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Middle East Press ( 21 Apr 2025, NewAgeIslam.Com)

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Middle East Press On: Iran, Nuclear, Turkiye, Arab, Gulf, Asian: New Age Islam's Selection, 21 April 2025

 

By New Age Islam Edit Desk

21 April 2025

Why Iran Has Agreed to Sit Down for Nuclear Talks

Israel Must Stop Apologizing for Its Existence

Türkiye’s Defence Dream Comes True: Now A Global Brand

An Ancient People in Syria: Turkmens

Out of Their League: Dagenham & Redbridge FC’s Arab Outreach Collapses After Director Sacked, Co-Owner Quits Over Pro-Palestine Post

Trump Tariffs Bolstering Ties Between Gulf and Asian Nations

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Why Iran Has Agreed to Sit Down for Nuclear Talks

By Neville Teller

April 21, 2025

In a nutshell, the Iranian regime wants an end to the sanctions that have crippled its economy while keeping an eventual nuclear arsenal very much in view, while US President Donald Trump is seeking an agreement that would prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.

To this end Iran and the US held talks in Oman on April 12. Afterward, Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, told state television they had taken place in a “productive, calm, and positive atmosphere.” Both parties agreed that a second round would take place one week later, which indeed they did on April 19, in the Omani Embassy in Rome. Araghchi told Iranian TV that the talks had been “constructive” – which probably means that Iran is getting its way on developing a civil nuclear power program while it waits for Trump to complete his term in the White House. Meanwhile, the parties agreed to meet again in the coming week.

Trump would no doubt assert that the talks are going well because he has warned Iran that the US would use military force if a deal is not reached. Moreover, despite Iran repeatedly saying it would not negotiate under pressure, even as preparations for the first meeting were in hand the US moved more warships and stealth bombers to the region and imposed more sanctions on individuals and companies supplying Iran with weaponry.

That first meeting was not precisely what Trump had requested in his letter to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. He proposed face-to-face talks leading to a deal to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. This, he asserted, would avert possible military strikes by the US and Israel. However, Khamenei authorized only indirect discussions between the parties.

Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian, in a cabinet meeting on March 30, confirmed that in reply to Trump’s letter Iran had rejected face-to-face talks. However, he revealed, he had written that “the road to indirect negotiation is left open.”

That is how the meeting was organized. Al-Monitor reports that it took place in a luxury hotel in Muscat. According to Iranian spokesman Esmail Baghael, each delegation had its separate room, and messages were exchanged via Oman’s foreign minister.

The whole process went well until a mischievous gremlin intervened, causing a tempest in a teapot – or, as the British have it, a storm in a teacup.

When, after nearly three hours, the indirect talks ended, the delegations left their separate rooms and, as chance would have it, met on the way out. The two delegation heads – Araghchi and Trump’s Middle East envoy, Steven Witkoff – came face-to-face, and chatted briefly.

“It was very normal,” said Araghchi. “When we were leaving, the two groups ran into each other and we spoke for a few minutes... we have always respected diplomatic politeness while encountering American diplomats.”

However when news of the encounter reached Iran, hardliners were appalled. Hamid Rasaei, an Iranian MP, reminded Araghchi that the supreme leader had authorized indirect talks only.

“Mr Araghchi, you had permission for indirect negotiations,” he declared. “This was not a normal encounter at all. You could have left the place later... and not meet.”

The face-to-face exchange was 'limited'

Other hardline commentators viewed the direct contact as potentially undermining Iran’s negotiating position.

The Iranian government, seeking to downplay the incident, emphasized how limited the face-to-face exchange had been, with no photographs taken. State-affiliated media outlets largely echoed this view of the affair. The fact that there has been no official statement from Khamenei, no censure or public reprimand, indicates his tacit agreement that the encounter should not affect the continuation of the negotiations.

This episode, together with a variety of other factors, indicates that Iran is extremely keen to come to an agreement with the US and be free of the heavy burden of sanctions that has crippled its economy for years, particularly those targeting oil exports and financial institutions. The consequential currency devaluation and inflation have eroded public purchasing power, while oil price volatility has heavily reduced government revenues.

Domestic instability is another burden the regime has had to cope with. The country has seen repeated waves of unrest, first over the deteriorating economic situation, and most recently after the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022, following her arrest by the morality police for wearing her hijab “incorrectly.” These widespread protests demonstrate the regime’s declining legitimacy among its own population. The government may believe that a deal with the US that lifts the sanctions would improve domestic conditions and reduce the risk of more unrest.

Iran is clearly in a weakened state compared with the recent past. It spent decades building an empire of satellites, funding and arming them – Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria, the Houthis in Yemen, and countless jihadist militias. Most have been severely depleted in the past few years by Israeli and Western action, and Iran’s influence, once based on its militarized outreach, has been much reduced. At the same time Iran’s economic difficulties have limited its ability to fund them.

THESE AND related factors go some way toward explaining why, despite his long-standing resistance to negotiations with the US, Khamenei has allowed the current talks to take place. He has consistently placed a high priority on regime survival, and has a track record of permitting diplomacy as a tactic. A major precedent was the negotiations back in 2015 leading to the original nuclear deal, concluded with then-US president Barack Obama in the lead. Khamenei regards negotiation as an occasional tactical necessity, not as a strategic shift of Iran’s fundamental purposes, which remain the destruction of Israel and the spread of Shi’ite Islam across the whole world.

Khamenei often delegates negotiations to elected officials (e.g., the president or foreign minister), while keeping a critical distance. This allows the regime to test the waters diplomatically without appearing weak. It also allows him to blame failures on negotiators, should talks collapse. The regime is thus able to claim any deal was done on Iranian terms, not under Western pressure.

In short, Khamenei allows talks when the regime is under existential pressure, when he can control and frame them, and when he can avoid blame if talks fail, or claim success if they work.

The current rounds of negotiations with the US are not signs of a change of heart on the part of the Iranian regime or its supreme leader. They are a calculated survival tactic.

Accordingly, not much credence can be placed on any agreement Iran might make to abandon its decades-long pursuit of a nuclear arsenal. As long as that regime survives, it will not abandon its cardinal objective – or the means to achieve it.

https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-850821

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Israel Must Stop Apologizing for Its Existence

By Amine Ayoub

April 21, 2025

There is a truth that many are afraid to say out loud: Israel is not hated because of what it does; Israel is hated because of what it is: a confident, successful, unapologetic Jewish state in a region – and world – that never wanted it to survive.

This hatred is not logical. It isn’t rooted in policy; it defies evidence. And yet, it pulses through international institutions, college campuses, Western media, and the streets of Europe’s major cities. It has become acceptable – even fashionable – to condemn Israel for defending itself, to brand it a colonial project, and to campaign not for coexistence but for its erasure.

Still, Israel endures. And not only does it endure; it excels. Despite relentless pressure, it builds, innovates, absorbs, defends, and creates. That is not just resilience; it is quiet defiance. And that is exactly why it will prevail.

From its inception, Israel’s existence was treated as a provocation. A home for the Jews? In the Middle East? In lands Jews had lived in for centuries, long before Islam existed? The very idea was rejected violently by its neighbors.

Within 24 hours of Israel’s founding in 1948, five Arab nations invaded to strangle it in its cradle. They failed. So did every other attempt to destroy it, from conventional wars to intifadas, rocket barrages, and terror tunnels.

But Israel’s victory on the battlefield was only one front. The deeper war – the more insidious one – is the war of perception. And in that war, Israel faces a much darker force: the normalization of anti-Jewish double standards disguised as social justice.

Today, anti-Zionism has become the socially acceptable mask of antisemitism. Its proponents no longer shout “Death to the Jews” but “From the river to the sea.” They no longer burn synagogues; they boycott Jewish businesses, intimidate Jewish students, and deny Jews the right to self-determination under the language of liberation.

THIS HATRED now hides behind the word “Palestine,” but its target remains the same: Jewish legitimacy, Jewish security, and Jewish survival.

It is important to state clearly that criticism of Israel is not antisemitism. But denying Israel the right to exist is antisemitism. Holding it to impossible standards no other nation is judged by is antisemitism. And treating its people as permanent suspects, even when under attack, is antisemitism.

Still, even as hatred grows louder, Israel must not flinch. In fact, its answer should not be appeasement; it must be moral clarity.

The world accuses Israel of apartheid, while Arab citizens sit in its parliament, attend its universities, serve in its judiciary, and walk freely in every city. The world calls it a colonial project as if the return of a people to their indigenous homeland after two thousand years of exile, persecution, and genocide is colonialism. The world accuses it of genocide, while its army warns civilians before striking terror targets embedded in homes and hospitals – something no other military on Earth does.

Israel must stop apologizing for existing

Israel cannot spend its energy begging the world to understand. It must stop apologizing for its existence. There is no moral justification for its enemies firing rockets from playgrounds, launching terror attacks in synagogues, or using their own people as human shields. There is no moral high ground in calling for the annihilation of a nation.

So, how does Israel respond? Not just with military strength, but with narrative strength.

It must start telling its story again and telling it better. The world does not need another defensive press release. It needs truth with a spine. It needs voices that stop chasing Western approval and start asserting moral reality.

Israel must stop letting its enemies define the terms of the debate. “Occupation”? The land it is accused of occupying is the same land offered to the Palestinians in countless peace deals, all of which were rejected, not because of borders but because of Israel’s existence. “Colonialism”? There has never been a Palestinian state to colonize. Jews are not foreigners in Jerusalem, Hebron, or Tiberias. They are natives returning home.

And to those who chant “Free Palestine” while excusing the murder of Jewish civilians, Israel must respond: Freedom is not the right to erase another nation.

BUT THE strategy cannot stop at defense. Israel must go on the offense culturally, diplomatically, and intellectually. It must invest deeply in media, storytelling, and international education. Not dry facts, but bold narratives that make people feel the truth.

People don’t rally around spreadsheets; they rally around stories. The story of Israel is powerful – one of trauma, triumph, rebirth, and hope. The world needs to hear it from Israelis themselves, not filtered through foreign correspondents or activist NGOs with political agendas.

Beyond messaging, Israel must redefine its alliances. For too long, it has sought love from Western elites who will never grant it. It’s time to build partnerships not just with governments but with people – from African innovators to Eastern European thinkers to Arab dissidents who admire Israel’s strength and stability.

Israel’s moral support may not come from the traditional halls of European diplomacy but from a new coalition of nations and individuals who admire what it truly stands for: liberty, innovation, and survival.

Domestically, Israel must never let the hatred abroad poison the soul within. The answer to hate is not fear; it is faith. Faith in its democracy, resilience, and diversity. The Jewish state must remain what it has always strived to be: a beacon of pluralism and progress in a region suffocated by tyranny. Its greatest revenge against its enemies is to keep flourishing.

And for Jews around the world, the message must be loud and clear: You do not owe anyone an apology for supporting Israel. Zionism is not extremism; it is justice. It is the belief that Jews have the right to live safely in the only country that exists to protect them when the world turns away, as it so often has.

Israel was never meant to be liked. It was meant to survive. And it has done more than that; it has given a scattered people a future, dignity, and a flag to rally around. That flag, the blue and white, is not a symbol of conquest. It is a promise: Never again will Jews rely on others for safety, justice, or identity.

So yes, the world may hate Israel. But Israel does not exist to be liked. It exists to be free. And in its freedom, it has outlasted every enemy, defied every expectation, and proven, over and over, that hatred is not stronger than history.

In the end, Israel does not need to win hearts to be victorious. It only needs to stand tall, clear, and unafraid.

https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-850811

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Türkiye’s Defence Dream Comes True: Now A Global Brand

By Deniz Istikbal

 Apr 21, 2025

Türkiye has emerged as a prominent player in the global defense industry in recent years. Countries from numerous continents have imported Turkish defense products and incorporated them into their military inventories. According to international estimates, Türkiye has developed the world’s 10th-largest defense industry and is simultaneously modernizing the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK), which ranks ninth globally in military power.

This process, initiated to promote domestic production and technological advancement, has created a trade network stretching from Asia to Latin America. While this development has refreshed the global image of the Turkish military, the Turkish defense industry has become a recognized brand in air, naval and land systems. As a result, Türkiye has now surpassed countries like the Netherlands and Poland to become a net defense industry exporter.

Buyers from all parts of world

Countries from the Americas such as the U.S., Chile, Brazil and Ecuador, to Europe such as the U.K., Italy, Spain, Poland, Slovenia, Croatia, Albania, Kosovo, North Macedonia, from closer allies and neighbors such as Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Pakistan and Iraq, to the farthest ones such as Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines have recently imported Turkish defense industry products and significantly contributed to strengthening their defense infrastructures. A similar trend is also observed in countries such as Egypt, Ethiopia, Sudan, Tunisia, Libya and Niger.

The Chilean Navy has procured systems from HAVELSAN, while Italy is preparing to import unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) from Türkiye. Croatia is seeking Turkish products to enhance its border security. Kazakhstan imports armored vehicles from Türkiye, and similarly, Ecuador is equipping its special forces with Turkish armored vehicles. Poland actively uses Bayraktar TB2 drones for border security missions. The Philippines has purchased ATAK helicopters to bolster its air force. Malaysia is preparing to acquire corvettes as part of the MILGEM projects. Pakistan is both importing and commissioning the construction of naval vessels currently in the inventory of the Turkish Navy. Albania, Kosovo, and North Macedonia are opting for Turkish defense products to modernize their armed forces.

How Turkish industry grows

There are several reasons behind the growing global demand for Turkish defense industry products. Massive investments have been made over the past half-century to modernize the Turkish Armed Forces and enhance their strike capabilities in line with contemporary requirements. Since the Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974, Türkiye has achieved a total of $50 billion in defense exports. Over 80% of the TSK’s needs are met through domestic companies, which has resulted in substantial cost savings. These savings have been redirected to investments in other areas, contributing to the country’s economic development.

Considering that Türkiye's total annual military expenditure has reached $45 billion, the scale of these figures becomes even more apparent. For instance, in 2024, Türkiye attracted over $12 billion in direct foreign investment. The total foreign investment volume peaked at $270 billion. It is estimated that around 90,000 foreign companies, which employ approximately 2.7 million people and account for a significant portion of exports, are currently operating in Türkiye. From this perspective, the domestic significance of the Turkish defense industry becomes clearer.

The total volume of defense projects has exceeded $100 billion, and the industry's annual revenue has reached $16 billion. As of 2024, more than 3,500 companies are active in the Turkish defense sector. With an annual R&D expenditure capacity exceeding $2.8 billion, the industry conducts more research and development than many individual states. In the same year, a record-breaking $7.15 billion in defense exports was achieved, with the figure rapidly approaching the $10 billion mark. Since 2002, the defense industry has stood out as one of the sectors with the most significant increase in Türkiye’s export portfolio. Over the past 22 years, total defense exports have increased by approximately 2785%. At the core of this success lies the construction of a domestically driven Turkish Armed Forces.

Open to partnership

Another key reason behind the significant international interest in the Turkish defense industry and the high demand for its products is the proven success of these systems on the battlefield. Developments in Syria, Iraq, Ukraine, Ethiopia, Sudan, Azerbaijan and Libya – and the effectiveness demonstrated by Turkish defense products in these regions – have had a profound impact on many countries.

In addition, Turkish defense firms, both public and private, have shown a more constructive history and approach to technology sharing and joint production compared to many Western counterparts. For instance, TAI, HAVELSAN, ROKETSAN and ASELSAN have taken steps to support the development of Egypt’s defense industry. In the coming years, similar to the growing commercial relations between Türkiye and Egypt, more examples of joint production initiatives may emerge. One notable example could be the coproduction of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) with Egypt. It is also known that countries like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar are interested in coproducing defense products with Türkiye. Eastern European countries such as Romania and Poland have also expressed similar interests and initiated discussions.

Newest products attract attention

Beyond UAVs, there is growing international interest in advanced Turkish defense projects like the next-generation fighter jet KAAN and the unmanned fighter aircraft Kızılelma. In the near future, just as the TSK has risen in global military rankings, the Turkish defense industry is expected to climb more rapidly in the global defense hierarchy. According to international rankings published by SIPRI, the Turkish defense industry has already secured the 10th position among the world’s top 10 largest defense industries.

The T.C. Anadolu, T.C. Trakya, and MILGEM warships are critical projects that aim to position the Turkish Naval Forces Command as a global actor. Considering the production capacity and competitive edge of Türkiye’s manufacturing industry, these projects are far from coincidental – they indicate a deliberate effort to build a globally scaled naval power. Following recent developments in the Eastern Mediterranean, warship projects have gained momentum and are increasingly being equipped with domestically produced precision technologies. Leading the way is Turkish Aerospace Industries (TUSAŞ), along with more than 3,500 defense industry firms, collectively employing nearly 100,000 people, contributing to the rise of a next-generation defense ecosystem.

As a result of this growth, approximately 40% of Turkish defense exports are directed to countries in Europe and North America. Contrary to popular belief, one of the largest export markets for the Turkish defense industry is the U.S. In addition, Türkiye receives an average of over $20 billion in defense orders annually. This figure was even higher in 2024 and is expected to reach a historic record level in 2025.

A new phase has been marked by the approval of the Italian government for a purchase agreement between Baykar Technologies and Piaggio. With a legacy spanning 140 years, Piaggio’s strong industrial base could serve as a major pillar in the coproduction of next-generation aerial platforms – an important reflection of the growing Turkish-Italian defense cooperation. Alongside countries such as Romania, Poland, Croatia, Spain and North Macedonia, Italy’s collaboration with the Turkish defense sector can be seen as part of a broader effort to build a global-scale brand and value, something that could be described as the realization of a long-held Turkish dream.

https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/turkiyes-defense-dream-comes-true-now-a-global-brand

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An Ancient People in Syria: Turkmens

By Cemil Doğaç Ipek

 Apr 21, 2025

The Middle East, with Anatolia, Syria and the northern regions of Iraq at its center of gravity, has always been among the most valuable areas (and often the first) in almost every field throughout history. All the powers seeking hegemony on the global level have also turned to this region to maximize their power and consolidate their world domination. In Jean-Paul Roux's classic work, "The History of the Turks," he writes: "They came out of the northern forests, brave, disorganized, ingenious and at the beginning of their journey. They spread first into the steppe, then into China, and then, like a flood with no end in sight, to the west..." This is probably the reason for the intense westward flow of the Turks. The significance of the Middle East remains as crucial today as it has been in the past. The road to the summit of world domination passes through this land, the Middle East, of which Türkiye is a part.

Understanding the present in the Middle East requires comprehending the past. We all know more or less how the events in Syria started. In 2011, peaceful demonstrations started in Daraa. These demonstrations demanded elections and cultural rights. However, the Bashar Assad regime used severe force to suppress these peaceful demonstrations. As a result, the events spread throughout the country.

The Assad regime characterized the events as "foreign-sponsored terrorism" and used all the means at his disposal, including chemical weapons, to suppress these demands. Violence escalated rapidly across the country. At least 6 million Syrians have been displaced inside the country. At least 7 million have fled abroad. Türkiye, Lebanon and Jordan are hosting 75% of those who have fled the country. Syria's rich historical heritage has also been largely looted and pillaged during this period. All the artifacts in the country that are defined as UNESCO cultural heritage have been severely damaged and most of them have been destroyed. Most of these were Turkish-Islamic artifacts.

At the end of this tragic process that lasted for more than a decade, a new era began in Syria when Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the Syrian National Army (SNA) entered the capital, Damascus. Today, with the overthrow of the Assad regime, a unique political reality has emerged in Syria. This reality can be considered as the beginning of a process that will create radical changes both in Syria's domestic order and international relations in the new era. From Türkiye's perspective, the Syrian issue, which is one of the most important agenda items of Turkish foreign policy, has a profound impact not only on foreign politics but also on domestic politics. Therefore, it is very important to analyze the Turkmen issue in Syria from a multidimensional perspective.

Turkmen inhabitants of Middle East

Since the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the creation of new states with artificial borders, blood and tears have never ceased in the region. Only about 150 years ago, the regions we now call Northern Syria and Northern Iraq were part of the Aleppo, Diyarbakır, Raqqa and Mosul Provinces of the Ottoman Empire. In this context, the Syrian Turkmen, who are an integral part of the Turkic World, became inhabitants of the region.

While the Anatolian geography was not yet Turk-Islamized, Turkish principalities and states were established in what we know as Syria. Aleppo was one of the places used as a base during the Turk-Islamization of Anatolia. From the seventh century onwards, we know that Oghuz tribes were present in Iraq and Syria. In the 10th and 11th centuries, we also know that an intense Turkish migration started to the region. Syrian Turkmen lived in almost every region of Syria, especially at strategic points. There was a significant Turkmen population in Aleppo, Latakia, Idlib, Hama, Homs, Tartus and Raqqa before the civil war started. However, this population had to migrate to neighboring countries. The majority of Syrian Turkmen are Sunni and Hanafi. There are a small number of Alawite Turkmen communities among them. The Turkish spoken by Syrian Turkmen is very close to the Turkish spoken in Antep, Kilis, Urfa and Diyarbakır. Turkmens have existed as a separate people in Syria for centuries.

According to our research, approximately 1.5 million Turkmen speak Turkish in Syria. Together with Turkmen who have forgotten Turkish, we estimate that the number of Turkmen in Syria is around 3 million. But we do not have a precise record. The regime did not have any data on this issue either. The main nuance here is this: Turkmen live in large communities in the regions close to the Turkish border, preserving their Turkish language. However, in the regions far from the border, where they live in smaller communities, they have forgotten Turkish. Therefore, Turkmen living in these small groups have either become Arabized or, as in Afrin and Ayn-el-Arab, Kurdishized.

Syria is the last example of a state in the Middle East where a dictatorship was overthrown with great celebration. Yet, Syria lacks solid institutions to stabilize a country that has experienced different levels of oppression and turmoil since the French left after World War II. In the future, there may be a gradual decline of all major powers in the Middle East, leading to an overall more unstable and turbulent geopolitics. As technology increasingly shrinks geography and creates a more anxious and claustrophobic planet, the sense of crisis and instability is likely to be greater in the region than we can imagine or cope with in the future.

In light of all this, every actor directly or indirectly involved in the deepening Syrian crisis is today reconsidering its position and renewing its strategies. At this point, the reorganization of Syrian Turkmens, who are an integral part of the Turkic world such as Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Zazas, Kurmanjs and others, who are one of the important instruments for the national security of the Republic of Türkiye in Syria, stands before us as a very important issue. Türkiye's urgent attention to this issue is vital for its national security.

https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/an-ancient-people-in-syria-turkmens

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Out Of Their League: Dagenham & Redbridge Fc’s Arab Outreach Collapses After Director Sacked, Co-Owner Quits Over Pro-Palestine Post

By Omar Ahmed

April 20, 2025

It was supposed to be a bold new chapter for Dagenham & Redbridge FC—a fifth-tier English side better known for mid-table mediocrity than international intrigue. With the announcement on Monday of a partnership with Egyptian YouTuber Marwan Serry and the appointment of fellow Egyptian football influencer Salma Mashhour as Director of Development & Engagement, the club seemed poised to transcend its postcode and tap into the vast digital enthusiasm of the Arab world.

The club had hoped the appointment would deepen “its commitment to growth beyond the pitch — expanding its global footprint, connecting with Arabic-speaking audiences, and embracing a new era of creative, community-first football.”

For a brief moment, it worked. The Daggers’ social media following soared, particularly on Instagram, where hundreds of thousands of new Arabic-speaking fans flocked to cheer on a club most had never previously heard of.

Serry, a football content creator with over 5 million followers, spoke of taking the club to the Premier League and making it a household name across the Middle East. The club’s chairman hailed the “renaissance of Egyptian football” and welcomed the Arab investment as part of a ten-year plan to build something “meaningful.”

Dagenham & Redbridge is majority-owned by Club Underdog, a holding of the US-based North Sixth Group.

And then—three days in—the dream collapsed in spectacular fashion.

On 17 April, Dagenham & Redbridge announced that Mashhour had been dismissed “effective immediately.” No reason was offered, but it didn’t take long for the dots to connect. A pro-Israel campaign had emerged online, citing an old Instagram post from 30 October 2023, in which Mashhour – in the aftermath of Al-Aqsa Flood on 7 October, criticised the occupation of Palestine and described resistance movement Hamas’s actions in the context of self-defence.

The now-deleted post read: “You must be deluded to think that children who survive this won’t grow up and try to do anything they can to defend their land… OCCUPATION creates resistance. ISRAEL created Hamas and self-defence is NOT TERRORISM.”

The outrage didn’t come from thousands, but from a Change.org petition that garnered just 558 signatures. Nevertheless, it appears the club caved to pressure—likely from Zionist lobby groups or high-profile supporters—who demanded Mashhour’s head. Local MP Margaret Mullane chimed in approvingly, thanking the club for its “decisive action.” The club itself has offered no transparency.

According to Jewish News, the club, “which has deep ties to the Jewish communities of Redbridge and Ilford, acted swiftly, confirming her dismissal ‘effective immediately’ in a statement issued by managing director Steve Thompson.”

“As soon as we were made aware of the video, we acted quickly. The video was completely unacceptable,” Thompson said. “We are a multifaith, multicultural club and we do not tolerate racism, discrimination, or support for terrorism of any kind.”

The backlash was immediate. Marwan Serry, clearly blindsided by the move, announced his full withdrawal from the club and its investment project. “We will not compromise our principles,” he wrote on Instagram, describing the experience as tainted by racism and a refusal to hear them out. “Some fans supported us… but sadly, the majority refused to listen—for racial reasons.”

Salma and Marwan appeared in a sombre joint video, stating they had received no explanation for the sacking. It was, in their words, a club unwilling to stand by the inclusive message it had marketed just days earlier.

Critics were not amused. Former Ilford South Green Party candidate Syed Siddiqi called the decision “appalling,” while Arab sports media—including prominent voices in Egypt and Morocco—accused the club of bowing to Zionist pressure and “apartheid supporters.” Moroccan-Spanish journalist Layla Hamed wrote: “Shame on every institution that bows to oppression.”

Perhaps the biggest irony of all is that a National League club on the verge of relegation believed it could become the next Middle Eastern cult icon—without understanding the politics of its new fanbase. You don’t bring in two outspoken Arab influencers during a genocide in Gaza and expect them to stay quiet. Nor can you dangle diversity for clout and recoil the moment it challenges your comfort zone.

Adding to the irony, the club’s Instagram page has been taken down at the time of writing—whether as a temporary measure to weather the backlash or something more permanent remains to be seen.

Dagenham & Redbridge wanted global relevance. Instead, they may find themselves remembered as the club that gained thousands of followers—only to lose them all in three days flat.

MEMO has reached out to Dagenham & Redbridge FC for comment on the dismissal of Salma Mashhour and the subsequent withdrawal of Marwan Serry, but had not received a response by the time of publication.

https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250420-out-of-their-league-dagenham-redbridge-fcs-arab-outreach-collapses-after-director-sacked-co-owner-quits-over-pro-palestine-post/

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Trump Tariffs Bolstering Ties Between Gulf and Asian Nations

Andrew Hammond

April 20, 2025

In recent weeks, much media attention has focused on US President Donald Trump’s tariffs. However, one of the implications of the American duties that has not yet been explored extensively is how, by disrupting trade flows, they might encourage and intensify political and economic ties between the Gulf Cooperation Council member states and other countries in Asia.

These nations, like other powers around the world, are seeking renewed partnerships to bolster their political and economic futures amid growing US protectionism. Vietnam and the UAE recently upgraded their diplomatic ties, while Malaysia and Indonesia are strengthening their relationships with Saudi Arabia.

Take, for example, the injection of $100 million into Malaysia’s AirAsia by the Saudi Public Investment Fund. Indonesia has also been in talks with the Kingdom to boost trade.

The growing economic connections between Asia and the Gulf were highlighted in an eye-catching report by the Asia House think tank. What it termed the Middle Eastern “pivot” to Asia is evidenced by the fact that the value of two-way trade reached a record level of $512 billion in 2022.

As highlighted by the report, this remarkable phenomenon has been driven by major bilateral relationships. One of the key findings was that Gulf-China trade growth will continue to outstrip that of the region’s trade with the West. Assuming that both trade relationships continue to expand at 2010-2023 rates, trade with China will overtake trade with the West in 2027.

Certainly, there are some risks, including oil price volatility, political instability in the Middle East and US-China tensions, all of which could affect global economic flows. However, the pivot by Gulf nations to Asia continues, now additionally fueled by Trump’s trade tariffs.

This Middle Eastern pivot to Asia will continue, driven in large part by hydrocarbons, which still account for about half of trade between the Gulf and Asia. In 2023, about half of Asia’s oil imports originated from the Gulf region and wider Middle East and such trade will probably continue to rise through to 2030 as energy consumption in China, India and Association of Southeast Asian Nations member states further expands.

However, there are also key areas of cooperation outside of energy, including artificial intelligence, advanced technologies, construction and infrastructure.

One of the other highlights of the Asia House report was the ways in which two-way trade between ASEAN and GCC nations has grown, reaching a high of $134 billion in 2022. One of the key components of this region-to-region trade is the relationship between the UAE and Indonesia, which was boosted in 2022 by a bilateral agreement in nuclear energy, investment and financial services.

In recent years, GCC-ASEAN relations have also been enhanced by a new summit initiative that began in October 2023 in Riyadh. The first was co-hosted by Indonesian President Joko Widodo and Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. The next will take place in Malaysia in May, hosted by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, who has called for the two regions to begin negotiations for a formal trade agreement.

Key recent economic deals between the regions include the UAE awarding, in September 2024, Malaysia’s Petronas an oil and gas exploration concession covering more than 7,000 sq. km in Abu Dhabi’s Al-Dhafra region. In July 2024, Dubai International Financial Centre and Indonesia’s Nusantara Capital City Authority signed a memorandum of understanding for the development of Indonesia’s Nusantara Financial Center.

Moreover, Indonesia’s state-owned electricity company, Perusahaan Listrik Negara, in August 2024 signed a power purchase agreement with Saudi Arabia’s ACWA Power to develop the Saguling Floating Solar Project in West Java province. The agreement built on an announcement last year that ACWA Power would work with Perusahaan Listrik Negara and chemicals company Pupuk Indonesia on a green hydrogen project, scheduled to begin in 2026.

It is, in part, this Middle Eastern pivot to Asia that is driving renewed European interest in GCC economies. Last December alone, both French President Emmanuel Macron and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer visited the region.

Whereas Macron visited only Saudi Arabia, Starmer traveled to both the UAE, meeting President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, and Saudi Arabia, where he held talks with the crown prince, highlighting what he called the region’s “untapped economic potential.” His trip followed a state visit to the UK in December by Qatari Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, who agreed to a new long-term green energy partnership worth more than $1 billion.

The UAE and Saudi Arabia are both major investors in the UK. Britain’s two-way trade with the UAE is worth about $30 billion a year, while trade with Saudi Arabia is worth more than £20 billion ($26.5 billion). More than 7,000 UK businesses export goods and services to Saudi Arabia, supporting almost 90,000 jobs across the country, and 14,000 businesses sent goods to the UAE in 2023.

During his trip, Starmer sought not only to boost bilateral economic ties with these two key GCC members, but also to push for a broader UK-Gulf deal. Forecasts suggest such an agreement with the region could increase bilateral trade by about 16 percent, potentially adding more than $10 billion a year to two-way trade in the longer term.

One of the big prizes for the UK of a GCC deal could be additional open access to investment from Gulf sovereign wealth funds. These tend to be cross-sector investors who often take a multidecade economic view that would enable the rebuilding of the UK’s aging infrastructure and assist its energy transition.

It is therefore likely that the growing global focus on Gulf countries, not only by Asian but also European nations, is likely to grow. This is one of the defining geopolitical and economic shifts of our multipolar age, with potential ramifications worldwide.

https://www.arabnews.com/node/2597830

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URL:   https://www.newageislam.com/middle-east-press/iran-nuclear-turkiye-arab-gulf-asian/d/135241

 

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