Middle East Press On Israel, Iran, October 7, War, Zionist, Jews, Gaza, Hezbollah, Lebanon: New Age Islam's Selection, 24 October 2024
New Age Islam Edit Desk
24 October 2024
Is an Israeli-Iranian Entente Possible?
Italy's Diplomatic Push in The Middle East
Is Israel Fighting the October 7 War or The Simchat Torah War?
Hilltop Youth, Hardal: The Anti-Zionist Jews Threatening Israel
Gaza Extermination: Netanyahu Is 'Finishing The Job' While The World Watches
Arab Americans Poised to Send a Message to Democrats About Gaza
US Plans for A Post-Hezbollah Lebanon Are Trying to Revive a Failed Strategy
Israel Does Not Intend to Stop
How GCC, EU Could Partner to Bring Peace to Middle East
Will Sinwar’s Death End the Destruction?
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Is an Israeli-Iranian Entente Possible?
By İbrahim Karataş
OCT 24, 2024
Following the elimination of all Hezbollah leaders by Israel, Iran bombarded Israeli military facilities with missiles on the evening of Oct. 1, while Hezbollah finally declared war on the Israeli state. The footage of the barrage of around 200 Iranian missiles was impressive for Iran while horrible for the Israeli side since the renowned Iron Dome could not shoot them down. Israel, acting as if it did not set the region on fire, is now expected to retaliate against Iran. Israeli officials overtly state they will target Iran’s nuclear and oil facilities. Certainly, Israeli attacks will not skip Iranian civilians as they deliberately target ordinary people.
As always, the U.S. and other Western states are expected to back Israel’s illegal attacks by supplying weapons and using a pro-Israeli discourse, claiming that Israel has the right to defend itself. We all know that for Western supporters of Israel, only the Israeli state has the right to attack and defend itself, while its foes should not resist and welcome being massacred and occupied by the colonial Israeli state. It is not a just policy but they are not just, either. Thus, in case Israel counterattacks Iran, none of them will say that Iran has the right to defend itself.
However, even if Israel attempts revenge, there is the possibility that Americans, despite sending weapons like THAAD missiles to Israel, might use incentives to bring Iran to their terms. The U.S. administration is known for being pragmatist in its foreign policy. It does not hesitate to crush its enemies or support its allies like Israel but if it sees that enmity is not sustainable and the enemy still survives to counter, it switches to developing good relations with it. Remember how the U.S. left Vietnam and Afghanistan after long years of invasion?
Therefore, it will not be surprising if Washington is already in contact with Tehran and negotiating for an entente between Israel and Iran. Despite using threatening language and having so many armed proxy groups in the region, the Tehran regime has never convinced anyone, including its citizens, that it aims to erase Israel from the map. Iran’s priority has never been Israel and, as can be seen from the latest missile barrage, it avoids hurting Israelis (there were no Israeli casualties while an Iranian missile killed a Palestinian in the latest attack).
One reason might be that it does not want to escalate tensions with Israel for the sake of Palestinians, and even Hezbollah. Another reason might be there is a veiled agreement or understanding of not confronting each other due to armed groups. However, given that Israel has assassinated so many Iranian nuclear scientists as well as Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, this probability looks weak. Yet, for sure Iran does not want to mess with Israel and whatever it does for punishing Israel is just for face-saving purposes.
Perhaps it will be hard to prove but it will not be shocking if America is already sorting out a permanent cease-fire between the two. Such mediations coupled with incentives are not new for American diplomacy. We know from the past that while Egypt withdrew its support to the Palestinian cause with the Camp David Accords, the Jordan-Israel peace treaty signed in 1994 pulled Jordan from the stage. Additionally, we should recall that the Abraham Accords signed between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Israel and Bahrain were a product of American diplomacy. An accord between Iran and Israel is also possible since Iran is not even an Arab country and never accepts to sacrifice its resources for Sunni people, with whom it has been in conflict since the Iranian revolution.
Of course, this is just a prediction and developments may be the other way around. The two enemies might go for an existential war and give each other catastrophic damage. However, the American mind-set does not always act with sharp-edged ideas, thus an unprecedented solution surprising everyone will not be unexpected. Whether the American administration is working on such a “looking non-possible solution” will soon be understood. If it comes true, Iran will also be tamed but the Middle East will still be a battlefield as Israel’s cruelty continues.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/is-an-israeli-iranian-entente-possible
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Italy's Diplomatic Push in The Middle East
By Valeria Giannotta
OCT 24, 2024
The Middle East has always been crucial for Italy, given its geographical proximity and carved-out interests. Historically, but especially in the most recent times, the Italian diplomatic activity, also under the European umbrella, has attempted to react to the new dynamics of the entire global system with particular repercussions on regional balances. In an increasingly complex global environment, given the high number of issues and actors, as well as the progressive erosion of great powers and the main international players, there are several challenges. Among the others, wars, tensions and conventional and hybrid threats contribute to regional and global instability and unpredictability, forcing diplomacy to experiment with new courses.
Today, the Middle East is the region that, more than any other, is unfortunately experiencing divisions, conflicts and humanitarian catastrophes, with the risk of further escalation. Although the peace process in Palestine has always been an unavoidable condition for any prospect of regional just and lasting peace, along with the Israeli war, we are currently witnessing a new historical phase undermining any tool of dialogue and any sustainable and inclusive solution. For a year now, Israel's war on Gaza, along with its enlargement to Lebanon and eventually to the region, proves the international ineffectiveness in creating the conditions for a cease-fire. In such a fractured and polarising framework, where the risk of further spillovers is tangible, Italy shows a peculiar diplomatic zeal aiming at ending the hostilities and creating solid conditions for the "two-state" solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Italy's regional engagement
The humanitarian situation in Gaza, the stabilization of the Israeli-Lebanese border, including the safety of U.N. Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) personnel, the Syrian refugee crisis, and the containment of new humanitarian crises and related migratory flows are to be intended as pushing factors to the Italian government's efforts. In recent weeks, Italy has shown an increasing engagement in the regional dynamics, attributable to the Israeli attack on the UNIFIL base in Lebanon.
While Italian government officials harshly declared their disappointment with Israeli actions, carried out in violation of U.N. resolutions, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni embarked on some trips to the Middle East. After participating in the EU-Gulf countries summit and at the European Council, Meloni traveled to Jordan, where she met King Abdallah II, and then she reached Lebanon, where she had a meeting with Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati and the president of the National Assembly, Nabih Berri. The timing was significant as Meloni, in addition to representing Italy, also aimed to become a spokesperson for the EU.
The trip to Jordan is to be understood as an endorsement to a country considered fundamental for the stability of the region in its commitment to reducing tension but also in containing the humanitarian situation in Gaza, in delivering humanitarian aid and in preventing the worsening of the already dramatic situation. Meloni assured, "Italy's commitment to achieving a de-escalation and a cease-fire, even if temporary." She also reiterated the need for full implementation of U.N. Resolution 1701, which legitimizes the peacekeeping mission to assist the Lebanese army in keeping its southern border area with Israel free of weapons or armed personnel other than those of the Lebanese state.
What is Meloni's agenda?
In Lebanon, the proposal for a 21-day truce was put forward, and Meloni explicitly called for "an effort on the Israeli side," which was de facto declined. Actually, Italy's main concern is the safety of the Italian contingents in UNIFIL, which was deliberately hit by Israel. Since the Italian soldiers play an important role, the aim is to strengthen their presence in the training activity for the Lebanese armed forces. Hence, the safety of the soldiers both in UNIFIL and within the bilateral mission is an inviolable condition. And for Italy, it is intolerable that they become the target of Israel.
The Italian diplomatic efforts, in other words, aim at the full implementation of Resolution 1701, strengthening the full capacity of UNIFIL and the Lebanese Armed Forces. Those points were also reiterated by Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani, who, in parallel with Meloni's trips, paid a visit to Israel, where he met with Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Israel Katz, while in Ramallah, he met with Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Mustafa. The main topic of discussion with Israel was the inviolability of UNIFIL personnel.
Besides, Tajani presented a plan for Lebanon aiming to reinforce the Lebanese army, which has already been trained by the Italian contingent in Beirut, and then to create a new UNIFIL buffer zone. Furthermore, particular attention was paid to the "Food for Gaza" project, which encountered the support of Israel, who apparently declared its commitment to allowing Italian trucks to carry food and medical supplies to the strip.
Italy's mission in Lebanon
The Italian government is determined to support its soldiers in Lebanon who are stationed in UNIFIL. This is a mission that has proven to be complex from the start, but today, the implementation of the mandate is showing some limits. In Lebanon, there are over a thousand Italian soldiers, both in force in the UNIFIL and in the bilateral missions; they are more than half of all the Italian soldiers operating in the whole Middle East. This gives a dimension of the importance granted to Lebanon.
Indeed, to date, the presence of Italians in the missions in Lebanon has been a deterrent to the expansion of the conflict, and pivoting on this, Italy is investing in dialogue between the parties. Today, UNIFIL involves 10,000 soldiers from 47 different countries. Launched under the U.N. Security Council Resolution 425 (1978), the UNIFIL has seen Italian participation since 1979. Over the years, the mission has been regularly extended, and in 2022, the presence of the Italians was reduced to 1,169 soldiers, 368 land vehicles, seven aircraft and one ship. The tasks include assisting civilians by ensuring access to humanitarian aid and a safe return to displaced persons. Nevertheless, if hindered in carrying out its tasks or in case of danger and threat to its personnel, civilians and humanitarian workers, UNIFIL can intervene "with force."
Currently, UNIFIL operations are based on control through checkpoints, monitoring and observation through fixed posts and patrolling, all in coordination with the local armed forces. Actually, since the 2006 war to Oct. 7, 2023, the area has experienced a period of stability, but currently, the situation is quite fragile and at risk of further exacerbation due to the constant attacks and provocatory Israeli moves. All of this has created much alarm and rethinking of the rules of engagement since they do not provide safety conditions, as is underlined by the Italian government.
Besides UNIFIL, since March 2015, Italy has also been present in Mibil in a U.N.-supported mission, which is part of the intervention carried out by the "International Support Group for Lebanon" (ISG). The mission consists of 190 units that can also count on a naval vessel and an air vehicle. The aim is to provide support to Lebanon following the socio-economic consequences resulting from the conflict in Syria, which broke out in 2011.
The intervention aims to mitigate and avoid repercussions on the stability and security of the country, as decided by the international community. The main goal is supporting Lebanon, which, together with Türkiye, has suffered most of the consequences of the war in Syria. It is precisely in this last operational area that the Italian bilateral mission has set up a training centre in southern Lebanon, which is managed by Alpine paratrooper instructors and Carabinieri.
As peacekeeping and capacity building are priorities in Italy's diplomatic agenda, after a request made by U.S. Secretary of State Blinken, the Italian government is also considering the possibility of sending 200 Carabinieri to train the Palestinian police forces in Jericho. However, nothing has been decided yet due to the complexity of the regional chessboard.
As Italy shows some balanced diplomatic attitude, it is worth mentioning that the dialogue with Israel has never halted. Nevertheless, in light of the most recent escalation in Lebanon, some criticism has emerged, including statements regarding the suspension of any new export license to Israel. As the region is becoming hot, Italy's engagement must be read through the lenses of the protection of national interest and the renewed attitude aimed at making Italy a European pivot in building dialogue and peace.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/italys-diplomatic-push-in-the-middle-east
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Is Israel fighting the October 7 War or the Simchat Torah War?
By Moshe Taragin
October 23, 2024
Names carry immense significance. The manner in which we choose to memorialize pivotal events in our national history shapes our collective memory of these transformative moments. Oct. 7 is a day that will live in infamy within Jewish history, conjuring haunting images of our dark tragedy and of the ensuing war that is currently waging.
But that day was also Simchat Torah. Our adversaries hoped to weaponise a sacred day of Jewish celebration to their strategic advantage.
Should this conflict be remembered solely as the “Oct. 7 War,” or should it also be called the “Simchat Torah War”? This year, the distinction became even more pronounced due to the Jewish leap year, which caused Simchat Torah to occur a full two weeks after Oct. 7, underscoring the divergence between these two dates.
By referring to the war as both the “Oct. 7 War” and the “Simchat Torah War,” we evoke different dimensions of this tragedy and its far-reaching aftermath. Each title suggests different layers of meaning, shaping our memory of this pivotal moment in Jewish history.
Oct. 7
Most people associate the tragedy and the war with Oct. 7. Our solemn national ceremonies took place on this date, and the world at large recognizes this date. The Oct. 7 designation underscores the global and international dimensions of the conflict. By referring to the war through its secular date, we acknowledge its far-reaching ramifications, extending beyond our land and national history.
As Jews, we pray for a divine kingdom in which the entire world recognizes God and is uplifted by His presence. Redemption, for us, is not a narrow or parochial experience, nor does it entail the messianic conversion of every human being to Judaism. Rather, it is the revelation of God’s presence, becoming evident and unmistakable as the nations acknowledge His existence and celebrate our role in modeling a life aligned with His will.
This war is a struggle over the presence of God in this world. Our adversaries misrepresent Him as an angry and bloodthirsty deity who delights in the suffering and death of the innocent. Though they appear and speak as religious people, they are religious impostors. God is merciful, not vengeful. Denying the ways of God is tantamount to denying His presence. They are atheists.
Oct. 7 was not merely an assault upon our people but also vandalized the image of God in our world. That day marked a setback for the global awareness of a just and compassionate God. We hope to restore that image and to reaffirm a God of mercy and justice in the eyes of the world.
Oct. 7 also awakened dormant antisemitism, from the boulevards of Europe to the campuses of the US. We thought that bigoted hatred of Jews was a relic of a savage and violent past, a world long left behind. Yet we discovered that it still simmers beneath the thin veneer of a seemingly polite and enlightened society of tolerance and cooperation, poised to erupt at the first opportune moment.
Antisemitism is not merely a threat to the Jewish people. As the oldest hatred, it may begin with Jews, but it never ends there. When humanity seeks to destroy Jews, it ultimately wounds itself. The battle against antisemitism is not only a fight for the safety of the Jewish people; it is a struggle to save humanity from its darker demons.
Finally, we have come to realize just how fractured modern culture has become. Truth is rendered subjective, good and evil are relativized, and even heinous acts like rape are framed as forms of resistance. We have witnessed the erosion of fundamental values and the blurring of basic distinctions between right and wrong. Faulty cultural narratives have been dragged into this conflict, and part of our struggle is to mend a broken culture and to restore moral clarity and shared fundamental values.
By adopting the term “Oct. 7 War,” we acknowledge that the effects of this conflict extend well beyond Israel’s borders. It is not solely a matter of Jewish destiny; the broader impact reaches across the world, shaping religious consciousness, defeating Jew-hatred, and rebuilding fractured cultural values.
Simchat Torah War
It is imperative to also refer to the war as the “Simchat Torah War,” just as the 1973 conflict is remembered as the Yom Kippur War. The assault on Simchat Torah carried profound symbolism as part of a historical struggle waged against our people and our Torah. By targeting us on the day we celebrate the divine Torah, our enemies launched an attack not just on our nation and land but upon the Torah itself.
This assault upon Torah is not a new phenomenon; it began nearly 2,200 years ago. The ancient pagan world did not harbour particular animosity toward the Jews or their God. Heaven was a carnival of many gods, and the Jewish deity was seen as just another divine figure, coexisting with the multitude of deities. Any friction that existed between Jews and non-Jews was mainly geopolitical rather than religious.
However, as humanity began to move toward a monotheistic worldview, the Torah became a focal point of animosity. This shift started during the days of Greek persecution, when various decrees were issued to prevent us from fulfilling divine commandments. Something about our devotion to a singular God and a sacred life of moral behavior and commandments irked the Greeks. It was during this period that Apostomus – likely a Greek officer, given the name – burned a Torah scroll in the Temple, a tragedy commemorated on the fast of Tamuz 17. Our enemies recognized that the Torah was central to our national spirit, and by banning and burning it, they hoped to destroy us.
The Romans continued this sinister campaign against the Torah, outlawing its study and unleashing brutality upon our sages. Their merciless execution of the Ten Martyrs, including sages like Rabbi Hanania ben Teradion, who was wrapped in a Torah scroll and burned alive, reflected a deep hostility toward the Torah and its study. As monotheism spread, so did the assault upon Torah.
During the medieval period, this assault shifted to a more intellectual battleground. Rather than burning scrolls, our adversaries sought to undermine the Torah’s authority by putting the Oral Law on trial. In the 13th century, two prominent trials targeted the Talmud, challenging its legitimacy and teachings. These disputes were often conducted in environments where freedom of expression was severely restricted, serving as a form of psychological warfare against the Jewish people. The aim was clear: If the Torah could be discredited, then the Jewish spirit could be broken. Furthermore, throughout medieval Europe, Torah publication faced strict censorship as part of a broader attempt to suppress Jewish spirit and eliminate Torah study.
This war being launched on Simchat Torah was no coincidence. Our enemies are provoked by our presence in this ancient land, a land explicitly earmarked for us in the Torah. In 2023, Simchat Torah was a tragic day. For reasons beyond our understanding, God did not answer our prayers on the day we celebrate receiving His Torah. Yet, it is unimaginable that in heaven, the day we celebrate Jewish selection will be leveraged against us.
We hope that one day we will grasp the full meaning behind these events, and Simchat Torah will once again be a day of unbroken celebration and joy.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-825825
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Hilltop Youth, Hardal: The Anti-Zionist Jews Threatening Israel
By Samuel J. Hyde
OCTOBER 23, 2024
Since the end of the Second Intifada in 2005, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict had been largely smouldered, that was until October 7. Hamas had launched small-scale wars from the Gaza Strip, and Palestinian armed groups and individuals had carried out terrorist attacks in the West Bank and in Israel, prompting stringent Israeli military responses. Last year, however, showed an increase in a distinct type of hostility accompanied by a deadly rise of violence among Palestinians and Israelis in the West Bank.
In June 2023, dozens of settlers (Israeli civilians living beyond the 1967 Green Line) entered and attacked the Palestinian town of Turmus Ayya. Some 30 houses and 60 cars were burned. Then there was the Palestinian terror attack in the Eli settlement, which claimed the lives of four Israelis. Following the attack, roughly 20 settlers set cars on fire in the Palestinian village of Hawara.
As the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza rages on and the threat of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s “ring of fire” looms ever larger, recent weeks have witnessed a troubling resurgence of this violence in the West Bank. In the village of Wadi Rahhal, Israeli settlers opened fire, killing a Palestinian man and wounding three others. Simultaneously, a Hamas operative – recently freed in the November hostage deal – was eliminated by the IDF in Nur Shams after allegedly resuming terrorist activities. Four Jewish Israeli suspects were arrested for their involvement in a brutal assault on the Palestinian village of Jit, while a Palestinian gunman claimed the life of an Israeli civilian in a drive-by shooting. These events are not isolated; they’re part of a particular violence that seems increasingly entrenched.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-825523
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Gaza Extermination: Netanyahu Is 'Finishing The Job' While The World Watches
23 October 2024
On 19 November 1995, the indictment of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia against Serb leader Ratko Mladic was issued.
It said that between about 12 July 1995 and 13 July 1995, Ratko Mladic arrived in Potocari, where thousands of Bosnian Muslim men, women and children had sought refuge in and around the UN military compound, accompanied by his military aides and a television crew.
The Bosnian Serb general filmed himself telling Muslims that they would be safely transported out of Srebrenica. Mladic boarded a bus of terrified refugees and addressed them.
"Good afternoon. You heard the stories about me for a very long time. Now you are looking at me (the driver interrupts). You shut up. Your job is to drive.
"I am General Mladic. There are able-bodied people among you. You are all safe. And you are all going to be transported to Kladanj. We wish you a safe journey. You who are of military age, do not go to the front again. No more forgiveness. Now I'm giving your life as a gift."
In Potocari, the men and boys were separated from the women, driven to Bratunac and shot dead by Bosnian Serb soldiers.
On and around the same dates, the indictment continued, Muslim men and women who had taken refuge in the UN compound were summarily executed and their bodies were left lying in the fields and buildings in the compound.
Almost three decades later, the same - if not worse - is happening on a daily basis in Jabalia refugee camp in northern Gaza.
The killing is as organised.
Men are being separated from women and are being led off to an unknown fate, some never to be seen again. Bodies litter the streets of Jabalia.
The streets of the camp are strewn with evidence of summary execution; bodies of men, women and children with their heads torn off are lying in the entrances to buildings.
Unlike the killing fields of Srebrenica, it's all documented on video.
Meanwhile, an Israeli soldier is filmed handing sweets out to children awaiting transportation.
What is happening in northern Gaza today is qualitatively different to any horror visited on Gaza in the last year.
Worse than Nakba
What is taking place before our eyes is worse than the Nakba (the Catastrophe) in 1948 when 700,000 Palestinians were made refugees, because what happened at Deir Yassin or Tantura is happening every night in northern Gaza.
The technology of killing has changed. The intent to leave no survivors behind has not.
Today, a total siege is being laid.
There is no food, water, or medical care coming in. What remains of the healthcare system after a year of bombing is being systematically dismantled. Schools are being bombed. Northern Gaza is being rendered uninhabitable.
As in Srebrenica, the civilian victims are being shunted to "safe areas" and then killed.
It's organised on an industrial scale.
"The smell of death is everywhere," writes Philippe Lazzarini, head of Unrwa "as bodies are left lying on the roads or under the rubble. Missions to clear the bodies or provide humanitarian assistance are denied."
More than 8000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were killed in Srebrenica.
There are up to 400,000 Palestinians in northern Gaza, dozens of whom are dying every night in artillery fire, drone strikes, or close up in summary executions.
This has been going on for three weeks and there is no international pressure on Benjamin Netanyahu to stop. There are no statements of condemnation by any western leader.
The two cases before the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) include some of the most severe allegations of violating international law of modern times, such as genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. However, they remain stalled.
Five months have passed since Karim Khan, the ICC prosecutor, requested an arrest warrant for Netanyahu and his Defence Minister Yoav Gallant. The Hamas leaders wanted on war crimes charges, Ismail Haniyeh and Yahya Sinwar are dead, and according to Israel, so too is Mohammed Deif.
That leaves only the Israeli officials facing warrants and yet none have been issued.
The average wait for the judges of the pre-trial chamber to approve a warrant requested by the prosecutor is two months.
The Rome Statute says the purpose of the court is not only to hold those accountable for war crimes to account, but to stop further crimes from being committed.
But for five months this court has been paralysed while war crimes are being committed daily.
'Finish the job'
Far from facing an arrest warrant, Netanyahu is taking a bow to general applause.
At home, Sinwar’s death is being taken as vindication of his policy of defying his chief armourer, US President Joe Biden, who told him to stop the war many months ago.
Amit Segal, a commentator of Israeli TV's Channel 12, said that the "success" in killing Sinwar was due to Israel not listening to anyone for a whole year and continuing its military strategy, avoiding a ceasefire despite all international pressure.
Abroad, a cigarette paper divides the traditional camps of centre left and right on Palestine.
Biden says one thing, but as we all know continues to arm Israel to the teeth. Donald Trump has the dubious distinction of saying what he thinks.
Both are wholly acquiescent by their silence. If anything the Keir Starmers and and Anthony Blinkens of this world are worse than the likes of the former US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo or Trump's son-in-law and adviser Jared Kushner.
On his 11th tour of the region, Blinken told Netanyahu that there was "a perception" that a plan conceived by retired generals to force the population of northern Gaza out by starvation was being enacted. He was easily batted away by Netanyahu who simply lied to him, as he has done to Biden repeatedly.
A perception of a massacre? It's what we report every day.
The killings in Gaza are happening now because Netanyahu knows that Biden is two weeks away from a presidential election and has run out of political capital to stop him.
Whether they admit it publicly or not, Netanyahu has been persuading all of them that he is turning the tide of this war in Gaza and Lebanon and that he should be allowed to "finish the job".
But what does that mean? Where does the job end?
For the religious Zionists of the Jewish Power party, the end of the war is eviction of all Palestinians and the total takeover of Gaza by settlers.
To emphasise their "power", a conference was held on Monday three kilometres from the Gaza border, and to the sounds of shelling. A goodly number of Likud Knesset members came along.
Many of those attending carried stickers celebrating Meir Kahane, the US born rabbi and convicted terrorist who said that all Palestinians should be forced out of Israel.
The extremist settlers' leader, Danielle Weis, claimed that her organisation Nahala had already entered a deal worth "millions of dollars" for temporary housing units as a preliminary to settlement of the strip. "You will witness how Jews go to Gaza and Arabs disappear from Gaza," Weis said.
Watching Gaza burn
Gatherings like these are dismissed by Israel’s supporters in Britain as colourful cranks, unrepresentative of the state they still call "Israel proper". The majority of Israelis reject the plan to reoccupy Gaza, they say.
But the majority of Israelis are witnessing a plan to empty Gaza and are doing nothing to stop it. This is all self-deception.
More telling than the presence of Israeli Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir at a conference in which Jews were dancing and celebrating Gaza’s collapse, were the Likud Knesset members who turned up.
Netanyahu denies his plan is to empty Gaza, but his MK, Tally Gotliv, knows her party leader better. She told MEE: "I have no doubt that he is supporting the settlement of Gaza because it will bring more security, not just for the area around Gaza Strip but for Israel."
Gotliv fully supports what is happening in northern Gaza: "The people in the north of Gaza allowed the Hamas fighters to go through on October 7th," she said. "I have no mercy. The only mercy we have is that we give them the chance to leave… They should leave and go to the south."
Watching Gaza burn is a spectator sport. Israelis had gathered in their cars at one vantage point.
Never has the gap in understanding between conquerer and subject been so great. Never have Israelis been so oblivious to the forces they are stirring up in the hearts of Arabs, regardless of background, clan or creed.
Opinion in the two Arab countries that have signed peace treaties with Israel, Egypt and Jordan, could not be clearer.
Mortada Mansour is an Egyptian politician who called the revolution of 2011 "the worst day in Egypt’s history". He hated the Muslim Brotherhood and ardently supported Sisi’s military coup. No Islamist is he.
But he writes of Yehia Sinwar’s death: "The martyrdom of the Palestinian fighter Yahya Sinwar at the hands of the criminal Zionists and his injury to the face confirms that he was a brave soldier who faced death bravely in defence of his occupied homeland and did not flee or hide in a tunnel as the Arab Zionists claimed.
"He did not flee to Paris or London where some wealthy Arabs struggle in gambling halls and nightclubs spending millions of dollars on their whims while the children of the brotherly Palestinian people cannot find a drink of water. Rather, he remained in his occupied homeland resisting until he was martyred."
The Nasserite Hamdeen Sabahi was another fierce critic of late Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi.
Addressing the dead Hamas leader, he writes: "The image of your martyrdom will throw stones at the skeptics. You were martyred like all the heroic people of Gaza, not hiding in tunnels nor surrounded by their prisoners. You were with your men facing the enemy. Your pure blood is an inspiring support for the resistance until the liberation of Palestine. May you live long in this life and the hereafter."
It's the same in Jordan.
No justice served
The families of the two fighters who staged a cross border attack in the south Dead Sea area, injuring two Israeli soldiers, were mobbed by well-wishers.
The father of one of the men, Amer Qawas, was carried on the shoulders of the crowd during a demonstration in Amman. Nasser Qawas said the blood of his son was not more precious than the blood of Palestinian people.
Everyone has forgotten the man after whom the Qassam Brigades were named.
He was a Syrian preacher, Ezzedine al-Qassam, who died in an uprising against European colonisers in the Levant during the Mandate in 1936. Fifty-six years after his death, Hamas created its military wing - taking after his name - which fought a longer war against Israel than all the Arab armies combined.
In Yahya Sinwar, Israel has created a legend of resistance even more powerful than Qassam in Palestinian and Arab minds.
As commentator Fadi Quran rightly notes, the more Israel takes the lives of students like Sha’ban al-Dalou, burned alive in the courtyard of a hospital, or Hanan Abu Salami, the 59-year-old woman who was killed by an Israel soldier while harvesting her olive trees in the West Bank, the more hundreds of thousands of Qassams and Sinwars will be committed to fight back.
Netanyahu thinks he is winning this war by burying his enemies in rubble. He is burying any chance of Israeli Jews being able to live in peace with their Arab neighbours for decades to come.
Karadjic and Mladic had their day in court, and are now serving life sentences in The Hague and Parkhurst.
This year, the General Assembly adopted a resolution designating 11 July as the "International Day of Reflection and Commemoration of the 1995 Genocide in Srebrenica", to be observed annually.
I doubt whether Netanyahu, Gallant and all those who have created this genocide will ever be brought to justice in their lives.
https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/gaza-extermination-israel-netanyahu-finishing-job-world-watches
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Arab Americans Poised to Send a Message to Democrats About Gaza
Kerry Boyd Anderson
October 23, 2024
For the first time, Arab Americans will next month play a major role in a US presidential election. Their anger and despair over the war in Gaza has united the constituency in a new way. While many Arab Americans recognize that former President Donald Trump is more pro-Israel than the other major candidate, Vice President Kamala Harris, many are determined to use their vote to express their opposition to the Biden administration’s support for Israel.
Arab Americans make up less than 1 percent of the US population. More identify with the Democratic Party than the Republican Party, but there are Arab Americans on both sides. They are a diverse group that includes different types of Muslims and Christians and family origins from a range of Arab countries. They are spread out among multiple states.
Historically, the Arab American community’s small size, diversity and lack of concentration in a particular part of the country limited its importance as a potential voting bloc. However, several factors have boosted Arab American voters’ ability to shape the US election.
First, the presidential election will depend on the outcomes in a few battleground states, where the race is very close. This situation allows small groups to have more influence and Arab Americans have significant numbers in several battleground states, most notably Michigan. Second, the last two presidential elections showed that Arab Americans can be a swing constituency, with the potential to back Democratic or Republican candidates. Third, the war in Gaza has unified Arab Americans around a single issue.
The new Arab News/YouGov poll offers valuable insights into how Arab Americans will vote. Arab Americans share the same concerns as many other Americans and the poll shows that the economy and cost of living are important priorities for them. Arab Americans appear to favor Trump on these issues, with 47 percent of respondents saying that Trump is better for the economy, compared to 41 percent for Harris.
However, 29 percent of respondents said that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is their top priority — higher than any other specific category in the poll. This finding matches other reporting that has emphasized that fury over the suffering of civilians in Gaza has become a unifying force among Arab Americans.
The poll provides fascinating data on how opposition to the Biden administration’s continuing support for Israel could play out in the election. It indicates that Arab Americans are strongly motivated to vote, with 87 percent saying they plan to do so. A strong majority — 69 percent — see Trump as the candidate who is the most supportive of Israel’s government, compared to 60 percent for Harris. But they also tend to see Trump as the most likely to “successfully resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict” (39 percent compared to 33 percent for Harris) — although, in the poll, 27 percent chose a third-party candidate, none of the candidates or said they did not know. Respondents were evenly divided on whether Trump or Harris would be better for the Middle East. Considering that the poll has a margin of error of 5.93 percent, the results suggest that Arab Americans are divided about which candidate might best address their concerns about Palestinian rights, with a slight advantage to Trump.
Notably, Arab Americans prefer Harris as a leader in terms of their own community’s needs and safety, as 46 percent said that “racism/hate attacks” against their community are more likely under Trump, compared to only 23 percent who see Harris as a bigger threat. Furthermore, 39 percent of respondents said that Harris is “more sensitive to the national needs and problems” of Arab Americans, compared to 31 percent for Trump.
Yet, the poll finds that 45 percent of Arab Americans said they will vote for Trump, compared to 43 percent for Harris. Importantly, 10 percent said they will vote for a third-party candidate or have not decided.
Given concerns about Trump’s ability to fuel anti-Arab sentiment and the extremely pro-Israel policies that he pursued as president, many observers might find it astonishing that Arab Americans are split about who to vote for. However, while many Arab Americans dislike Trump, they see that President Joe Biden has presided over foreign policy during the greatest crisis for Palestinians in decades. In the face of Gaza’s utter destruction, more than 40,000 Palestinians dead, growing anti-Palestinian violence in the West Bank and now war in Lebanon, Biden has continued to provide huge amounts of aid and weapons to Israel. The Biden administration’s efforts to persuade Israel to do more for civilians in Gaza appear hollow to Arab Americans, who often have familial and social connections to people who are directly suffering from the conflict.
Harris is not Biden and she has made stronger statements than him about her concern for civilians in Gaza. However, she is the vice president in the current administration; unless she overtly breaks with Biden on his policy and promises a change in course, many Arab Americans see her as part of the problem.
In the view of many Arab Americans, Trump might be better or worse on the Israeli-Palestinian issue, but there is little they can do about that. However, they can send a clear message to the Democratic Party that it cannot take their votes for granted. To put it more bluntly, they want to send a message that Democrats cannot use taxpayer money to help Israel kill Arab civilians and expect them to acquiesce in the polling booth.
Only a couple of years ago, it would have been impossible to predict that the Israeli-Palestinian issue or Arab American voters might determine a US presidential election. Yet, at a time of extreme violence in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and a historically tight presidential race, that is today’s reality.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2576524
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US Plans for A Post-Hezbollah Lebanon Are Trying to Revive a Failed Strategy
23 October 2024
While Israel’s ground invasion of Lebanon falters, a war by other means is taking place behind the frontlines.
Diplomatic, political and media actors are mobilising to realign Lebanon away from supporting Palestinian resistance and in line with Israeli aims in Lebanon.
On 11 October, the US ambassador in Lebanon, Lisa Johnson, reportedly held a series of meetings with Lebanese politicians, including “independent” members of parliament. She reportedly told them to be ready for a new “post-Hezbollah era”, whereby the party’s alleged control of the state and border crossings would no longer hold.
Washington’s special envoy and former Israeli soldier and lobbyist, Amos Hochstein, is publicly appearing on major Lebanese networks and peddling the same story, but couched in diplomatic language. Lebanon’s Prime Minister Najib Mikati and the Council of Ministers have also affirmed commitment to United Nations Security Council resolution 1701 (aimed formally at ending hostilities between Hezbollah and Israel). Meanwhile, Israel has yet to announce its approval.
US officials, who were emboldened after Israel's pager attacks and the assassinations of top Hezbollah brass, including Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah, are wagering on two trojan horses to turn the tables on Hezbollah from within.
The first is rushing the election of a new president whose agenda is in line with US and Israeli policies. A likely candidate is the head of the Lebanese army, Joseph Aoun. Choosing Aoun is tied to the second trojan horse of the US campaign against the resistance: a revamped version of resolution 1701.
Lebanon's 'territorial integrity'
The resolution’s extant version was issued in the aftermath of the 2006 Israeli war on Lebanon. It served as a reference point for disengagement.
Back then, it affirmed the “territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of Lebanon” as a means to undermine armed resistance led by Hezbollah in three steps.
The first is to bar any armed presence of Hezbollah south of the Litani river and endorses the call for disarming the group in line with UN resolution 1559 that was issued two years earlier. By contrast, no such restrictions were imposed on Israel.
The second is to deploy the Lebanese army across the south, and the third is to increase the size of UN troop presence to 15,000, while seeking to use them as the eyes and ears of western powers rather than protectors of the people of the south.
Hezbollah managed to circumvent these new restrictions with a two-pronged approach: avoid any visible armed presence south of the Litani; and coordinate with loyal factions in the Lebanese army to get an early warning of attempts by UN troops to expose any hideouts or activity.
Judging from the current war, Hezbollah’s strategy was relatively successful.
This is why Washington is currently betting on a revamped version of 1701 and stricter enforcement mechanisms that avoid the failures of the past. It has been encouraged by several developments since 2004.
Weak military and toothless UN
On the military front, the US struck a strategic partnership with the Lebanese army following the 2006 war. The partnership included financial aid amounting to $3bn. US ambassadors routinely meet with army chief Aoun and hold joint training or ceremonial events with high-ranking officers.
This policy was intended to create an ideologically pliant army. But thanks to Washington’s unshakeable commitment to Israel’s military superiority, none of this aid went towards the purchase of offensive weaponry or provided training to defend against foreign aggression rather than internal repression.
Washington’s Israel-first aid strategy means that the Lebanese army is incapable of defending south Lebanon from credible Israeli threats. During this war, Israel has attacked and killed Lebanese army soldiers with no response.
Deployment of Lebanese armed forces in the south will assist in securing Israel, not Lebanon. An unintended consequence is the army’s incapacity to overpower Hezbollah, to Washington’s detriment.
UN troops in Lebanon, known as Unifil, are equally toothless in the face of Israeli aggression. Since they were deployed after Israel’s 1978 invasion, these troops have failed to stop a single Israeli attack. In 1996, Israel shelled a UN compound in southern Lebanon sheltering displaced Lebanese, killing more than 100 and wounding hundreds more.
Since 2006, Unifil’s relative neutrality has seemingly been replaced with an overt bias towards Israel, despite the latter’s aggressive behaviour.
Israel attacked UN troops earlier this month under the pretext of their failure to implement 1701 and called for their redeployment a few kilometres north of the border.
On 17 October, a German warship operating under the Unifil flag shot down a drone heading from Lebanon to occupied Palestine. This foreshadows Hochstein’s reported demand to grant UN troops the authority to act as Israel’s proxy in tracking and attacking resistance forces.
Economic and social siege
Economically, Washington and its Gulf allies have increased financial and economic sanctions on Lebanon, denied it any relief following the 2019 financial collapse and chasing down the wealth of Shia expatriate communities in West Africa and Latin America to dry up any alleged communal funding of Hezbollah.
These measures were meant to fuel sectarian strife and incite the social base against Hezbollah.
In parallel, Washington fostered stronger links with emerging NGOs and newly-elected MPs to create a seemingly independent political elite that dissociated itself from the broken reputation of traditional forces while harbouring oppositional views to the resistance.
US machinations have made some impact, particularly in the realm of public opinion.
The domination of pro-western media outlets in Lebanon certainly helped in this regard. But Hezbollah and its chief ally, the Amal movement, have shored up their social base in the last parliamentary elections, held in 2022.
Despite these mediocre US results, Washington is now hoping that combining them with social destitution created by Israel’s killing, injuring, and displacement of hundreds of thousands of people will create sufficient conditions to paralyse Hezbollah.
But it is still evident that without a decisive - and so far elusive - military victory against Hezbollah, all these efforts are unlikely to bear fruit.
Trying to brutally eliminate the entire social base of Hezbollah by massacring civilians is not going to work either.
Increased attacks on the entire community will only strengthen the community’s resolve to defend the resistance forces defending them.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/us-lebanon-plans-post-hezbollah-revive-failed-strategy
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Israel Does Not Intend to Stop
Abdulrahman Al-Rashed
October 23, 2024
The sun rises again over Gaza and Lebanon, but this time without the dominance of Hezbollah and Hamas, whether we see them as resistance movements or extensions of Iranian influence. A new and a different scene is about to unfold, demanding a Palestinian, Lebanese, Arab and international effort to minimize human and political losses and to prevent further collapses.
Following the death of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar and the destruction of Hamas’ power, Israel finds itself in a stronger position than before, largely due to its mismanagement of the crisis earlier in the year. Israel is no longer pressured to negotiate hostage exchanges or accept the compromises that were discussed during negotiations in Cairo over the administration of Gaza. Proposals from Paris are now off the table and no one can dictate to Israel how it will manage border crossings, including the key Philadelphi Corridor.
With the death of Hassan Nasrallah and most of Hezbollah’s leadership, Lebanon too is in a different position. Israel is no longer content with just the demands of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which required the cessation of rocket fire and the disarmament of Hezbollah fighters in exchange for Israeli restraint.
The Lebanese army can take full responsibility for protecting the borders and dismantling Hezbollah’s military role. Without this, Israel will continue its military operations until the spring, aiming to eliminate every last fighter in Lebanon. This could lead to the complete destruction of Lebanon and the end of Hezbollah’s political and military presence.
The war is not over yet. A new confrontation is looming, potentially on a third front in Syria and a fourth with Iran. After its success in destroying Hamas and most of Hezbollah’s capabilities, Israel fears that these threats could resurface unless it cuts off Iran’s influence, which stretches from Iraq through Syria.
Although not officially stated, Israel’s current goal seems to be to drive Iran out of Syria, as reflected in its actions on the ground. For example, Israel has cleared mines on the occupied Golan Heights and called for the removal of international forces, indicating plans for further military operations. Although Syria has avoided getting involved in the Hamas and Hezbollah conflicts, not giving Israel any excuse to target it, Netanyahu’s government is determined to eliminate surrounding Iranian threats, which include Hamas, Hezbollah and Iranian bases in Syria.
Israel’s attack on the Iranian consulate in Damascus in early April was a clear message: Iran must pack its bags and leave Syria. If Iran withdraws peacefully, it will be a gain for the Syrian government, which no longer needs Tehran’s presence as it did during the civil war. Now, Iran’s presence has become a burden on Damascus.
Netanyahu may seem reckless, firing in all directions, but in reality he is following a well-structured plan with a clear objective. Few expected him to be capable of this — dismantling the major Iranian threats surrounding Israel. It is anticipated that he will strike Iran this week, aiming for more than just Sinwar. If the attack happens, Iran will face two choices: accept Israel’s conditions and curb the activities of its external Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps or face an even more dangerous conflict, both for Iran and the entire region.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2576519
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How GCC, EU Could Partner to Bring Peace to Middle East
Dr. Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg
October 23, 202
At last week’s EU-Gulf Cooperation Council summit, the leaders present spent much of their time discussing how to hone their newly founded strategic partnership to stop the Middle East’s conflicts, especially those in Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon, as well as the wider Israel-Iran cycle of violence.
The two blocs have an unprecedented opportunity to lead in light of the US’ political paralysis, Russia’s war preoccupations and China’s reluctance to lead.
However, despite its considerable weight, a lack of unity has so far hampered the EU’s ability to play an effective role beyond providing aid and regular pronouncements. Despite being the world’s third-largest economy after the US and China, it has chosen not to turn that power into an effective diplomatic initiative. It has preferred to act in the US’ shadow, deferring to the leadership of a clearly paralyzed government. The transitional nature of the EU’s current leadership has added to this reluctance, waiting for the new leadership to take office over the coming weeks and months.
Nevertheless, there was a consensus in Brussels on the parameters for a resolution of the conflict. On Gaza, both support UN Security Council resolutions, especially 2735, which calls for an immediate, full and complete ceasefire, the release of hostages and the exchange of Palestinian prisoners, as well as immediate and unimpeded humanitarian access to the civilian population and the safe and effective distribution of humanitarian assistance at scale throughout the Gaza Strip, where famine is looming. They also support UNRWA and other UN agencies in Gaza and the West Bank.
On the underlying Israel-Palestine issue, the two blocs agree on resolving it according to UN resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative, meaning the establishment of an independent and viable Palestinian state on the 1967 borders. Both condemn settler violence in the West Bank and Israel’s unilateral actions to alter the historical status quo there.
The EU last month joined Saudi Arabia in launching the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution in New York. It also joined Saudi Arabia’s September 2023 initiative to revive the peace process and the Arab Peace Initiative.
Achieving anything of significance on this issue requires US involvement, but it is not likely that the Biden administration will put enough pressure on Israel to agree to a ceasefire, let alone the settlement of the underlying conflict, before the Nov. 5 election. However, there is a window of opportunity after the election, regardless of who wins. There are 75 crucial days between Election Day and Jan. 20, Biden’s last day in office. Previous administrations were able to use that period to make important decisions on peace in the Middle East. Biden could use it to advance US interests and help his own legacy, which has been tarnished by this conflict.
During the remaining days leading up to Nov. 5, the GCC and EU could prepare the ground, through closer EU-GCC coordination, by building on the consensus reached last week in Brussels. They need to put together a comprehensive plan, not only for a ceasefire and humanitarian aid, but to address the root causes of the conflict. To secure international support, the plan has to build on the global consensus demonstrated by UN resolutions.
The plan should be a regional one, taking consideration of all the relevant stakeholders. It has to address the concerns of both sides, including Israel’s security concerns and full enfranchisement of the Palestinians, according to all relevant UN resolutions.
Strengthening the Palestinian Authority is essential to enable it to carry out the duties of the state and provide basic services. Introducing economic and political reforms is also essential for the smooth functioning of the state and to encourage donors and investors to help the Palestinian economy.
There needs to be international support for this plan throughout, to provide the incentives and the discipline, or carrots and sticks, which are needed to make the plan work.
The promise of shared prosperity between the countries of the region is already implied in the Arab Peace Initiative. The full potential of that promise could be explained for the benefit of all stakeholders, especially ordinary men and women whose core interests should be at the heart of this process.
After the initial stocktaking and persuasion of key players, an international conference is needed to rally support globally and, equally important, work out the details of the guarantees and incentives needed during the different stages of implementation of the solution.
The Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution provides the first step toward this goal. The GCC and the EU joined hands in launching this initiative and then expressed support for it last week in Brussels.
There will, of course, be obstacles and even potential spoilers. The Israeli government, currently populated by some of the most extreme elements of Israeli politics, may not be easily persuaded. Iran also may see a resolution of the Palestine question as sidelining Tehran or even being at its expense. It may see Arab-Israeli normalization as strengthening Israel, its regional arch-rival.
The US should be able to persuade Israel of the value of reaching a deal, with a promise of peace and normalization with countries of the region and beyond. Strengthening the peace camp in Israel is also necessary. This can be done by providing Israelis with a credible alternative to the current endless cycle of violence.
GCC-Iran diplomatic engagement could assuage Iran’s fears regarding the deal. In addition to the long-standing bilateral diplomatic channels between Iran and the GCC countries, a new channel was started earlier this month. On Oct. 4, the foreign ministers of Iran and the six GCC countries met for the first time in Doha. Through these channels, the two sides could discuss Iran’s concerns.
The GCC Regional Security Vision, issued in March, contains the promise of normalization with both Iran and Israel. The parameters for normalization with Israel have already been spelled out in the Arab Peace Initiative. The parameters for normalization with Iran have also been spelled out by the GCC in official correspondence with Tehran and in the meetings held with it over recent years.
Peace between Palestine and Israel could have the potential to defuse tensions in the region, including between Israel and Iran. Normalization with the GCC could help Iran focus its tremendous energies internally and help Iranian citizens and businesses to participate fully in the region’s economic boom.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2576496
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Will Sinwar’s Death End the Destruction?
Bakir Oweida
October 23, 2024
Global observers remain divided on the significance of Benjamin Netanyahu’s war Cabinet’s “achievement” in killing Yahya Sinwar — whether by design or by chance. However, there is broad consensus that eliminating Gaza’s undisputed powerbroker has opened new possibilities, particularly for accelerating a ceasefire deal that could free the remaining hostages.
World leaders have rushed to promote this moment as an opportunity for an immediate cessation of hostilities. Yet has Netanyahu’s government, which has exceeded all international norms in its brutality, shown any positive response to such optimistic overtures? The evidence suggests otherwise, as several factors reinforce Netanyahu’s emboldened stance, including the triumphant elimination of several Hamas leaders and claims of breaching the “Gaza support front” in Lebanon by taking out its founder Hassan Nasrallah alongside prominent Iranian Brig. Gen. Abbas Nilforoushan.
These developments have seemingly convinced Netanyahu’s war Cabinet that their aggressive approach is justified and victory attainable across all fronts. The timing is also significant: with the Biden administration’s days numbered, Netanyahu appears unlikely to heed any US counsel during this period. Meanwhile, most world leaders, including Israel’s traditional allies, find themselves unable to ignore the shocking realities unfolding in Gaza, the Occupied Territories and Lebanon. Their populations have gained unprecedented insight into the Palestinian-Israeli conflict over the past year.
While some supporters of Hamas and Islamic Jihad attribute this global shift to Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, such analysis reflects wishful thinking. The international outcry, particularly among younger generations standing with Palestinians, represents a natural response in our transformed world — a reality that neither Netanyahu’s hostility nor his extremist faction’s arrogance anticipated. Their actions have effectively undermined decades of Israeli false narrative-building.
With Sinwar’s death — after objectively confounding Israel (a historical assessment independent of personal views about the man, while acknowledging Gaza’s heavy toll) — a crucial question emerges: Does eliminating this defiant figure truly create an opening to halt Gaza’s destruction and the decimation of its people through death, displacement, starvation and demolition? Could this moment mark the beginning of rebuilding both the human spirit and Gaza’s physical infrastructure?
Expecting a positive response from Netanyahu’s government would be naive. The onus now falls on international power centres to demonstrate their ability to impose their will through diplomatic influence, as they have done previously in various global contexts.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2576520
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