Middle East Press On: Hostages, Hamas, Captivity, War, Zone, Hypocrisy, Humanitarian: New Age Islam's Selection, 11 April 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
11April 2025
Remembering The 24 Living Hostages Still In Hamas Captivity During Passover
Netanyahu Must Choose Compromise To Preserve Israel's Democracy
Gaza's Amputees Face Life In A War Zone With Little Treatment, And Even Less Hope
Exposing The UN’s Hypocrisy Of Humanitarian Aid And Ceasefires
Refreshing Start For Syria: Crafting A New State And Constitution
Macron’s Building Blocks With Egypt And Lebanon
Helping Syria’s Recovery The Smart Thing To Do
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Remembering The 24 Living Hostages Still In Hamas Captivity During Passover\
By Jpost Editorial
April 11, 2025
There’s a meme that made its way around the Jewish world social media this week ahead of Passover that shows a blindfolded man with his hands bound by rope.
The text reads: “In every generation, a person must see themselves as if they came out of Egypt. This year, we must see ourselves as if we were kidnapped in Gaza – because our people are. This isn’t just memory. It’s now. And freedom isn’t a story we tell. It’s a demand we make.”
As Israelis and Jews around the world sit down for their Seders on Saturday night to retell the remarkable exodus from Egypt, there are 24 living hostages being held in captivity by Hamas in Gaza, along with another 35 hostages killed since October 7, 2023, whose bodies have not been returned for burial.
It’s unfathomable that after 552 days since the October 7 Hamas massacre in the South, there are still hostages being held in unspeakable conditions in the dungeons of Gaza.
A report issued this week by Prof. Hagai Levine, chairman of the Israeli Association of Public Health Physicians and a leading member of the Hostages and Missing Families Forum, concludes that the remaining living hostages are “in grave danger of dying at any time.”
Bring them home
At least eight of the 24 living Gaza hostages have significant injuries, and five suffer from chronic illnesses or acute allergic reactions, according to the report, which is based on first-hand testimony by released hostages.
Alon Ohel, 24, is said to have been seriously wounded by shrapnel in his right eye and can only see shadows. Ohel also suffered from shrapnel injuries to his hands, shoulder, and neck. He is being held in chains under extreme isolation, without daylight, and with severe food shortages.
Yosef-Haim Ohana, 24, suffers from severe gastrointestinal sensitivity caused mainly by spoiled food and poor sanitary conditions in captivity. He frequently suffers from vomiting and severe diarrhea, sometimes to the point of losing consciousness.
Matan Angrest, 21, was shown in a February 2025 Hamas video with suspected permanent damage to his right hand, facial asymmetry, and a broken nose, apparently as a result of torture. Released hostages said Angrest is being held in small cells resembling cages with bars and that he undergoes regular interrogations involving torture.
Rom Braslavski, 21, has suffered from asthma since childhood and from a severe allergy that can cause skin rashes, itchy eyes, sneezing, and difficulty breathing. He also reportedly suffers from severe scoliosis and chronic back pain and wears glasses, which are not in his possession.
Time and time again, after successful deals brought about the release of hostages at a painful price of the release of hundreds of convicted terrorists, the hearts of Hamas have been hardened, like Pharaoh in Egypt.
This Passover, the second one that the 24 living hostages have spent in their tortured captivity, it’s incumbent on each one of us to remember their plight at our Seders.
Whether through reciting special passages or prayers, arranging an extra table setting that’s left empty, or filling a cup alongside Elijah’s for a particular hostage, gestures have symbolism. They can be powerful reminders that, like the meme states, this year, we must see ourselves not only as if we were once slaves in Egypt but are still kidnapped and held in Gaza.
It’s human nature to adapt to certain situations, no matter how difficult, and normalize them. The Jews in slavery in Egypt probably had to do that to survive and get through each day.
That’s why we must remember, as we sit down to our Seders on Saturday night, and for every day after that, that we cannot normalize the hostages remaining in their bondage. It can never be normal that there are human beings held in cruel captivity because they are Jewish and Israeli – not in ancient Egypt and not in modern-day Gaza.
This Passover, we need to make clear – to Hamas, to our leaders, and to the rest of the world – that collectively declaration of “Next year in Jerusalem” means that long before next Passover, the 24 living hostages will be home with their families and the 35 slain hostages will returned to their families for proper burial, mourning and closure.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-849793
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Netanyahu Must Choose Compromise To Preserve Israel's Democracy
By Jpost Editorial
April 10, 2025
While rockets continue to fall in the South, families wait in anguish for news of their loved ones still held hostage in Gaza, and Israel navigates fragile diplomacy with the United States and Qatar, the country is now consumed by an internal power struggle.
At the center of this storm is a dramatic showdown between Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the judiciary over the fate of Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) chief Ronen Bar – a confrontation that, though rooted in bureaucratic procedure, exposes deep cracks in the foundations of Israeli democracy.
The High Court of Justice last week froze Netanyahu’s decision to dismiss Bar, suggesting a delay until after the Passover holiday. According to Jerusalem Post correspondent Yonah Jeremy Bob, “Bar will need to go, whether it is this week, after the Passover holiday... or in a month or so.”
The court’s decision is not a denial of the government’s authority – it is a pause, aimed at preventing further institutional erosion and political chaos.
Netanyahu, for his part, called the decision “puzzling.” In a statement from the Prime Minister’s Office, he said: “It is inconceivable that the Israeli government would be prevented from removing a failing head of Shin Bet from office simply because an unrelated investigation has been opened.”
The statement warned that this could create a precedent where a Shin Bet chief could “initiate an investigation against anyone connected to the office of any minister, thereby blocking their dismissal.”
This, however, mischaracterizes the situation. Bar has publicly acknowledged his share of responsibility for the October 7 intelligence failures and has indicated he plans to resign in May. As Bob noted in his analysis, “The problem with saying Bar has some massive personal agenda is he really does seem close to quitting.”
So why is this such a crisis?
Because, as the Post’s Herb Keinon wrote, “A constitutional crisis is what happens when it is no longer clear which branch of government... has the final say. That’s the direction Israel is now heading in.”
With Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi saying the government should not comply with the ruling, and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir calling for “immediate legal reform,” the government is flirting with defiance of judicial authority – at a time when unity is essential.
Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli went so far as to say that “until today, many Israeli citizens lived under the illusion that they live in a democracy... Tonight’s unfortunate ruling, under the guise of compromise, strips ministers of their authority.” These statements are not just inflammatory – they are deeply damaging to the institutions Israelis rely on.
The political rhetoric, the legal sparring, the power struggle – it’s all playing out while the Shin Bet, which is supposed to operate quietly in the background, dominates headlines. This alone is a warning sign. “The fact that its current and former heads are dominating the news cycle,” Keinon wrote, “is a flashing red light.”
And yet, there is a way out of this standoff. As Bob wrote, “The simplest compromise would be to agree on a date in May.” Bar completes his term with dignity, the investigations continue uninterrupted, and Netanyahu maintains his authority without triggering a constitutional crisis.
That compromise must be embraced.
It’s tempting – for politicians and their most loyal supporters – to view compromise as weakness. But in moments of deep national trauma, compromise is the only expression of strength that matters. Refusing to let Bar finish his job in a few short weeks, when he’s already indicated his intention to leave, achieves nothing but political spectacle.
The Jerusalem Post believes the High Court made the right call. Netanyahu should accept the compromise, allow Bar to serve until his planned departure, and avoid a damaging clash with the judiciary. This is not the time for constitutional brinkmanship. It is a time for humility, restraint, and national responsibility.
Let Bar finish his term. Let the justice system function. Let democracy prevail.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-849558
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Gaza's Amputees Face Life In A War Zone With Little Treatment, And Even Less Hope
April 10, 2025
Farah Abu Qainas hoped to become a teacher, but an Israeli air strike last year injured her so badly that she lost her left leg, throwing all her future plans into doubt and adding the 21-year-old to a list of thousands of new amputees in devastated Gaza. Still living in a temporary shelter, Abu Qainas attends physiotherapy sessions at a prosthetics centre in the territory where she waits in a wheelchair for an artificial limb that could allow her some freedom again.
“That day I lost more than just my leg,” she said. “My dreams vanished. I longed to attend university and teach children. But this injury has stolen that future.”
The war began on 7 October, 2023, when Hamas carried out a cross-border attack on Israeli communities, in which around 1,200 people were killed — many of them by the Israel Defence Forces carrying out the controversial Hannibal Doctrine — and 251 hostages were taken back to Gaza, according to Israeli tallies.
Israel’s military campaign has since killed more than 50,800 Palestinians in Gaza, local health authorities say, and left most of the tiny, crowded coastal territory in ruins and nearly all of its two million people homeless. Many thousands more have been wounded so badly that their lives will change for decades to come. Amid a conflict that has left the medical system barely able to function, however, estimates for how many Palestinians have lost limbs vary.
“Across Gaza, it is estimated that 4,500 new amputees require prosthetics, in addition to the 2,000 existing cases requiring maintenance and follow-up care,” reported the UN humanitarian agency OCHA last month.
Ahmed Mousa, who runs the physical rehabilitation programme in Gaza for the International Committee of the Red Cross, said that at least 3,000 people had been registered in their programme, of whom 1,800 have amputations. Many thousands more Palestinians have suffered spinal injuries or lost their sight or hearing, according to OCHA and the ICRC.
The large number of injuries has slowed and complicated efforts to provide treatment. Getting artificial limbs into the Gaza Strip has been a challenge, explained ICRC officials. “Accessing proper prosthetics or mobility aids is increasingly challenging in Gaza right now and unfortunately there is no clear timeline for many,” said Mousa.
Israel suspended all humanitarian aid into Gaza after it violated a two-month-old ceasefire last month.
Abu Qainas attends Moussa’s therapy programme. She said that she does not know when she might get an artificial leg or treatment abroad. “They told me to wait but I don’t know if it’s going to happen anytime soon.”
Israel’s military has said that its bombardment of Gaza is necessary to crush Hamas, which it accuses of hiding among the general Palestinian population. The Islamic Resistance Movement denies this. Israel says that it tries to limit harm to civilians.
Children, though, have not escaped the carnage. An April study by the Palestinian Bureau of Statistics said that at least 7,000 children have been wounded since October 2023, with hundreds losing limbs, sight or hearing.
One of them is seven-year-old Shaza Hamdan. She had wanted to learn to ride a bike. “My father asked [me] to join him for a walk, before shells began falling on us like rain. One hit my leg and cut it off, and another hit my father’s arm,” she said.
Shaza underwent surgery twice and the doctor had to perform a further amputation on the injured leg because of inflammation.
“I became dependent on my mother,” added Shaza. “She does everything for me. My life is worse than before. Before I was injured, I could play.”
Her father, Karim Hamdan, said that his daughter’s mental health has worsened as she waits to go abroad for treatment. “There are no artificial limbs in Gaza, and the only solution is to go for treatment outside Gaza. The girl has grown impatient, asking many questions, and she cries every day. She wants to feel a bit normal.”
Ismail Mehr, an anaesthesiologist from New York State who has led several medical missions to Gaza during the current and previous wars, said shortages of adequate care meant more limbs could be lost and already-amputated limbs cut back further.
“Over 99 per cent of amputations were performed in substandard conditions, through no fault of the doctors, lacking proper sterilisation and equipment, and sometimes even performed by physicians not normally specialised in such procedures,” he pointed out.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250410-gazas-amputees-face-life-in-a-war-zone-with-little-treatment-and-even-less-hope/
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Exposing The Un’s Hypocrisy Of Humanitarian Aid And Ceasefires
By Ramona Wadi
April 10, 2025
UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres told the Security Council this week that, “As aid has dried up, the floodgates of horror have re-opened. Gaza is a killing field – and civilians are in an endless death loop.” With not a single mention of the word genocide in his entire speech, Guterres stated, towards the end, “The world may be running out of words to describe the situation in Gaza, but we will never run away from the truth.”
A correction is needed here. The world is not running out of words to describe the situation in Gaza — “genocide” will do for the moment — and the UN is indeed running away from the truth.
Guterres’s statement is evidence of this, as is over a year of prioritising Israel’s security narrative and purported concern about the hostages, while Israel itself bombs them along with Palestinian civilians in Gaza. “Certain truths are clear since the atrocious 7 October terror attacks by Hamas,” said Guterres.
As expected, because the international community follows its own trends rather than the facts on the ground, Guterres maintained the rhetoric of ceasefires and humanitarian aid shamelessly. Ceasefires work, said the UN Secretary General, allowing for the release of hostages and the delivery of humanitarian aid. “That all ended with the shattering of the ceasefire,” he added, without bringing Israel’s culpability into the equation. The ceasefire just “shattered”.
It is the UN’s tactic of portraying the delivery of humanitarian aid as a form of neutrality that has enabled this façade of helplessness for so long. Humanitarian aid is highly politicised, which is one reason why there is always less money for it than there is for arms and ammunition. It is the reason why corrupt power remains at the helm; starving people need nourishment and they are forced to wait for it in the name of human rights. Meanwhile, the politics of liberation, of decolonisation, of autonomy, are not only marginalised but eliminated altogether.
Guterres should say something about this. Some truths from the halls of power would clarify why Gaza has been abandoned in the name of humanitarian aid and ceasefires.
In the absence of truth, though, Guterres would have the world believe that all that Gaza needs is linked to the delivery of humanitarian aid, and that the hostages can be released if a ceasefire is maintained. However, humanitarian aid can no longer even gloss over colonial violence; the Gaza Genocide is too visible to ignore. Negotiations for ceasefires take months due to Israel’s insistence on completely wiping out Palestinians from Gaza — more talks give the occupation state more time to finish the job — which make the correlation between ceasefires and the hostages’ release very minimal.
To further his humanitarian paradigm, Guterres reminded Israel of its obligations under international law which, of course, Israel will ignore. Again, however, the travesty of reminding a colonial enterprise – “an occupying power” as Israel is usually described to avoid describing its occupation as colonialism – to be mindful of its humanitarian duties is the way the UN pretends to make international law work.
But how about a reminder from Guterres that the colonised people are entitled to decolonisation under international law, instead of ensuring – against international law – that colonial entities are apparently entitled to commit genocide?
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250410-exposing-the-uns-hypocrisy-of-humanitarian-aid-and-ceasefires/
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Refreshing Start For Syria: Crafting A New State And Constitution
By Mert H. Akgün
Apr 11, 2025
Following the collapse of the Assad regime on Dec. 8, Syria stands on the brink of a new era. Syrians, who have paid a heavy price for their freedom, now cautiously hold high hopes for the future. The revolution was led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and its leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa. As a result, the transitional period is currently under the leadership of al-Sharaa, who toppled the former regime.
The challenge is now translating a military victory into a sustainable political transition. While the transition process currently appears relatively stable, serious difficulties still loom on the horizon – including preserving territorial unity, halting Israeli attacks and addressing economic and social problems.
Transitions from authoritarian rule to democracy, especially following protracted conflict or civil war, often share common patterns. Examining these patterns can provide valuable insights into Syria’s ongoing process.
Maintaining inclusivity, legitimacy
A key principle in such transitions is prioritizing inclusiveness and legitimacy, as prolonged conflicts deepen social cleavages and undermine national integration.
It must be acknowledged that Syria’s transition remains extremely fragile due to the country’s challenging political, economic, security and social conditions. Prolonged conflict not only devastates infrastructure and human capital but also sows deep divisions and resentment among social groups. Such turmoil inevitably shakes the nation’s foundations, often leading to social fragmentation and institutional collapse.
Therefore, the transitional period in Syria must prioritize reconciliation and actively seek to heal internal hostilities. At this point, adopting a victim-centric approach to transitional justice is crucial. Lessons from similar historical cases demonstrate that retributive justice seeking revenge will cause conflicts to recur.
Multiple pathways exist to facilitate reconciliation, yet inclusivity stands paramount. Adopting a participatory and inclusive approach to governance and political processes is essential for rebuilding public trust in the state.
Strengthening citizens' sense of belonging reduces risks of fragmentation and prevents the pursuit of potentially destabilizing “alternatives.” For lasting stability and democratic consolidation, the emerging political order must be regarded as “the only game in town,” as political scientists Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan put it.
Preserving legitimacy is equally vital for rebuilding confidence in the state and sustaining peace. While inclusive and participatory governance reinforces legitimacy, refraining from arbitrary practices remains critical. Legitimacy can be most effectively ensured through a clear legal framework and strict adherence to the rule of law. Without rule-based governance, the legitimacy derived from revolution may be short-lived.
Filling constitutional vacuum
The Victory Conference on Jan. 29, attended by various military groups, officially declared the end of the Assad regime. It selected al-Sharaa as interim president, dissolved the Baath Party and abolished the 2012 Constitution. Yet, the most significant step toward a successful transition was the National Dialogue Conference in Damascus on Feb. 25. This conference was particularly notable due to its inclusive preparatory process, involving representatives from diverse ethnic and religious groups.
Its primary purpose was to outline a clear road map and establish founding principles for the new Syrian state and the transition period. The conference concluded with a final statement laying down guiding principles, which include maintaining Syria’s unity and sovereignty; ensuring that the possession and use of weapons and force remain exclusively with the state; drafting temporary and permanent constitutional frameworks; safeguarding human rights, explicitly those of women and children; freedom of speech, rejecting all forms of discrimination based on race, religion or sect; reforming public institutions and judicial system, achieving transitional justice; and fostering economic development.
The constitutional vacuum following the revolution created fertile ground for arbitrariness and instability. A constitution safeguards individual rights and freedoms and provides a framework for good governance.
Consequently, a committee was formed to draft a provisional constitutional document aligned with the outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference’s results. The committee swiftly prepared a draft and offered it to al-Sharaa, who approved it as the Temporary Constitutional Declaration. Comprising 53 articles divided into four sections, this declaration will serve as a constitutional framework for the next five years until a permanent constitution and elected bodies can be put in place.
Characteristics of new state
Before analyzing the governmental system detailed in the declaration, it is essential to highlight the rights, freedoms and fundamental objectives it encompasses.
According to the declaration, its primary sources of legitimacy are the revolution itself and the National Dialogue Conference. Many of the declaration’s articles explicitly align with principles articulated in the conference’s final statement.
The declaration emphasizes the principle of a unitary state, defining the Syrian Arab Republic as “an indivisible geographical and political unit,” a clear signal to entities such as the PKK terrorist group's Syrian wing YPG, which controls parts of the country’s northeast.
The official name, capital and language of the state remain as the Syrian Arab Republic, Damascus and Arabic, respectively. Although the removal of the word “Arab” from the state’s official title was debated to embrace greater diversity, a broad consensus favored its retention, reflecting Syria’s predominantly Arab identity. Nevertheless, the declaration importantly provides guarantees for the linguistic and cultural rights of all citizens, aimed at protecting and fostering a sense of belonging among non-Arab communities.
Furthermore, the declaration commits itself to international human rights treaties previously ratified by Syria, explicitly recognizing them as its integral parts. This commitment is crucial given Syria’s prior ratification of significant U.N. treaties, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
Islamic Law continues as the principal source of legislation, a provision mirroring the 2012 Constitution drafted under the secular Baath regime. Similar provisions appear in Egypt’s Constitution, demonstrating that recognizing Islamic law holds cultural and national importance within Arab societies, independent of specific ideological contexts.
Alongside these ethnic and religious considerations, the declaration explicitly safeguards freedom of belief and worship, provided religious practices do not disturb public order. Therefore, recognizing Islamic law as a primary legislative source should be interpreted alongside these explicit guarantees for religious freedom.
System of government
The declaration establishes a presidentially centered governmental system, though Article 2 asserts a commitment to upholding the separation of powers. Under this framework, the president of the Republic – currently al-Sharaa – directly appoints one-third of the members of the People’s Assembly. The remaining assembly members are elected via electoral committees, themselves indirectly appointed by the president.
The president also wields considerable authority over the legislative process. Firstly, he has the right to propose laws. Secondly, he holds veto power over laws enacted by the People’s Assembly. Such vetoes can only be overridden by a two-thirds majority.
Nevertheless, the assembly retains classical parliamentary powers, including lawmaking, budgetary oversight and parliamentary oversight through holding hearings for ministers, approving general amnesty and ratifying international treaties.
On the executive side, the president possesses all necessary powers to rebuild the state institutions and guide the transitional process.
In conclusion, this declaration should not be seen as a full-fledged constitution but rather as a transitional legal framework designed to secure stability at Syria’s critical juncture.
Navigating the challenges ahead will require sustained efforts toward reconciliation, inclusivity and adherence to rule-based governance. Ensuring public security and revitalizing the economy will be key to overcoming obstacles. International support will also play a crucial role in the success of the transitional process.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/refreshing-start-for-syria-crafting-a-new-state-and-constitution
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Macron’s Building Blocks With Egypt And Lebanon
Khaled Abou Zahr
April 10, 2025
Love him or hate him, you must acknowledge that French President Emmanuel Macron is relentless. I will admit that I have always been skeptical of his approach and strategy for Lebanon, but his perseverance, consistency and sustained focus on helping Beirut has won me over. He has, for one thing, kept Lebanon at the top of the news agenda and, in times of superpowers colliding, that is precious help.
Since Macron started his Lebanon initiative, the country has changed. Hezbollah is no longer at the same level of power as it used to be. Between the Israeli punishment and the political change in Syria, the Iranian proxy is now in a dire situation, whether it admits it or not. This means there is now a path to deep and real change in Lebanon. And this could apply to the entire Mediterranean.
Macron’s consistency also carries a broader strategy focused on the coastline. This is not new, but he has painstakingly added the building blocks to try and bring about change. In this context, Lebanon cannot be isolated from Macron’s approach to Egypt or, to a broader extent, Syria or even Algeria. It is about building stability by empowering greater local agency.
Although these efforts seem isolated, there is a logic in creating partnerships between the north and south of the Mediterranean and building trust among countries. Despite the ongoing global commercial and geopolitical storm, I would highlight the French president’s visits to Lebanon in January and Egypt this week as the turning of a new page for the Mediterranean.
When it comes to Egypt, there has been a reciprocal will to enhance and strengthen relations into a strong partnership. This was clear for Cairo as it emerged from the so-called Arab Spring, as France appeared to be the best potential ally to rebuild and diversify the Egyptian armed forces.
Since 2015, this has resulted in France and Egypt concluding major military and naval deals totaling more than €10 billion ($11 billion). Key agreements include the purchase of 30 Rafale fighter jets in 2021, following an earlier 2015 deal for 24 jets. The navy has also acquired two Mistral-class amphibious assault ships (delivered in 2016) and four Gowind 2,500-tonne corvettes, one built in France and three in Egypt under a technology transfer agreement. Additionally, Egypt procured a French Future Multi-Mission Frigate in 2015.
These deals highlight France’s position as one of Egypt’s top defense suppliers. This collaboration also extends to infrastructure and culture, which are just as important, with a clear will to highlight the historical bond between the two countries. The year 2019 — the 150th anniversary of the opening of the Suez Canal — was named the France-Egypt “Cultural Year.”
In addition, Egypt and France last year signed an agreement to enhance international partnerships between their universities. It is through this mix that greater agency for the region is built and the pillars for real geopolitical cooperation are developed.
It was also not a surprise that new Lebanese President Joseph Aoun’s first Western visit was to Paris. He met with Macron at the Elysee Palace late last month. Unsurprisingly, the meeting included a videoconference with interim Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa, as there can be no security and peace in Lebanon without stability and balanced relations with Syria.
The approach was actually even broader, as it included a five-party summit with the leaders of Greece and Cyprus focused on stability and maritime safety in the Eastern Mediterranean. This meeting highlighted to all participants the importance of containing security concerns at the Syrian-Lebanese border, where confrontations had recently escalated.
Macron has also committed to hosting an international reconstruction conference for Lebanon. However, this needs to be done while also developing the country’s political stability. Hence, Beirut must include within the country’s reform process the disarmament of Hezbollah, as stipulated in the ceasefire deal that ended the November 2024 conflict with Israel. Despite France’s continuous support, it is Lebanon’s responsibility to achieve real reforms in the financial, judicial and governance sectors. These steps are a precondition to unlocking international funding.
There is a clear vision of how empowering historical allies in the Mediterranean can help solve problems for all and bring stability. During Macron’s three-day visit to Egypt this week, this was quite clear. The agenda focused on regional security, humanitarian aid and strengthening ties, underlining that it is with the help of countries like Egypt and through proposals that come from within the region that change can be implemented.
This was exemplified by Macron calling for an urgent ceasefire in Gaza and the resumption of humanitarian aid during meetings with President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi and Jordan’s King Abdullah. He also toured aid facilities and a hospital in El-Arish near the Gaza border. The visit resulted in new strategic partnership agreements covering the transport, health and education sectors.
There is no doubt that Macron’s building blocks between the giants of the Mediterranean, such as Egypt, and involving them in the peace and security of the pearl that is Lebanon is a positive way to increase the agency of the countries of the Mediterranean. It is an approach that is also close to the people. Macron’s symbolic gestures — such as riding the Cairo metro alongside Egyptian citizens and walking through a historic bazaar, just as he did in Beirut in January — show real solidarity with the people of the region and highlight long-standing cultural ties. His message that “you can always count on France” is genuine, but it is also up to the countries themselves to push for change.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2596564
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Helping Syria’s Recovery The Smart Thing To Do
Dr. Majid Rafizadeh
April 10, 2025
After more than a decade of war, Syria finds itself at a crucial turning point. Its infrastructure is devastated, its economy shattered and its people exhausted, yet, amid the ashes of destruction, a new chapter is unfolding.
A new government, led by President Ahmad Al-Sharaa, has taken the reins. This fresh leadership has launched a series of efforts aimed at stabilizing and rebuilding the war-torn nation. However, despite the determination of this administration to bring the Syrian Arab Republic back to its feet, the enormity of the challenges it faces cannot be overstated. Without robust and sustained international support — particularly from the West — Syria’s road to recovery will be long, slow and fraught with further hardship.
The Syrian people, who have borne the brunt of the conflict, deserve a genuine chance to rebuild their lives. This can only happen through meaningful cooperation, especially in the form of lifting economic sanctions and providing aid for reconstruction.
The new government has moved swiftly to demonstrate its commitment to national reconciliation and stabilization. One of its most notable steps was the forging of a political agreement with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, which control significant portions of northeastern Syria. The agreement includes the withdrawal of SDF fighters from critical areas such as Aleppo’s Sheikh Maksoud and Achrafieh neighborhoods, allowing for their integration into the national army.
In return, the Kurds have been promised constitutional recognition, including the right to teach the Kurdish language in schools and to secure citizenship for stateless Kurdish residents. This initiative marks a radical departure from the divisive and authoritarian policies of the previous regime and is geared toward unifying Syria’s fractured society.
In parallel, Al-Sharaa has launched a regional diplomatic offensive, including planned high-profile visits to the UAE and Turkiye next week, in an effort to rebuild diplomatic ties, attract investment and foster goodwill. These actions underline a genuine desire to end Syria’s isolation and reengage with the international community, but these efforts will falter if Syria continues to be encircled by sweeping international sanctions.
Reconstruction is at the heart of Syria’s recovery. The sheer scale of the destruction is staggering. Entire neighborhoods have been reduced to rubble. Schools, hospitals, power stations, water facilities and transport networks have been either heavily damaged or completely destroyed.
Many schools have been rendered unusable and, according to international estimates, nearly half a million children are currently out of school in the northeast of the country alone. Scores of hospitals are nonoperational and many that remain open are working without electricity, clean water or basic medical supplies. Without reconstruction, there can be no return to normality. People cannot return to cities that have no running water, no schools and no jobs. Refugees and internally displaced persons will not go home if there is nothing left to return to. Reconstruction is not merely about building roads and bridges, it is about rebuilding hope.
To achieve this monumental task, Syria needs far more than goodwill — it needs substantial financial assistance and expert knowledge. The cost of rebuilding the country has been estimated at more than $250 billion. Syria, in its current economic condition, cannot finance this on its own. In recognition of this, international donors have already pledged about $6.5 billion at various summits, including the most recent gathering in Brussels last month. While this is a valuable start, it is only a drop in the ocean compared to what is required.
Beyond capital, Syria needs expertise: engineers to design modern infrastructure, educators to reform the education system, healthcare professionals to revive public health services, and urban planners to create livable, resilient cities. International aid should also include training programs for Syrians so that the country can build local capacity and reduce long-term dependency. The involvement of international institutions, nongovernmental organizations and private companies is essential — not only to bring in the required skills and materials but also to provide oversight and ensure that funds are used transparently and effectively.
Reconstruction and international assistance will directly improve the lives of millions of Syrians. With foreign investment and expertise, power plants can be repaired, hospitals can be restocked and children can go back to school. Jobs can be created through infrastructure projects, which will stimulate the local economy and give people a sense of purpose and stability.
As livelihoods return, the incentive to migrate will decrease. Refugees will feel more confident about returning home. Restoring dignity to the Syrian people is perhaps the greatest achievement such assistance can bring. The wounds of war are deep, but with coordinated support and a comprehensive rebuilding strategy, they can begin to heal.
The benefits of supporting Syria’s reconstruction are not limited to the country’s borders — they extend globally, especially to Western nations. A stable Syria reduces the threat of extremism and armed conflict in the region, which in turn lowers the risk of terrorism and destabilization in Europe and beyond. Rebuilding Syria would also mitigate the refugee crisis that has strained the social and political fabric of many European countries.
Economic recovery in Syria can open new markets for international trade, investment and cooperation. Moreover, playing a leading role in reconstruction would give Western countries a renewed moral standing in the region — showing that their foreign policy is not solely defined by sanctions and military intervention, but also by a commitment to peace, recovery and human dignity. The return on investment is not only humanitarian, but also geopolitical and economic. It is in the West’s long-term interest to have a functioning, stable partner in Syria rather than a broken state at the heart of the Middle East.
Finally, sanctions remain one of the greatest obstacles to Syria’s recovery. Originally imposed to punish the Assad regime for its brutal repression and human rights abuses, these measures have now morphed into a blanket punishment of the Syrian population. Some of these economic restrictions have plunged Syria into an abyss of poverty and deprivation.
More than 90 percent of the population now lives below the poverty line. Food insecurity affects more than 13 million Syrians and inflation has pushed basic necessities beyond the reach of ordinary families. Power grids remain down in large swaths of the country. Clean water is a luxury in many areas. The dire situation has discouraged even well-meaning NGOs and international institutions from investing in recovery projects.
Lifting all sanctions would be an acknowledgment of the new political reality in Syria and a recognition that punishing the population only fuels instability. It would open the doors for humanitarian assistance, economic investment and technical cooperation, which are desperately needed to set Syria on a path to peace and prosperity.
In conclusion, the international community — and the West in particular — must rise to the occasion and assist Syria in its journey toward recovery. The new government has taken bold and promising steps to stabilize the country and reach out for support. But unless all sanctions are lifted, and unless there is a concerted effort to fund and lead reconstruction efforts, the suffering of the Syrian people will continue.
Syria’s recovery is not only a moral imperative, it is a strategic necessity. It will benefit not only Syrians but also the broader international community by enhancing regional stability, curbing extremism, reducing refugee flows and opening new avenues for cooperation and development. Helping Syria back on its feet is not charity — it is smart, forward-looking policy that serves shared global interests.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2596547
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