Middle East Press On: Hamas, Pro Palestine, Jewish, Genocidal Campaign: New Age Islam's Selection, 29 April 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
29 April 2025
How ‘Investors’ In Gaza Enabled Hamas’s Growth
Pro-Palestine Protests At Columbia Show A Deep Threat For Jewish Students, US Politics
Beyond Old Biases: Why Türkiye Is Key To Europe’s Future
Syria’s Security Starts With Lebanon
Israel's 'Genocidal Campaign' Targeted UN, Aid Workers, Groups In Gaza: Palestinian Envoy At ICJ Hearings
The US Campaign Against Yemen's Houthis
Long Live The Palestinians, Those Wonderful People
How Gaza War Has Exposed Fault Lines Among Israeli Elites
Franco-British Recognition Could Usher In A New Era For Palestine
Iran: Pragmatism After The ‘Flood’
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How ‘Investors’ In Gaza Enabled Hamas’s Growth
By Gary M. Osen
April 29, 2025
In the ongoing aftermath of the Hamas-led October 7 terrorist attacks, the international community continues to turn a blind eye to arguably its most damning and damaging failure: willful blindness toward those who built and enabled Hamas’s terror infrastructure while posing as partners for peace and development.
For more than a decade, Western governments, international organizations, and investment funds have desperately chased the myth of moderation in Gaza: the belief that so-called “moderate Palestinian investors” could foster economic growth independent of Hamas’s influence.
This search led them to figures like Bashar Masri, a Palestinian-American billionaire whose companies received substantial funding from the US Agency for International Development, the World Bank, the EU, and private investors to develop Gaza’s infrastructure.
But as we’ve seen in the devastation of October 7, the myth collapsed, revealing a calculated deception that enabled terror under the guise of economic development.
As detailed in a new lawsuit that Osen LLC filed together with three other prominent law firms on behalf of dozens of families of American victims of the October 7 attacks, this facade of legitimate business concealed a far darker reality.
Bashar Masri
Masri and his companies allegedly worked hand-in-glove with Hamas to facilitate their massive tunnel network – the same “Gaza Metro” system that played a central role in the deadliest attack in Israel’s history and the largest massacre of Jews in a single day since the Holocaust.
Masri has since resigned from the board of Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government in the immediate aftermath of the lawsuit’s filing, an important first step toward holding him and his companies accountable for their alleged role in supporting Hamas’s Gaza tunnel infrastructure.
The tunnels beneath Gaza are not the improvised escape routes depicted in classic films like The Great Escape. They are sophisticated, concrete-reinforced structures designed to house fighters and weapons for extended periods. These engineering marvels require electricity, ventilation, and careful coordination with the residents of the buildings above them.
Without proper engineering integration, Hamas tunnels constructed in dense urban areas can compromise the structural integrity of the buildings overhead and collapse the passageways below. Such elaborate networks could often not exist without the cooperation of Gaza’s major property owners and developers, including Masri’s companies.
According to the lawsuit, the Gaza Industrial Estate – originally funded by USAID as an economic development initiative adjacent to the Karni Crossing not far from Kibbutz Nahal Oz – became a crucial Hamas operations hub. Evidence in the complaint suggests that while the GIE housed legitimate businesses, Hamas also used it to develop underground attack tunnels.
Hamas even burrowed one such terror tunnel under the border with Israel before it was discovered and disabled by the IDF in 2018.
Not long afterward, the lawsuit alleges that Masri secured funding for a “green energy” solar panel project at the GIE paid for by the World Bank’s investment arm known as the International Finance Corporation, but it ended up powering Hamas’s underground terror network below the GIE.
When Israel cut power during the conflict, these supposedly humanitarian solar installations initially kept the tunnels operational.
In May 2022, Masri personally presided over the signing of a joint venture agreement with Hamas officials to rebuild parts of the Gaza Industrial Estate – an event consistent with what the complaint alleges was a longstanding pattern of using the very hotels and businesses celebrated as signs of progress in Gaza as cover for Hamas’s terror infrastructure.
The uncomfortable truth is that there is no way to do business in a territory controlled by a terrorist organization without becoming complicit in its terrorist activities, and those willing to invest in Gaza under Hamas rule are often willing accomplices to its efforts.
The international community’s fantasy that it can foster economic development in Gaza while it is controlled by Hamas is not just naive; it has proven dangerously counterproductive.
Both the Trump administration (and the Biden administration before it) repeatedly stated that Hamas should not be allowed to play any role in governing Gaza in the future. But how would this be accomplished without relying upon local contractors who have been complicit in assisting Hamas for decades?
The case against Masri and his companies is not just about seeking justice for American victims of October 7; it is about exposing the mechanisms through which seemingly legitimate businesses became instruments of terror.
Masri – who benefits from investments from the Soros Economic Development Fund, the US International Development Finance Corporation, and the United Church of Christ Pension Board – represents precisely the kind of figure the international community has long championed as a partner for peace.
But the lawsuit tells a different story. His PADICO-owned hotels hosted key Hamas events and served as venues for Hamas leaders, including Yahya Sinwar, to meet foreign dignitaries. Meanwhile, the supposedly legitimate businesses operating in his industrial zone allegedly provided cover for Hamas’s attack tunnel infrastructure.
For years, Israel has struggled to balance its security concerns with the recognized need to provide humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian territories. Accordingly, Israeli policy has been to seek ways to improve Palestinian economic conditions, including issuing work permits, permitting international investments, and even encouraging green energy initiatives that reduced Palestinian reliance on Israeli electricity.
In addition to fostering greater Palestinian economic development, most Israeli policymakers believed before October 7 that Hamas was largely deterred and was instead focused on governance and improving Gaza’s economy.
But the reality was clearly the opposite, and as leaders debate Gaza’s future, they need to face a critical reality: Pouring money into Gaza’s reconstruction without first completely destroying Hamas will only lead to the same outcome as before. Whether it funds tunnels, rockets, or other weaponry, international aid under Hamas’s watch inevitably strengthens its grip on power and enables future terrorism.
Those who have actively helped Hamas are not “moderates” – if that term is to retain any meaning – and they need to be held accountable. The myth of moderation that once cloaked these actors can no longer be allowed to obscure the truth or excuse complicity.
The US Congress passed an amendment to the Anti-Terrorism Act to provide American victims of international terrorism with “the broadest possible basis… to seek relief against persons, entities, and foreign countries… that have provided material support, directly or indirectly, to foreign organizations or persons that engage in terrorist activities against the United States.”
That is what the October 7 families who have joined this lawsuit intend to do – follow the evidence and demand accountability – in the hopes that the international community does not return to its pre-October 7 mindset and unintentionally pave the way for the next catastrophe.
Now, Western governments, international development organizations, and investors must confront the uncomfortable truth: Economic development in Gaza cannot be entrusted to those who were complicit in building Hamas’s terror infrastructure.
We also need a full accounting of who received international aid, where it went, and what role it played. Scrutiny must replace wishful thinking. Accountability must replace appeasement. And justice – for the victims of October 7 – must be non-negotiable.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-851871
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Pro-Palestine Protests At Columbia Show A Deep Threat For Jewish Students, US Politics
By Noa Fay
April 28, 2025
I walked out of my quantitative analysis class on April 21 and headed to my usual spot in Butler Library, only to find a pro-Palestine protest obstructing one of the two main entrances onto campus. Like many (Jewish) students at Columbia, I am used to this sort of spectacle by now, so I was mostly unperturbed.
This changed, however, as I approached the entrance—the Columbia gates on Amsterdam Avenue—only to find that I was not allowed to pass. In fact, no student was allowed to access the campus through that entrance. To be frank, I was livid.
The protestors have already made it so that Columbia’s gates are closed, requiring students who want to enter their campus to pass through checkpoints to do so. Apparently, that is not enough for those commanding the University to “free Palestine,” to “free Mahmoud,” and to “free Mohsen.” So that Monday, they took things another step further, and an abnormal situation became even more abnormal. The result was that Columbia students, once again, could not experience their own school in the way they—as admitted, tuition-paying community members—rightfully expect.
Why are pro-Palestine protests allowed to shut down campuses?
In a student committee meeting a few days later, I asked a panel of administrators why this was permitted. One panelist explained to me that, because the protestors were demonstrating on Amsterdam Avenue just outside the gates, they were under the jurisdiction of the NYPD and not the university. Importantly, at least one protester, a Columbia alumnus, was arrested. Multiple individuals were also taken into NYPD custody after the protestors chained themselves to the campus gates “to demand the release of Mahmoud Khalil and Mohsen Mahdawi,” according to reporting from the Columbia Spectator.
Still, it remains unclear to me why the protestors were allowed to bar campus access yet again. If a group (what looked to me to be around 30 people) of masked individuals gathered and prevented Columbia students from entering their own campus, surely we would be able to find a solution; but this is precisely what happened, and yet the perpetrators remained there well into the evening.
Even so, there has certainly been an effort to improve the climate on campus. During the same week of the Monday protest at Columbia, pro-Palestine protestors at Yale erected eight tents in an effort to revive the encampment movement. Reporting indicates that the situation was handled swiftly at Yale.
It was soon thereafter learned, however, that Columbia protestors planned to revive the encampment at our university as well. Such a prospect spurred Columbia’s administration into action: On the day the encampments were planned, the university facilitated what appeared to be a spontaneous carnival, or spring celebration, including an inflatable rock-climbing wall, at least one bouncy-house, and various games, on the main lawns where the encampment would have been (again).
While this was an effective strategy to circumvent a potential problem and ameliorate campus climate, at least temporarily, in the process, we must still remember and acknowledge the reality:
Yes, students (and Jewish students in particular, as I’ve noticed) are resilient. We know how to have fun at school, even if there are disruptions. Just because we have adapted and normalized the situation, however, does not make it one bit more acceptable. The April 21 protest reminded me of this.
As I mentioned, the gates are already closed. There is already restricted access to the campus. Yet every student was effectively told that, because a handful of students and alumni want to protest, we have to adapt further. This is neither normal nor acceptable. When it comes to the pro-Palestine protests (and protestors) on campus, though, people seem to forget the severity of the situation the longer it is tolerated.
While I am still just a student, my experience at Columbia University over the past two years—the first two years since October 7—has suggested to me that we are at a critical inflection point in American history. I still go to school with people who, to this day, defend the October 7th attacks. We have reasoned with ourselves that this population is loud but ultimately a minority. My experience has left me with good reason to believe, however, that the majority of the people at school are in some way (if not outright) sympathetic to this alleged minority population—if only because they do not speak out to say otherwise.
Despite how clearly the virus of antisemitism has revealed itself—and been promulgated by the pro-Palestine movement—since October 7th, I am seeing signs that society is forgetting what we have learned. The pro-Palestine movement overtook American university campuses last academic year to support a terrorist attack on civilians. In fact, the movement has time and again shouted their support for the terrorist organization itself and others like it. The movement has insisted on the destruction of Western civilization, and has indeed attempted to physically destroy my school on more than one occasion—the most significant example being the Hamilton Hall break-in, although the University accumulated tens of thousands of dollars worth of property damage in this semester alone (the Milbank Hall incident at Barnard and vandalism at SIPA, for example).
We have a chance now, however, to reverse the rhetorical and ideological damage that has been done. Certainly, we may intervene to prevent further damage. This is the inflection point to which I refer. The trajectory of this movement and its efforts against the Jewish people is inextricably linked with the fate of the United States, and that of the West generally—if only because the same movement advocating death to the Jewish state also advocates for death to the West. It will be a problem, then, if we—as a secular society; as Americans—lose sight of the fight against this antisemitic, anti-Western, and anti-American movement. If we do not tend to the problem, it will fester and re-emerge when the Jew- and America-hating students graduating from institutions like Columbia are in positions of power, legislative or otherwise; and this is the point at which it will be too late.
I came across a Voltaire quote recently, and was struck by its applicability to the current climate. He noted that “those who can be made to believe absurdities can be made to commit atrocities.” While we have—thankfully—not arrived at this point, the meaning of Voltaire’s observation can be seen in any of the aforementioned break-ins and occupations.
Still, there is time, as I mentioned, to reverse the damage—or at the very least prevent further harm. I have gotten a mere taste of what is to come should we allow the current climate across American academia to persist, and it is enough for me to know that anything more will be truly disastrous. For my people: the Jews. For my school: Columbia. For my country: America. I love each of these entities: my people, my school, and my country. I wish only to see each of them recuperate from this mutual time of crisis and thrive.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-851850
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Beyond Old Biases: Why Türkiye Is Key To Europe’s Future
By Muhammed Ali Uçar
Apr 29, 2025
Sometimes, it’s not the big headlines that define a country’s direction, but the quiet decisions that happen behind closed doors. Germany’s hesitation over the sale of Eurofighter jets to Türkiye is exactly one of those moments.
In April 2025, Handelsblatt reported that the outgoing Social Democratic Party (SPD)-Alliance 90/The Greens coalition had quietly blocked the deal. Not long after, the Ministry of Economy clarified that no final verdict had been reached, and that it would fall to the incoming government to decide.
At first glance, it seems like typical political maneuvering. Nothing unusual. But scratch the surface, and a bigger story emerges: Is Germany ready to step beyond its outdated ideological instincts? Or will it once again allow old biases to dictate decisions that should be based on today’s realities? One thing is clear. In an increasingly volatile world, Germany needs its real allies more than ever. And Türkiye is not just an ally. It is indispensable.
For years, Türkiye has often been portrayed in German debates in ways that seem frozen in time, as if nothing has changed in two decades. But Türkiye has changed – and so has the world around it. Today, Türkiye is not merely a NATO member. It’s a regional power that holds the second-largest army in the alliance. It’s a diplomatic bridge between East and West. And perhaps most importantly, it’s one of the few countries that still acts when others hesitate. Whether in Afghanistan, in Ukraine, or in managing massive refugee movements toward Europe, Türkiye has often carried responsibilities that few others were willing to shoulder. In 2025, Türkiye is a partner without whom Europe's security would be much more fragile.
Germany’s time to wake up
It’s easy to preach values from comfortable offices in Berlin. But the world out there is messy, unpredictable and often dangerous. Foreign policy today demands more than good intentions. It requires pragmatism, clarity and sometimes, tough choices. Clinging to outdated prejudices against Türkiye might feel satisfying to some political factions, but it weakens Germany’s own position on the world stage.
If Germany truly believes in European sovereignty and collective security, it must realize that Türkiye is not just another country. Türkiye is one of the pillars holding the entire structure together. Ignoring that reality would not be a principled approach. It would be irresponsible.
Sure, on the surface, we’re talking about fighter jets. But in reality, this sale represents something far bigger. It’s about whether Germany is willing to treat Türkiye as a real partner, not as a problem to be kept at arm’s length. It’s about whether Berlin can embrace the world as it is, not as it wishes it to be.
Delaying, blocking or sabotaging the deal would send an unmistakable signal to Ankara – and every other partner watching from the sidelines: Germany is not ready to lead in a world that demands partnership and pragmatism. Approving the deal, on the other hand, would show maturity.
Building the future, together
Let’s be clear: Europe’s borders are no longer its primary security concern. Instability doesn’t respect maps. It spills over through conflicts, migration, energy disruptions and economic crises. Türkiye sits right where Europe meets many of its most serious challenges – and has proven again and again that it’s willing to help manage them.
Without Türkiye, Europe would face massive gaps in its defense, diplomacy and crisis management abilities. Türkiye isn’t asking for favors. It’s offering a partnership based on shared interests and real contributions. And yet, some in Berlin still act as if offering Türkiye a seat at the table is a concession, not a logical necessity.
The Eurofighter decision is more than a business deal. It’s a mirror being held up to Germany’s face. Will Berlin continue to view Türkiye through outdated fears and moralizing rhetoric? Or will it recognize Türkiye’s role as an equal, indispensable player in the future of Europe’s security?
If Germany chooses pragmatism, it will strengthen its ties with Türkiye and reposition itself as a more intelligent and credible actor on the world stage. If it falls back into old patterns, it risks not just alienating Türkiye but undermining its own relevance in an increasingly competitive, uncertain world.
No country can face today’s global challenges alone, not even Germany. Strategic partnerships aren’t about agreeing on everything. They’re about recognizing shared goals and working together despite differences. Türkiye understands that. The question is: Will Germany? Because the clock is ticking. And while Germany debates, the world moves on, with or without it. Berlin has a choice to make.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/beyond-old-biases-why-turkiye-is-key-to-europes-future
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Syria’s Security Starts With Lebanon
By Dania Koleilat Khatib
Apr 29, 2025
Türkiye has an important nation-building project in Syria. In addition to the sanctions and the economic hurdles, security is a main issue. The tragic events on the Syrian coast are not a one-off episode. The remnants of the Assad regime, Israeli forces and Iran's proxies have an interest in creating disturbances in Syria. Türkiye's national security establishment should realize that managing Syria’s security starts with Lebanon.
Syria is the lifeline of Hezbollah. Naim Qasem, the group secretary general, admitted that the fall of regime leader Bashar Assad will disrupt their line of arms supply. The skirmishes on the Lebanese-Syrian borders are not random. Hezbollah is trying to break its isolation. The airport and the sea are monitored by the committee set up after the cease-fire, hence Hezbollah has no longer access to them. This is why it is trying to keep a clandestine route via Syria.
Iran has a project to destabilize Syria. Hezbollah is part of this project. Though Hezbollah is weakened, it still has enough power to create a serious nuisance to the nascent state in Syria. Türkiye has been looking at Iraq in order to preserve the security of Syria. However, they need to start looking more carefully at Lebanon.
In addition to Hezbollah's possible destabilizing activities, Lebanon needs to remain stable for Syria to be stable. This is why Lebanon should be taking priority on the Turkish Foreign Ministry’s agenda. The current Israeli presence is a recipe for a civil war. People from the south are angry. Some 100,000 housing units have been destroyed. The zone adjacent to Israel looks very much like Gaza. As long as the Israelis are stationed in Lebanon, the displaced cannot go back home and there will be no reconstruction.
Anger is rising among the southerners who feel abandoned. The Lebanese state, under the supervision of the U.S. and as stated by the cease-fire agreement, does not allow Hezbollah to receive funds from Iran. Hence, Hezbollah cannot help them financially. At the same time, they don’t feel the state is doing enough to help them. The Lebanese state is banking on diplomatic efforts to drive Israel to leave Lebanon. However, diplomatic effort without hard power is futile and the Trump administration is totally aligned with Netanyahu. This anger can result in an internal clash, especially since several factions are blaming Hezbollah for the calamity Lebanon is facing.
In order to avoid an internal confrontation and possibly a civil war, people should be able to go back to their homes and reconstruction should start. The Lebanese state should seal a deal with Hezbollah. The group cannot continue as an armed militia. They need to surrender their arms to the Lebanese armed forces. At the same time, the state should give them guarantees. They need guarantees that once they disarm, Israel will not eliminate them. They need a guarantee that once they lay down their arms, they can continue as a political party.
Recent history in the region has shown us that those who gave up their arms were signing their death warrant. Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein and Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi were bombed after they complied and disarmed. In Lebanon, after Lebanese forces gave up their arms, as a result of the Taif agreement, the Lebanese army went after them and finished them off. Their leader was unjustly put in prison for numerous years.
In the current conditions, the Lebanese state cannot offer any of those guarantees. Hence, it needs a guarantor, one that has the power to enforce any decision taken. Türkiye can play the role of this guarantor. The good news is that Türkiye and Saudi Arabia are aligned on Syria. The relationship has moved from competition to cooperation in order to ensure the stability of the country and, more broadly, the region. Saudi Arabia has hosted a meeting between the Syrian and Lebanese ministers of defense. The meeting goal is to agree and find a modus operandi for border control. Türkiye should offer to be the security guarantor in Lebanon, in coordination with Saudi Arabia.
Lebanon is a sovereign state, and it can ask another state for help. It can ask another state to deploy its forces. This can create a deterrent against Israel and put pressure on the Israelis to withdraw. More importantly, a Turkish presence can make sure that Israel does not continuously violate Lebanon's sovereignty and invade its airspace. Once Israel withdraws, the Lebanese state can prove to the Lebanese people that it is strong, capable and trustworthy. At the same time, a Turkish presence can supplement the efforts of the Lebanese Armed Forces and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in keeping Hezbollah in check and making sure it does not rearm.
Strategically, this is important for Türkiye as it opens another door for negotiating with Iran and making sure it relinquishes its plan to destabilize Syria. A Turkish-Lebanese agreement with a Saudi blessing is a win-win deal for both countries, and it is a solution that will appease the different Lebanese factions and prevent a civil war.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/syrias-security-starts-with-lebanon
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Israel's 'Genocidal Campaign' Targeted Un, Aid Workers, Groups In Gaza: Palestinian Envoy At Icj Hearings
April 28, 2025
The Palestinian Envoy to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) accused Israel, on Monday, of deliberately targeting humanitarian groups and carrying out a “genocidal campaign” against Palestinians in Gaza.
Ammar Hijazi, the State of Palestine’s Ambassador to International Organisations in the Netherlands, said Israeli forces had killed over 408 UN workers, including almost 300 staff of the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA), as well as dozens of paramedics and first responders.
“These killings are deliberate, not accidental,” he told public hearings on Israel’s obligations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, citing attacks in which Israeli forces ambushed and killed humanitarian workers before burying them in mass graves.
He told the Court that “the blockade (in Gaza) has progressively turned into a total siege” since October 2023, warning that Gaza’s civilian population is being starved and deprived of basic necessities.
“Israel is starving, killing and displacing Palestinians, while also targeting and blocking humanitarian organisations trying to save their lives,” he added.
He said the siege has created conditions “incompatible with sustaining life or the continued existence of Palestinians in Gaza,” highlighting catastrophic shortages of food, water, medical supplies and safe shelter.
Hijazi said, calling the situation part of a broader effort to erase the Palestinian presence.
UN Under-Secretary-General for Legal Affairs, Elinor Hammarskjold, told the ICJ on behalf of the UN that Israel must comply with its obligations under international law in the Occupied Palestinian Territory to allow the UN to fulfil its humanitarian mandates.
Hammarskjold said “no humanitarian aid or commercial goods have been allowed into Gaza since the second of March, which has devastating humanitarian consequences in the Gaza Strip”, noting that 295 UN personnel have died in Gaza since October 2023.
She underlined that Israel, as the Occupying power, has an “overarching obligation to administer the Territory for the benefit of the local population” and must “agree to and facilitate relief schemes”, stressing that humanitarian and UN personnel “must be respected and protected” under international law.
She added that Israel’s recent legislation affecting UNRWA operations constitutes “an extension of sovereignty over or exercise sovereign powers in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”, and that such measures “are inconsistent with Israel’s obligation under international law”.
Highlighting the inviolability of UN premises, Hammarskjold said: “State officials, including members of the armed forces and domestic law enforcement authorities, may not enter United Nations premises without authorisation by the United Nations.”
“Respect for international law by all parties remains the only option for lasting peace, as well as for the security and justice of Israelis and Palestinians,” she added.
Civilians in ‘endless death loop’
Paul Reichler, representing Palestine at the ICJ, branded Gaza as “a killing field”, with civilians “in an endless death loop”.
Reichler warned that “the current path is a dead end, totally intolerable in the eyes of international law and history”, and cautioned against the risk of “the Occupied West Bank transforming into another Gaza”.
“In these circumstances, there can be no doubt that Israel is violating its obligations under international humanitarian law, including obligations under the Fourth Geneva Convention and customary international law,” he said.
He added:
Calling for international action, he emphasized that Israeli authorities must ensure complete and unfettered access to humanitarian goods throughout Gaza, adding: “Human dignity simply cannot be held hostage to conflict”.
“The inhumanity of this Israeli policy is compounded by its unlawful objective to forever extinguish the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including a sovereign and independent State in their own territory as part of the two-state solution that the international community demands,” he said.
‘Largest child amputee, orphan crisis in modern history’
Gaza is now home to “the largest cohort of child amputees in the world” and “the largest orphan crisis in modern history,” lawyer Blinne Ni Ghralaigh, representing Palestine, told the ICJ.
Ni Ghralaigh said Israel’s violations have been “unprecedented”. She accused Israel of systematically attacking the UN, obstructing humanitarian work and targeting UN officials, premises and aid missions, in breach of international law.
“Israel is failing to fulfil its charter responsibilities in good faith,” she stated, emphasizing that its actions against UN agencies and staff are “unprecedented in the history of the organisation”.
She detailed widespread abuses, including Israel’s “forcible entry into UN schools”, “seizure and often violent shuttering of UN premises” and “obstruction or prohibition of the movement of Palestinian UN staff” in Gaza and the West Bank. She also cited attacks on UN food stores, humanitarian convoys and shelters, calling these a violation of Israel’s obligations under multiple international treaties.
Violations against UN staff included “killing, injuring, and unlawfully detaining them and subjecting them to violent interrogation and ill-treatment, including severe beatings, water-boarding, deprivation of food and water and threats of extreme harm to their families,” she said.
Israel’s actions, Ni Ghralaigh stressed, also constitute “serious breaches” under the 1973 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Internationally Protected Persons.
UNRWA ‘last hope’ for Palestinian survival
The UN agency for Palestinian refugees represents “the last hope that the Palestinian people … have of surviving Israel’s genocide,” Ardi Imseis, representing Palestine, told the ICJ hearing.
Imseis said the elimination of UNRWA was “essential to the success of Israel’s dreaded plans”, due to the Agency’s unmatched role in providing life-saving aid and stability.
“Given the scope of capabilities in providing emergency relief, stability and resilience to the Palestinian population in ways that no other organisation can operationally do, it is painfully obvious why Israel insists on eliminating the Agency,” he said.
He stressed that UNRWA’s operations and mandate are critical, warning that “any interruption or suspension of its work would have severe humanitarian consequences for millions of Palestinian refugees who depend on the Agency’s services and also implications for the region.”
Imseis argued that Israel is not only bound to respect UNRWA’s work, but is legally obligated to support it.
“Israel is required to facilitate and expand, not ban, disrupt or attack UNRWA operations in the Palestinian Occupied Territory,” he said.
‘Help us deliver justice’
Riyad Mansour, Palestine’s Ambassador to the UN in New York, urged states and the Court to help deliver justice for millions of Palestinians in the face of Israel’s “monstrous” actions.
“Israel’s inhuman and truly monstrous behaviour towards the Palestinians living in the Occupied Territory leaves no room for doubt,” Mansour told the hearing. “It consists of a multitude of internationally illegal acts, which clearly entail both the aggravated responsibility of Israel itself and consequences for other states and international organisations.”
He decried the devastating toll on Palestinians, especially in Gaza, where more than 2 million people, half of them children, are paying “the ultimate price for our collective inability to end injustice”.
“Help us deliver justice. Help us to move in that direction and to have justice for the Palestinian people,” he appealed to the states and judges.
The ICJ is holding hearings this week to assess Israel’s legal obligations for the provision of humanitarian aid and the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination, following a request from the UN General Assembly.
Representatives from 40 countries and four international organisations are expected to present oral submissions during the proceedings, including Turkiye, Malaysia, South Africa, China, Russia, Spain, Ireland, Brazil, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Egypt.
Key organisations, including the UN, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, and the Arab League, will also contribute.
Israel, which is among the countries that submitted written statements, will not make an oral submission during the hearings.
Israel also faces a genocide case at the ICJ for its war on the Gaza Strip, which since October 2023 has killed more than 52,000 Palestinians and reduced much of Gaza to rubble.
The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants last November for Netanyahu and his former Defines Minister, Yoav Gallant, for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250428-israels-genocidal-campaign-targeted-un-aid-workers-groups-in-gaza-palestinian-envoy-at-icj-hearings/
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The US Campaign Against Yemen's Houthis
April 28, 2025
The United States intensified strikes on Yemen’s Houthis, this year, to stop attacks on Red Sea shipping, but rights activists have raised concerns over civilian casualties.
Here are some facts about the US campaign and a list of some of the biggest strikes.
What is behind the US strikes?
The Houthis began launching their attacks on shipping routes in November 2023 as a show of support for Palestinians and Hamas over the war in Gaza.
The group, which has controlled most of northern Yemen since 2014, has also launched missiles and drones towards Israel, though most of these have been downed.
Under Joe Biden’s administration, the United States and Britain retaliated with air strikes against Houthi targets in an effort to keep open the crucial Red Sea trading route – the path for about 15 per cent of global shipping traffic.
After Donald Trump became US President in January, he decided to significantly intensify air strikes against the Houthis. The campaign came after the Houthis said they would resume attacks on Israeli ships passing through the Red Sea and Arabian Sea, the Bab Al-Mandeb Strait and the Gulf of Aden.
Washington has pledged to continue its attacks on the Houthis until they cease assaults on Red Sea shipping. Those attacks had disrupted global shipping, forcing firms to re-route on longer and more expensive journeys around southern Africa.
The US air campaign in Yemen follows years of strikes by a Saudi-led Arab coalition, which targeted the Houthis, with US help, as part of its efforts to support government forces in the country’s civil war.
How have the strikes unfolded?
15 March, 2025: As Trump orders the start of a military campaign, strikes on Sana’a kill at least 31 people.
16 March, 2025: Strikes continue, targeting Houthi military sites in the south-western city of Taiz.
17 March, 2025: Death toll rises to 53, according to the Houthi-run Health Ministry, with attacks expanding to targets in the Red Sea port city of Hudaydah. The Pentagon says the initial wave of strikes targeted over 30 sites, including training sites and senior Houthi drone experts.
19 March, 2025: Strikes hit targets across Yemen, including northern Saada province, the long time heartland of the Houthi groups.
20 March, 2025: Houthi-run Al Masirah TV reports at least four US strikes on Hudaydah’s port district.
17 April, 2025: Strike hits Ras Isa fuel terminal on the Red Sea coast, killing at least 74 people, the deadliest attack since the US started its campaign.
28 April, 2025: Al Masirah television reports at least 68 dead from a US strike on a migrant detention centre in Saada.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250428-the-us-campaign-against-yemens-houthis/
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Long Live The Palestinians, Those Wonderful People
April 28, 2025
By Dr Amira Abo El-Fetouh
The 77th anniversary of the Zionist usurpation of the land of Palestine will be celebrated as “Independence Day” in the occupation state in a couple of weeks. This is based on the myth of national liberation from British colonialism and the establishment of an independent state that successive Jewish generations dreamt of. The Zionists will flex their military muscles, and special events will be held across the country.
For Palestinians, 15 May 1948 was the day that Palestine was occupied by settlers. It is the day that British colonialism was replaced by even more horrific settler colonialism. The Nakba was neither liberation from colonialism nor independence; it was the largest armed robbery of the 20th century, during which an entire homeland was seized and ethnic cleansing created a Jewish majority in an Arab land.
The consequences of the Nakba are still felt today. The heart of the Arab region was torn apart and our land in Palestine was usurped before the eyes of the entire world, which blessed it and even hastened to allow it to happen through the Security Council, which was established specifically to achieve the goals of the victorious major powers after World War II. The colonial powers rushed to recognise the occupation entity planted on Arab land. The first to recognise Israel was the Soviet Union, followed by the US, not the other way around, as many believe. East and West conspired to stab the Arabs in the back. Moreover, without Arab collusion, the West would not have been able to carry out its conspiracy in Palestine.
The roots of the Zionist entity, of course, go back to the infamous Balfour Declaration, issued by the British government on 2 November, 1917, to establish a “national home” for Jews in Palestine. Those who did not own the land promised to give it to those who do not deserve it. The promise was fulfilled on 15 May, 1948.
They have lost their lives, blood, honour and wealth. The Palestinian struggle for justice and freedom from occupation is ongoing. Gaza, which has resisted a brutal enemy committing genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity for many years, but especially over the past 18 months, stands as a clear example of this ongoing struggle. The Arab rulers’ collusion against the Palestinian people’s struggle is also ongoing, while the international community has failed to uphold the laws and conventions which are supposed to prevent what Israel has been allowed to do with impunity. The major powers, led by the US, support the Zionist entity, while the Arab rulers guard Israel’s still undeclared borders.
All Arab regimes, without exception, have exploited the Palestinian issue to appease their people who are concerned about Palestine, from the era of Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser until now. They have done so to maintain their grip on power. However, behind the scenes there have been years of deception through the peace agreements signed with the Zionist enemy. Egypt signed a peace treaty in 1979, as did Jordan in 1994.
The Palestine Liberation Organisation signed the Oslo Accords on 13 September, 1993, according to which the occupation state of Israel was recognised and the clause relating to armed struggle to liberate Palestine from the river to the sea was removed from the PLO’s national charter. In exchange, the Palestinians were given an “authority” that exists solely to ensure security coordination with the occupation state, and a vague promise to establish a state that has still not seen the light of day. Instead, every day sees more theft of the land meant to be part of that state and the establishment of colonial settlements in occupied territory.
The cursed Oslo Accords led to more killing and arrests of Palestinians struggling for justice and freedom, under the pretext of security coordination with the occupation authorities.
The Aqsa Intifada which began on 28 September, 2000, revived the spirit of resistance among the Palestinian people under the late leader Yasser Arafat. He had returned from America frustrated after the Camp David meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak under the auspices of US President Bill Clinton. Arafat was convinced that there was no point in peace agreements with the Zionist entity as they were illusions that evaporated into thin air after he had counted on them to lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital and the return of Palestinian refugees to their land. That was the hope that kept the Palestinians going for seven years post-Oslo. Then they woke up to the reality and the return to the struggle for freedom.
The Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas, was founded just before the First Intifada, in late 1987. It sought the return of the whole of Palestine, from the river to the sea, and believed that the only way to achieve this was through legitimate resistance, as stipulated by international law. Resistance did not stop with the Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip in 2005, as the occupation state continued to control the border crossings into the enclave and imposed a blockade on the Palestinians there.
Moreover, Israel has launched five military offensives on the Strip since Hamas won the 2007 Palestinian parliamentary election. Neither Israel, its international allies nor the Palestinian Authority led then as now by Mahmoud Abbas accepted the result of the free and fair election, and a more comprehensive siege was imposed on Gaza, where Hamas was strongest. However, none of this has weakened the resistance groups, diminished their resolve, or reduced the perseverance of the Palestinian people, as they continue to seek the liberation of their land. They have suffered greatly for justice, dignity and independence.
Abbas and the PA’s security forces have collaborated with the Zionists in the efforts to defeat Hamas. Predictably, the resistance has been labelled as “terrorism” in order to get the support of the West. Most recently, the PA head has used the derogatory term “sons of dogs” against the resistance movement.
I think that its leadership understands very well that any peace deal with Israel will not be honoured — it has never honoured any agreement signed with the Palestinians — and surrendering weapons will effectively abandon Gaza to the Zionists to do as they please, which is what we see happening in the occupied West Bank and Jerusalem.
There is no doubt that the resistance in Gaza defends the right of all Palestinians to exist, not just in Gaza. The generation fighting in Gaza is made up of the grandchildren of the Palestinians who were expelled from their land in 1948. They have never lived in the places where their ancestors lived, but they know that the land is theirs, and that they will never abandon their legitimate right to return to it. The Palestinian people are a nation that will not die and will not be defeated. Long live the Palestinians, those wonderful people.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250428-long-live-the-palestinians-those-wonderful-people/
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How Gaza War Has Exposed Fault Lines Among Israeli Elites
Dr. Ramzy Baroud
April 28, 2025
A seemingly strange choice was made by a correspondent for Israel’s Channel 12 this month, when he decided to publish a humiliating video of a relatively large number of Israeli soldiers coming under attack by a single Palestinian fighter. In the incident that was filmed last year, soldiers are seen stumbling down the stairs of a building in Khan Yunis, southern Gaza, amid chaotic scenes: some fall over each other, others hide behind a concrete wall and some even fire erratically, endangering their colleagues.
This raises the question: given the Israeli media’s frequent adherence to strict, often unreasonable, military censorship, what motivated the decision to release such a damaging portrayal of its own soldiers?
The answer lies in the open war between the Israeli political institution, represented by the leadership of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, on the one hand and the rest of the country on the other.
The “rest of the country” may seem to be an elusive concept, but it is not. Netanyahu is today at war with the military, the internal intelligence agency Shin Bet, the judiciary, much of the media and the majority of Israelis, who want him to agree a deal that ends the war and ensures the release of all Israeli captives.
This explains the unprecedented and open criticism by former top Israeli officials, who are accusing Netanyahu of being a danger not only to the Israeli military and society, but also to the future of the country itself.
Ronen Bar, the chief of the Shin Bet, last week broke every protocol when he presented Israel’s High Court of Justice with two documents, one of which was revealed to the public. According to Israeli media, in the unclassified affidavit, Bar stated that he was fired “because of his refusal to meet those expectations of loyalty,” particularly “regarding investigations into the prime minister’s aides” and for “his refusal to help Netanyahu avoid testifying in his criminal trial.”
Bar’s comments represent not only a fundamental shift in how Israel’s power players treat extremely sensitive security matters, but they are also, essentially, a call for the overthrow of Netanyahu.
A former head of the Shin Bet, Nadav Argaman, has been equally vocal. He was the first to speak about Netanyahu’s transgressions, suggesting clear coordination between the various elements of Israel’s notorious and powerful intelligence agency. “If the prime minister acts unlawfully, I will say everything I know,” he said last month.
The coordination runs deeper, with former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant — who, along with Netanyahu, is wanted by the International Criminal Court — going on his own rampage last week. Aside from a direct attack on Netanyahu, calling one of his Gaza policies a “moral disgrace,” Gallant seemed to disparage the Israeli military, revealing that it had last year faked pictures of an alleged Hamas tunnel in order to prevent a ceasefire agreement.
The Israeli government used this specific episode as its rationale for maintaining control over the Philadelphi Corridor in southern Gaza — a justification that emerged around the same time as the deeply embarrassing video of Israeli soldiers running in terror from a lone combatant was filmed. The layers of humiliation continue to accumulate.
While Gallant’s actions may discredit the military and his own leadership, his primary aim appears to be impacting Netanyahu, who many Israelis view as prolonging the Gaza war for personal political gain.
Israel’s actual war losses are another key point. One of Israel’s historically best-kept secrets is its losses against Arab armies and resistance movements. Its casualties in the current war on Gaza are also supposed to be a well-kept secret, except they are not. Though the Israeli army has tried to minimize reports of its death toll since the start of the war on Oct. 7, 2023, it has faced many leaks, some initiated by the military itself. The aim? To put pressure on Netanyahu to end the war, especially in light of new information that at least half of Israel’s military reserves are refusing to return to the battlefield.
Interestingly, it was Eyal Zamir, Netanyahu’s hand-picked replacement for Herzi Halevi as the Israeli military’s chief of staff, who surprised everyone in a speech shortly after his appointment in February. Zamir revealed that 5,942 Israeli families had “joined the list of bereaved families” in 2024.
Zamir, who had already committed to 2025 being another “year of war,” now seems less inclined to escalate the conflict beyond Israel’s ability to sustain it.
The war between Israel’s elites has never been so ugly, let alone open, as if both sides have reached the conclusion that their survival — and the survival of Israel itself — is dependent on them defeating the other camp.
After some reluctance and relatively careful choice of words, Gallant now appears to have joined the chorus of a powerful group of ex-officials who want to see Netanyahu out of power by any means necessary, including civil disobedience.
This internal conflict among Israel’s political, military and intelligence elites marks a departure from its long-cultivated image. For decades, Israel presented itself as a beacon of democracy and civilization amid what it portrayed as its less-cultured neighbors. However, the Gaza genocide has shattered this false narrative.
Consequently, the current infighting among the very architects of this Israeli fantasy offers an unprecedented opportunity to uncover deeper truths — not only about the war in Gaza but also about Israel’s history, from its establishment on the land of historic Palestine to the ongoing genocide nearly eight decades later.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2598776
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Franco-British Recognition Could Usher In A New Era For Palestine
Chris Doyle
April 28, 2025
This should have happened decades ago. It may still not happen. It should be a plain and simple, uncontroversial decision. It is not. Yet the words of President Emmanuel Macron of France have triggered a scintilla of hope that a major power will join the 147 states to have recognized the state of Palestine. “We must move toward recognition and we will do so in the coming months,” Macron said this month.
But France must not be an isolated actor in this. It cannot be a Macron-only declaration. Is it too much to think that others might join him? Above all, one power — the UK — should follow Macron’s lead and give new force to a renewed Entente Cordiale.
Imagine a Franco-British recognition of Palestine. Symbolically, it would be huge. Marcon and Prime Minister Keir Starmer standing together — the leaders of the two major European colonial states, the ones that so brutally and imperially carved up the Middle East more than a century ago. The Sykes-Picot powers — with one, Britain, also being the author of the infamous Balfour Declaration — could start to remedy a small part of the damage that was perpetrated in cigar-filled rooms all those years ago.
It would leave the US as the only permanent member of the UN Security Council not to recognize the state of Palestine. It would encourage the remaining European and other powers to join in. How long, for example, would Germany, Italy and the Netherlands want to be isolated? Could Canada, Australia, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand follow suit? Momentum would be crucial.
The text of any recognition would matter. It should recognize Palestine on the 1967 lines with immediate effect. No doubt they would state that, if Palestine and Israel were to agree new borders, then this would be altered accordingly. One issue would be embassies. The Palestinian leadership would want an embassy in Jerusalem, just as Israel wants these states to shift their diplomatic presence from Tel Aviv to the city. Perhaps, given the situation, embassies will be set up temporarily in Ramallah while keeping consulates in Jerusalem. The long-term European political position has always been not to recognize any state’s sovereignty over any part of the city.
None of this is to suggest at all that this would resolve the conflict or bring the genocide and system of apartheid to an end. Recognition should not even be the priority, which right now must be to end the complete siege of Gaza that was imposed more than 50 days ago and to bring an end to the bombing frenzy the Israeli forces carry out every single day. Recognition will mean little if those processes are not terminated with immediate effect.
France says that recognition will be conditional on the release of hostages in Gaza and Hamas no longer being in charge of the Strip. But all this does is give Hamas additional motivation not to adhere to either demand, as it opposes a two-state solution.
But while dealing with the ongoing emergency, the medium to long-term outlook still matters. This is why Macron’s summit with Saudi Arabia in June is so important. The visit of French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot to Saudi Arabia last week brought this into sharp focus. The pre-summit diplomacy and legwork is typically even more vital than the event itself.
If external parties are serious about a solution, then this reinforces their preferred option: the two-state solution. Apart from the US, pretty much every state has backed this template to resolve the conflict, but too many have so far only recognized one state — Israel.
Many Palestinians no longer see the two-state solution as viable given the massive illegal Israeli colonial settlement enterprise. So, recognition needs to not rule out any consideration of other long-term solutions, including a one-state option, a federal or a binational state, but it would at least allow a state of Palestine to negotiate as a state and be respected as such.
Israel will expect further recognition of its statehood from regional powers. But it should have to end its occupation and accept a state of Palestine. That is the bare minimum, essentially the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002: a full withdrawal in return for a full peace.
Fresh recognitions of Palestine serve to strengthen international backing for the Palestinian right to self-determination and confirm that, as a people, they have national rights. It would end the nauseating disputes as to whether Palestine should be treated as a state in international bodies. Anti-Palestinian groups still argue, with no merit, that such agencies cannot have jurisdiction as Palestine is not a state.
Many might see France and Britain as hangovers from a bygone era. Yet such a joint move, right now, would show that these two powers still retain some weight in international affairs. They can shift trends in the right direction, not least when the US is more of an obstacle than a facilitator.
But if Europe wishes to be taken seriously, this should be a full Europe-wide recognition. The continent can show it is just as prepared to adapt its position on the Middle East as it is on Russia-Ukraine.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2598772
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Iran: Pragmatism After The ‘Flood’
Ghassan Charbel
April 28, 2025
Iranian commentators appear to be relaxed about the prospects of the ongoing negotiations with the US. Some have implied that a honeymoon period is possible with the “Great Satan” if its intentions are sincere. They speak of a mutual need. Iran needs an agreement that would end the cycles of sanctions and accusations, while the American administration needs an achievement of the size of an Iran nuclear deal. They say that Washington has something to offer Tehran and vice versa. They say that the world today is going through a period of reconciliation, not one of heated rhetoric that stokes tensions.
Some observers have even said that Donald Trump’s administration may offer an opportunity for Iran because it wants to enter Iranian markets and exploit investment opportunities there. Asked about their views, Iranian citizens say that now is not the time for costly confrontations, but for cooperation and respect of interests. The participants in the American-Iranian dialogue do not hesitate to say that the talks are beneficial and constructive and that they have taken preliminary steps that can be built upon.
The talks between Washington and Tehran should have taken place amid tensions and should have been teetering on the edge of the abyss. After all, the master of the White House is Trump. He is the man who tore up the previous nuclear agreement that Iran had won under Barack Obama’s presidency. He is the same man who ordered the killing of Qassem Soleimani near Baghdad airport. He is also the same man who, just weeks ago, told Iran to choose between a new deal and a possible US-backed Israeli strike. Iran does not normally succumb to such rhetoric, but it did this time.
The observer has the right to wonder why Iran suddenly adopted a realistic approach. Is it seeking a truce because Trump really does follow through with his threats? Does it sense that the man who took a decision as significant as the killing of Soleimani would not think twice about giving Benjamin Netanyahu the green light to destroy the Iranian nuclear facilities, with inevitable American help to complete the mission?
Has Tehran derived the lessons it should have from the series of wars that erupted after the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation? It could not save Hamas. It could not save Hezbollah. The scenes of Houthi positions coming under American fire speak for themselves. Has Tehran realized the extent of the loss that was Syria being taken out of the so-called Axis of Resistance after Bashar Assad was ousted from power? We also must not forget about Iraq, which wants to steer clear of any possible conflict.
Tehran evidently took a decision several years ago to avoid becoming embroiled in any direct confrontation with the US. I heard this myself from Iranian officials. I asked the people I met in Tehran a simple question about whether they believed a war would erupt with the US given the constant tensions between them. The answers may have been phrased differently, but they were all effectively the same: “You are asking about a war that will never happen.” Some did not hesitate to say that Iran is skilled at living on the brink of war without ever being dragged into one.
I asked them to elaborate on this conviction and they told me to ignore the heated rhetoric. Iran knows that the American military is a mighty force that is capable of destroying any target in the world. It has no interest in colliding with a force that could take the country back several decades, they told me. They added that American jets could inflict massive damage on their factories, air force and everything the country has achieved since the 1979 revolution.
With these explanations came assertions: We will never surrender to American might. We hold the cards that can exert pressure and we know how to use them. Moreover, America knows how important Iran is and that it is impossible to replicate the Iraqi experience — toppling the regime through a ground invasion.
This does not mean that we approve of the American policy in the region, whether in Palestine or beyond. We are in a confrontation with the US, but this confrontation is taking place in the region, not inside Iran. The region will not remain an open field where America can hunt down whoever it wants against the will of the people of the region. We have allies in several places and can bank on proxies and wars of attrition by proxy.
The decision to avert a direct military confrontation with the US was present during the most difficult circumstances the region has endured. It was there when Iran was leading a major coup against the American presence in the Middle East. The suicide operations that took place in Beirut were aimed at undermining the American and Western presence in Lebanon. Soleimani himself was in charge of depleting the American military presence in Iraq and facilitating the infiltration of extremists into the country. The Iranian coup was an obvious success when Syria became a solid member of the Axis of Resistance. Soleimani paved a road from Tehran to Beirut passing through Iraq and Syria.
But this is now in the past. Beirut and Damascus have changed. The Houthis are taking shelter in tunnels in a war without end. The axis was broken by Israeli barbarism, American support and technological superiority.
Has Iran acknowledged that the era of coups that changed the balance of power in the region, as well as in four of its maps, is over? There is no doubt that the Iran that is involved in the current negotiations with the US is taking part with fewer cards. Hamas itself has proposed a five-year truce and abandoned its desire to keep running Gaza. Hezbollah has limited options. It cannot go back to war now that Syria is under President Ahmad Al-Sharaa’s rule. It is also widely known that the majority of the Lebanese people oppose a return to war and support limiting the possession of weapons in their country to the state.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2598762
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URL: https://www.newageislam.com/middle-east-press/hamas-pro-palestine-jewish-genocidal-campaign/d/135351
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