in the Gulf.
Under the leadership of Rutte’s predecessor, Jens Stoltenberg, NATO took steps to bolster its engagement in the Middle East. Stoltenberg became the first secretary-general to conduct a bilateral visit to Saudi Arabia. Some hope that this will prove to be the beginning of a process that leads to a deepening of relations between NATO and the Kingdom.
Also under his leadership, NATO re-established its training mission in Iraq in 2017 and established an office in Kuwait to improve relations with the Gulf. Over the summer, it was announced that NATO was going to open a liaison office in Jordan. This year, the alliance marks the 20th anniversary of the creation of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, which serves as the main platform on which it engages with countries in the Gulf region, including Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar and the UAE. Finally, Stoltenberg initiated a study on NATO’s engagement with the Global South. The final product included a sizable section on what NATO can do to improve relations with countries in the Middle East.
So, the best thing that the new secretary-general can do is to build on the progress already made and pick up where his predecessor left off. As one of the Netherlands’ longest-serving prime ministers, Rutte unsurprisingly has a lot of experience in the Middle East. He has visited the region numerous times and, during his tenure as PM, Dutch forces contributed to multiple security operations, including counter-Daesh and training missions in Iraq.
As Rutte develops his approach to NATO engagement with the Middle East, he should focus on three main issues.
The first issue should be deepening the alliance’s relations with the countries of the Middle East beyond those already participating in the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative. There is a NATO Summit planned for Turkiye in 2026. The alliance should lay the groundwork between now and then to deepen relationships with countries in the region and invite more partners to formally join the initiative. At the summit in Turkiye, there should be a NATO-Istanbul Cooperation Initiative meeting at the heads of state and government level to highlight the importance of this relationship. As part of this effort, Rutte should pay an early visit to the Middle East, including to Saudi Arabia.
Secondly, he needs to work closely with Baghdad to determine what the future NATO-Iraqi security relationship will look like. In addition to the alliance’s training mission in Iraq, relations between the two have been deepening in recent years. Iraqi National Security Adviser Qasim Al-Araji visited NATO in August to discuss improving relations and the ongoing and future NATO training mission in the country. As the US and Iraq continue their negotiations over the future of their bilateral security relationship, it is important that NATO continues to develop relations with Baghdad.
Finally, NATO should find practical ways to work with countries in the Middle East by focusing on issues that have immediate applicability to the current geopolitical situation and are mutually beneficial.
In this sense, there are two issues that should get priority attention. One is improving maritime security in the region. For more than two decades, European countries have worked closely with Gulf states in conducting joint maritime security operations. Sometimes these have been counterpiracy operations off the Horn of Africa, while other missions have focused on maritime security inside the Gulf. With the threat posed by the Houthis to international shipping, it is clear that there is still a need for joint maritime security cooperation between NATO and regional countries.
Secondly, NATO and its partners in the Middle East should focus on improving regional missile defence. Many NATO countries have provided advanced air defence systems to Ukraine that are used against Russian missiles and Iranian drones. Lessons have been learned on how effective these systems are and how to improve them. Meanwhile, Iran and its proxies have been using an array of missiles and drones to attack various targets across the Middle East. It is in everyone’s interest in the region that there is a missile defence architecture that can ensure security. Both NATO and its partners in the Middle East can work closely to make this a reality.
It makes perfect sense that the alliance and Arab countries should deepen relations. Over the past couple of decades, NATO and Arab soldiers have served side by side on the ground in places like Afghanistan and the Balkans, in the air over the skies of Libya and on the seas off the Horn of Africa. With Europe and the Arab world sharing many of the same security concerns, it is natural for the alliance to increase its engagement in the region.
Although the largest land war in more than 80 years is taking place in Europe, this is no excuse for NATO to ignore other parts of the globe that also impact the security of the transatlantic community. The Middle East is a great example.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2575834
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Western Naiveté Is Undermining Israel's Fight For Survival
By Cookie Schwaeber-Issan
October 18, 2024
If your enemy thinks it has you on the run, there is absolutely no motivation to enter into a negotiation process or make concessions for the sake of peace.
That is why the demand of US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin “to pivot from military operations in Lebanon to a diplomatic pathway” is incredibly naïve, lacking any genuine understanding of where things stand in Israel’s ongoing efforts to defend the homeland on multiple fronts as our enemies are doing their best to rid themselves of their Jewish neighbours.
In fact, Hezbollah is prematurely declaring the smell of victory, which it believes is on the way. N12 news reported Lebanese headlines that read “Turning Haifa into Kiryat Shmona."
And why wouldn’t Hezbollah believe that? It has effectively succeeded in minimizing Israel’s borders ever since the northern border town’s residents left their city and other surrounding areas when the constant daily rocket fire made life intolerable there.
Western Mindsets Don't Solve Eastern Problems
The problem with Austin and his gang is that they are coming from a Western mindset, where war is viewed as the worst of all possible scenarios and negotiating a peaceful end is the better solution. But that’s not, at all, how tribal warriors think or operate. For them, power is everything, and regaining what they believe is rightly theirs is a battle that can only be fought to the death.
These are not reasonable people who are agreeable to returning to a calm existence, absent from conflict. They thrive on dissension and are only too happy to engage in combat to win the championship.
In this case, the mother of all prizes is the land of Israel. The fact that Western leaders, especially military strategists, don’t seem to comprehend this mindset is a major blind spot and gross miscalculation. It has contributed to bad advice and the hope that everyone can somehow work out their differences.
The depletion of Hezbollah funds or massive Hamas casualties will not be enough to persuade the enemy to walk away, abandon the war, and realize its defeat. Although everything points to their inability to win, new threats are emerging from the Houthis who “are putting out the messaging that they intend to escalate attacks, especially if Israel-Iran tensions grow.”
Why are they continuing what appears to be a futile effort in the fight to unseat Israel from their land? Because they are convinced that they will win. Their ideology assures them that their divine mandate will aid the struggle, guaranteeing success and sure conquest.
Nevertheless, it doesn’t deter Austin who sees this as an opportune moment to go the diplomatic route, “as soon as it’s feasible.” But it’s not feasible, not for them and not for us. In this wishful thinking game – built on naiveté and a total lack of understanding of how these terrorists perceive the world – the only outcome for giving the benefit of the doubt to barbarians is to sign one’s death warrant.
To expect any other result is to have completely misread the enemy.
Role Of The US Presidential Elections
We are just weeks away from the US presidential elections, so the desire to boast the amazing feat of a successful Middle East ceasefire could help the Harris-Walz campaign. However, they seem totally out of their depth when it comes to the requisite knowledge and adept skill needed to deal with a brutal enemy who will stop at nothing to conquer its adversary.
But America’s self-serving agenda is not even subtle. While the Biden administration claims to show overwhelming support for Israel, even to the point of offering to send the advanced THAAD missile defence system to Israel, just a day later, Biden urged Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to get the IDF to refrain from attacks on Beirut.
Do they want us to win, or do they want us to give our enemy the advantage of a reprieve with more time to regroup? It’s a legitimate question because the Biden administration is not acting in the best interests of democracy, freedom, and world peace if they are willing to tie our hands just as we gained momentum. And for what? A win in the November elections?
Austin’s affirming words to Defense Minister Yoav Gallant that the “United States’ unwavering, enduring, and ironclad commitment to Israel’s security” is still in effect ring a bit hollow when asking us to put aside our military advantage. Of course, none of this takes into consideration that Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar has no intention of releasing the 101 hostages who remain in Gaza tunnels.
This, too, represents US leaders’ glaring and inexplicable naiveté in their absurd expectations to help broker a deal that does not include the immediate release of all the hostages. Without that, this war cannot come to a close on any moral grounds.
What is being requested is an abandonment of a necessary fight. If not executed to its finish, it will not only endanger Israel but the entire free world.
Unwilling and uninformed political leaders, and their military proxies, will have chosen an illusion of peace over a solid guarantee that those who seek to dominate, control, and subjugate all people will be utterly destroyed.
It is this vital and worthy battle that needs to be fought, without interference. If they indeed realize what’s at stake, future US administrations will not have to look back and lament how they naively underestimated a vicious enemy whose plan was to take away the freedoms of all and replace it with a return to the darkest days of history.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-825035
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Israel's Path To Unity In The Sukkah
By David Stav
October 18, 2024
The Torah teaches that on Sukkot, “every citizen of Israel shall sit in the sukkah.” Scholars expound upon this teaching with the idea that not only should the Jewish people be blessed to sit in the sukkah, but all the Jewish people should be able to sit together in one sukkah. While it’s obvious that a single sukkah cannot physically hold our large and diverse population, the deeper lesson is clearly about coming together in the spirit of mutual respect and harmony.
From where we stand today, this concept seems almost completely detached from reality. Can we believe that secular and religious, right-wing and left-wing, people would come together peacefully in one common space?
However, perhaps now more than ever, this concept holds more significance than ever before. It is only when we recognize that we are one people with a common identity, purpose, and destiny that we will be able to begin to create spaces where we can sit together, despite our differences.
The past year has presented us with many unforeseen challenges. High among them is the reality that, despite the many threats we are facing, both internally and externally, we still struggle to acknowledge that true national unity is both necessary and possible.
By its very nature, unity is not without its costs. By accepting the other, we are often forced to forgive and agree to compromises concerning our own actions and thoughts. It also demands that we be prepared to speak with, meet with, and live alongside people who think differently, act differently, and believe differently.
The Ultimate Common Space
The Mishnah Berurah teaches that, particularly in the sukkah, we must be extra careful not to speak lashon hara (gossip). The obvious question is: “Why, of all times and places in our lives, is there a specific need to mention that we refrain from such speech in the sukkah?”
The answer lies in the sukkah’s role as the ultimate common space in Jewish tradition. It is the space where we are all commanded to gather and coexist, regardless of our differences. In such places, negative speech about others can be especially harmful. Since 1948, we have been given the incredible gift of living in our “modern sukkah” – the State of Israel. This land embodies our collective mission of building a nation together. People from all corners of the world – of differing backgrounds, ways of life, and levels of observance – have come together, prepared to make the greatest of sacrifices, tragically to the point of losing lives, as we are again experiencing these very days – to create a place where we as Jews can proudly live.
As we approach eight decades since the founding of the state, we know that the modern Zionist enterprise has been overwhelmingly successful in so many ways. We have built a remarkable nation, with achievements that even the most ambitious visionaries could have never projected.
However, we continue to face numerous challenges, which the past year has reinforced in many painful ways. Our external enemies are as committed as ever to our destruction while internal debate and strife continue to threaten our forward growth.
The message of Sukkot, particularly this year, is clear. Despite our diversity, differences, and many challenges, we can and must come together with respect and tolerance. Working together, we can envision a future where our differences can become our strengths rather than our weaknesses.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-825038
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Why UNRWA’s Nobel Peace Prize Nomination Is A Disgrace For Israel
By Liat Collins
October 18, 2024
As an organization dedicated to refugees, UNRWA is a spectacular failure. And if that sounds oxymoronic, consider its moronic nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize. Particularly this year.
Although ultimately last Friday it was announced that the prize would be awarded to Japanese anti-nuclear group Nihon Hidankyo, the fact that the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East made it to the (unofficial) shortlist added insult to injury for Israelis – salt on an open, unbearably painful wound.
Even in a normal year, UNRWA’s nomination would be jarring, but this is not a normal year. This is one year since October 7, 2023. On that terrible day, terrorists from Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad invaded Israel and carried out a mega-atrocity, slaughtering, raping, mutilating, and setting fire to southern Israeli communities. Some 1,200 were murdered that Saturday – which coincided with the joyous Jewish religious holiday of Simchat Torah – and some 250 were abducted to Gaza, where 101 remain, dead or alive.
They are not Hamas’s only hostages. The terrorist organization has been allowed to hijack UNRWA and exploit it for its own nefarious purposes. Evidence continues to mount regarding the extent of collusion by UNRWA staff in the invasion and massacre, as well as complicity in holding the hostages, facilitating the storage and transfer of weapons, the theft of humanitarian aid on a tremendous scale, and the incitement within the UNRWA educational system.
In a poignant opinion piece in Haaretz last week under the headline, “Who Deserves the Nobel Peace Prize? I Know Who Doesn’t,” Neta Heiman noted that her mother, Ditza Heiman, abducted from Kibbutz Nir Oz, was held captive for nearly 50 days in the home of an UNRWA teacher.
Who Doesn't Deserve The Prize?
After her release in last November’s hostage-prisoner release deal, Ditza said she had been kept “in poor sanitary conditions, without running water, without medicine, and with very little food. There was a stack of notebooks with the UNRWA logo in his home, and occasionally she was given snacks labelled ‘Not for sale – intended for UNRWA children.’”
Neta is an activist in Women Wage Peace, another organization that was nominated for the Nobel prize. It’s understandable that those who seek peace, however they approach it politically, would not be honoured to be considered in the same category as UNRWA. The family of Yonatan Samerano also spoke out against the nomination. Yonatan, 21, was murdered while trying to escape from the Supernova music festival last October 7. An UNRWA social worker was documented using a UN vehicle to abduct his body from Kibbutz Be’eri and drive it to Gaza where it remains – a pawn in Hamas’s ghoulish psychological and physical war.
Some reports indicate that around 1,200 UNRWA staffers, close to 10% of its payroll in Gaza, are affiliated with Hamas and Islamic Jihad. International taxpayers fund that payroll – and pay the price of fostering jihadist ideology.
Hamas deliberately uses its own population as human shields. In February, the IDF uncovered a Hamas command centre underneath an UNRWA headquarters in Gaza, using the UNRWA infrastructure for electrical supplies. It was just one of many UNRWA facilities being used by Hamas.
It is impossible that the hundreds of kilometres of subterranean warren of tunnels excavated under Gaza could have been constructed without UNRWA officials turning a blind eye – or blocking out the sound of the drilling.
Founded in 1949, ostensibly to help the Palestinians until the refugee problem would be solved, UNRWA has contributed to the problem. The real hurdle is the Palestinian insistence on the “right to return,” a dream to flood Israel with the millions who claim refugee status.
Not only are there still “Palestinian refugees” seven and a half decades later but the numbers have ballooned from some 700,000 in 1948 to a reported six million today. That’s because of the unique definition of refugee pertaining to the Palestinians alone that enables them to pass on their refugee status through the generations. The Palestinians’ “perpetual refugee status” has preserved their plight (and Israel’s).
The approximately 850,000 Jews who left or fled Arab countries for Israel since 1948 do not, of course, get UNRWA benefits. Perhaps UNRWA should be persuaded to help the approximately 80,000 Israelis who have been displaced since last October. I’m kidding. UNRWA is a bad joke and the joke is at Israel’s expense.
All other refugees in the world, a heart-breaking figure of more than 31 million in 2023, are handled by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). According to the UNHCR site, the conflict that broke out in Sudan in April 2023, has caused “one of the largest humanitarian and displacement crises in the world. More than 6 million people were displaced within the country, with a further 1.2 million fleeing to neighbouring countries.” But if you can’t blame the Jews, it’s not prime news.
Beyond the oxymorons, there is also a paradox: the Palestinians are the only people who can claim to have their own state and to be refugees in it – and be funded for it. Another spectacular failure, by the way, is the alleged genocide by Israel. The absurdity of accusing Israel of genocide by wiping out a population that has grown by millions seems to be lost on those holding violent demonstrations around the globe and calling for an end to Israel.
UN's Role In Terror
UNRWA WAS not the only peculiar nomination for the 2024 Nobel Peace Prize. Among the contenders was UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. Guterres, like the organization he heads, is another spectacular failure. When he took office in 2017, the world was not a peaceful place but on his watch war broke out in many spots, including Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the disastrous conflicts in Ethiopia, Myanmar, and Sudan.
Israel’s foreign minister last month took the unusual step of declaring Guterres persona non grata for, among other things, failing to condemn Iran’s massive rocket barrage on Israel and stating that the Hamas atrocities of October 7 “didn’t happen in a vacuum.” Indeed they didn’t. The UN itself had been preparing the ground for decades.
Last week, the Israel Land Authority (ILA) announced that UNRWA’s Jerusalem complex, located in the Ma’alot Dafna neighbourhood, will be turned into an apartment complex. The organization had been using the premises, part of it built illegally, rent-free and unwilling to pay Israeli authorities.
Symbolically, on October 7, the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee, chaired by MK Yuli Edelstein (Likud), voted to approve for second and third readings two bills “aimed at curbing the activity in Israel of UNRWA.” Notably, despite the huge political rifts in the Knesset, the bills were presented by MKs from the coalition and the opposition.
UNRWA’s impact is felt throughout the region. Last month, UN Watch, a Geneva-based NGO monitoring the universal body, noted that following the IDF elimination of Fathi al-Sharif, director of an UNRWA secondary school and head of the UNRWA Teachers Union in Lebanon, Hamas publicly acknowledged that he was a Hamas leader in Lebanon.
It’s important not to lose sight of the way that Hamas is operating alongside Hezbollah in Lebanon – part of the overall Iranian plan to crush Israel from the north, south, and east.
UNIFIL (the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon) has not only failed to prevent Hezbollah (courtesy of Iran) from building up its weapons, constructing terror tunnels, and launching thousands of rockets and drones on Israel, it seems to have sometimes been complicit, turning their blue-helmeted heads to look the other way.
As columnist Neville Teller wrote in The Jerusalem Post this week, “... irony on irony, the one thing the interim force has failed to do throughout its 46 years is keep the peace.”
The most dishonourable Nobel recipient is PLO head Yasser Arafat. In 1974, Arafat infamously declared from the UN podium: “Today I have come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighter’s gun. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand.”
Who says threats won’t get you anywhere? Twenty years later, Arafat received the Nobel prize, along with Israeli prime minister and foreign minister Yitzhak Rabin, and Shimon Peres for their roles in the Oslo Accords, which were already literally blowing up.
The UN can’t admit it has a problem that its personnel and facilities are being exploited by terrorist organizations. It doesn’t even define Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist entities. It is in its own ignoble category.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-825054
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