Middle East Press On: Hamas, Netanyahu, Syria, Israel, Jerusalem, Damascus, and Gaza Genocide: New Age Islam's Selection, 27 March 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
27 Mar. 25
· The Return To War Against Hamas: Why It Is Necessary And Why Now
· Accusations Of ‘Deep State’: What Is This Entity Netanyahu Claims Controls Israel?
· Syria And Israel: How Jerusalem, Damascus Can Break The Cycle And Strive For Peace
· Time To Quit: Netanyahu, Bar, And All Of Israel's Leaders Failed And Must Step Down
· UN Women Silent On Israeli Victims, Loud On Palestinian Grievances
· 'There Is No Blank Cheque': Syria Leader Told To Rein In Jihadis
· War, Doublethink And The Struggle For Survival: The Geopolitics Of The Gaza Genocide
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The Return To War Against Hamas: Why It Is Necessary And Why Now
By Ohad Tal
March 27, 2025
The three war goals outlined by the Israeli government immediately after the October 7 attack were clear: to destroy Hamas, to free the hostages, and to ensure Gaza no longer poses a threat to Israel. Each of these goals has been achieved to a degree yet not completed.
Since the last hostages were released on February 27, there has been a de facto ceasefire between Israel and Hamas – the IDF hasn’t been fighting Hamas, nor have any hostages been released. Meanwhile, the path of negotiations with Hamas has reached a dead-end, as the terror organization is simply unwilling to meet Israel’s minimal demands.
Israel cannot and will not accept a situation where its war aims are not being advanced at all. This is why we are now returning to war against Hamas.
However, many in Israel and around the world are pondering whether the fighting will be any different this time around. If the war goals were not achieved in their entirety through military force for over a year, why is the IDF launching another offensive in Gaza? Some have suggested that another military campaign is futile, extremely costly, and unjustified.
But the strategic environment that now enables the return to war is dramatically different from where we were a few months ago. The two main shifts that are conducive to the ultimate defeat of Hamas are the changes in leadership – in the White House and in Israel’s military headquarters in Tel Aviv.
The impact of the Trump administration on Israel’s position vis-à-vis Gaza cannot be overstated. For the first time since the outbreak of the war in October 2023, Israel has the resounding support of the United States – in word and in action.
The White House has given Israel the green light to act forcefully and effectively in Gaza, provided the diplomatic backing in international institutions, and, crucially, supplied the necessary tools. The Israeli government is fully aligned with President Donald Trump and his team, and together will act to take down Hamas, once and for all.
Secondly, the changes in the leadership of Israel’s security apparatus, particularly the IDF chief of staff, have created the strategic opportunity to return to fighting – better, stronger, and sharper than before.
It is well-documented that former IDF chief of staff Lt.-Gen. Herzi Halevi did not see eye to eye with the political leadership about how best to conduct operations in Gaza. The disagreements were vast and deep, including on the issues of humanitarian aid, the prospect of an Israeli military rule, and the operation of the Rafah crossing.
Halevi finished his tenure in early March and was succeeded by Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir. By all accounts, Zamir has already made his mark, devising a war plan that is notably different from Halevi’s military and strategic philosophy.
Other senior appointments in the military leadership, including a new head of Southern Command, are similarly significant, as is the switch of defence minister at the end of last year, with Israel Katz replacing Yoav Gallant.
Strategic conditions are ripe for Israel to finally defeat Hamas
Without going into classified details, we can say with confidence: This time, the IDF war effort will be different. It will entail the full-out conquest of Gaza, effective military control of the territory, and will prevent Hamas from receiving the humanitarian aid that sustained it. We will see an unprecedented and unparalleled offensive against the Palestinian terror organizations, thanks mainly to the arms, ammunition, and equipment delivered by the US in recent weeks.
The defeat of Hezbollah and the Assad regime on Israel’s northern border also facilitates the return to war. Without these Iranian proxies, it is easier for Israel to wage war against Hamas without having to direct resources and attention elsewhere.
Another factor in Israel’s favour is that the majority of the hostages have been rescued or released (192 of the 251 taken on October 7). With fewer Israelis being held hostage in Gaza in a tight urban war zone, the IDF can operate more freely and smoothly.
As Clausewitz wrote, “War is not an independent phenomenon, but the continuation of politics by different means.” The military effort in Gaza is supposed to assist the political solution proposed by Trump and embraced by Israel: opening Gaza’s borders for those who want to emigrate. It is estimated that the harder Hamas is hit, the more Gazans would want to leave.
In the same way that Assad’s soldiers lay down their weapons the moment they realized the regime was about to fall, Hamas terrorists and their sympathizers are likely to cede control of the territory and request to live elsewhere.
In short, what we are about to witness in Gaza is like nothing we have seen before. The strategic and tactical conditions allow Israel to finally defeat Hamas and create a better, safer, and more prosperous future for the region.
For various reasons, 18 months have not been enough to achieve the war goals of defeating Hamas, bringing back all the hostages, and achieving peace and security for Israel’s residents in the North and South. However, as Jews always say, “The eternal people are not afraid of a long road.” With the help of God, we will prevail.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-847658
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Accusations Of ‘Deep State’: What Is This Entity Netanyahu Claims Controls Israel?
By Tova Herzl
March 27, 2025
The talk of an alleged Deep State here in Israel reminds me of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. This document – fabricated by Russia’s security services at the beginning of the 20th century, when the czar’s throne was shaking – supposedly contained a detailed plan by international Jewry to control the world.
But what is that Deep State, which Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu claims controls the country? What is the mysterious entity that exploits the legal system in order to undermine the people’s will, as he and his acolytes declare?
It is a network of unofficial power centres that operate within and without the official system, to promote an agenda that will serve their own interests while circumventing the government, thus undermining the will of the people. The ruler is painted as someone who is acting to save the country from them. If, in order to do so, established institutions must be diminished – so be it.
Other leaders have drawn on Deep State terminology
In addition to leaders such as former Philippine strongman Rodrigo Duterte (recently extradited to the International Criminal Court), US President Donald Trump and his Turkish counterpart Recep Tayyip Erdogan (who had his main rival arrested), prominent among leaders who draw on Deep State terminology is Hungary’s Viktor Orban.
He often refers to conspiracies by civil society and globalists (a code for Jews). Netanyahu has chosen to join such authoritarian rulers who encourage and exploit fears so that they can entrench their rule by undermining the foundations of democracy.
It should be noted that there is a genuine debate about the power of public officials, whether it provides the continuity and stability that enable democracy, or undermines it. Such issues were raised by American president Dwight Eisenhower.
A former general and World War II hero, his speech upon departing the White House in 1961 included a warning against the excess power of the military-industrial complex – its components are vital while their combined power is problematic.
But there is a vast difference between concrete criticism designed to seek balance and improve how systems function, and turning them into a scapegoat while offering no substitute except “yay” sayers.
Everyone who has taken control of an existing operation knows that there may be among the veteran workers those who are unable or unwilling to adjust to the agenda, demands, or even style, of new management. She also understands that without the support of experienced staff, none of her goals will be achieved.
But if the Protocols are fake and some criticism of public structures is justified, how are they similar to the accusations of Deep State? Especially as one focuses on the establishment while the other targets Jews, one undermines bureaucracy and the second enabled pogroms?
In both cases, those in power blame “them” for secretly using “their” power to distort aspects of society, such as the economy, to serve “their” goals. Only “he” will save us from “them.” If only we allow “him” to eliminate or at least weaken “them,” “he” will restore us and our beloved country to our rightful grandeur.
In both cases, it is all but impossible to return the evil spirit that has been released back into the bottle.
Some 20 years after its publication, the Protocols of the Elders of Zion was exposed as fiction. But its distribution continues, including during dark times, as if it were truth incarnate.
In Israel’s case, what will be required to renew the people’s trust in the state, not the alleged Deep State but the real one, and in its institutions? How much time until the populist accusations by its leader dissipate, allowing us to return to normality?
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-847676
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Syria And Israel: How Jerusalem, Damascus Can Break The Cycle And Strive For Peace
By Nir Boms, Shadi Martini
March 27, 2025
With only two years separating their official births, Israel and Syria have never known a time when they weren’t at odds. Since 1948, the Syrian Arab Republic participated in every major war against the State of Israel, proudly raising the flag of resistance.
Even after signing the 1974 armistice agreement, Syria aligned itself with Iran and Hezbollah, continuing its aggression against Israel through Lebanon and acting as a base for Tehran’s proxies. However, Syria reached a historic turning point on December 8 with the fall of president Bashar al-Assad’s regime and his subsequent flight to Moscow, raising critical questions about Syria’s future, domestically and in terms of regional and international relations.
The new administration in Syria quickly sought to reassure the world and its neighbours, including Israel, that it would not pursue further conflict. Instead, it sought to introduce a pragmatic agenda focused on power-sharing, minority rights, and economic development, which are critically needed in a war-torn country.
This shift seemed to offer an opportunity to reshape regional relations. Yet, Israel’s response – launching airstrikes on Syrian military sites, moving forces toward Damascus, and aligning with some of Syria’s minority groups – raised doubts about Israel’s intentions.
Could this new chapter in Syria’s transformation pave the way for a new relationship between these two rival states, or would it lead to further cycles of fear, conflict, and suspicion, pushing them deeper into confrontation? Could a carefully crafted policy help transition an old conflict into a new framework of relations between the two countries, or will a momentum of war prevail, transitioning the conflict into the new Syrian reality of continuous war between Syria and Israel?
Since the Hamas attack on October 7 and up until the fall of Assad’s regime, many Syrians developed a more positive view of Israel. This shift in perception was largely due to Israel’s indirect role in weakening the Syrian regime through striking its allies, Iran and Hezbollah. Through targeted airstrikes that destroyed military sites and killed numerous top leaders, Israel significantly drained the strength of Assad’s forces.
However, Israel’s continued hostile policies toward the Syrian people, including its military occupation of new territories and public support for minorities – mainly the Druze and Kurds – suggested a lack of interest in building bridges of trust with the new Syrian government. Instead of fostering reconciliation, Israel seemed to be taking sides in Syria’s internal conflicts.
New Syrian leadership must avoid escalating tensions with Israel
TO AN outside observer, it seemed that Israel would attempt to recognize the significance of the moment and seize the historic opportunity to reassess its relations with Syria’s Sunni majority.
Israel has long been concerned that Syria could fall under the rule of an ideologically driven Islamic government with hostile views toward it, especially with groups like Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, which Israel considers a terrorist organization. The violent killings in Syria’s coastal regions, although perpetrated by Assad loyalists with ties to Iran, did little to reassure Israel that the new Syrian government was either pragmatic enough to fulfil its promises or strong enough to assert control.
Israel fears the formation of a Sunni alliance led by Turkey and Qatar in Syria, which could mirror the hostility of Iran’s Shi’ite axis. The growing Turkish influence in Syria, along with the possibility of Turkish military bases on Syrian soil, prompted Israel to turn to the United States, urging it to maintain a Russian military presence in Syria to curb Turkish influence.
This also prompted Israel to offer a “minority alliance” despite the distance of both the Kurds and Druze from its soil and regardless of the fact that the same minority groups have actually tied themselves to the new central government of Syria.
Israel’s active policy, combined with American indifference, presents significant challenges for Syria’s new government as it attempts to rebuild a war-torn nation. In this context, the Syrian leadership must take proactive measures to avoid escalating tensions with Israel. Despite the provocations, Damascus must take steps to allay Israeli fears, even if these actions require painful compromises or strategic sacrifices.
One immediate step for Damascus would be to open direct communication channels with Israel, bypassing intermediaries who might miss critical details. Additionally, Syria should swiftly endorse the Arab Peace Initiative, signalling a commitment to peace and aligning with the Arab moderation axis led by Saudi Arabia.
Syria must also exercise caution in its public statements and appointments. Any language that could provoke Israel should be avoided, as should the appointment of controversial figures or those with explicitly anti-Israel agendas. Additionally, hosting Arab or Islamic personalities linked to groups like Hamas and the Iranian axis would further inflame tensions.
Syria and Israel have the opportunity to reshape relations
GIVEN THE country’s fragile condition, Syria must adopt a flexible, patient approach to these sensitive issues. Syria is simply not in a position to bear the cost of another war, particularly after the devastation it has already suffered. Damascus could learn from the experiences of other countries, like Ukraine, whose president, Volodymyr Zelensky, endured significant diplomatic insults to protect his country’s core interests.
Syria and Israel stand at a historic crossroads, with the potential to reshape their relations. However, achieving progress toward peace and stability will require effort from both sides. Israel must abandon its policy of intimidation, hostility, and minority-led policy and instead build trust with Syria’s Sunni majority.
In return, Syria’s new government must take proactive steps to ease Israel’s concerns, adopting diplomatic policies that promote regional stability and engaging in direct dialogue that could lead to strategic gains for all parties involved.
While it is often easier to identify the threats and not the opportunities, a move toward engagement and recognition could provide significant gains to both countries.
For Syria, it could bring economic opportunities and solutions for some of its critical problems, considering Israel’s infrastructure and technological edge. A successful move toward Israel could positively influence the international positioning of Syria’s new government and convince other stakeholders of its ability to pursue a more pragmatic policy line.
For Israel, a successful reorientation of the relations could ease security concerns, further distance the Iranians from Israel’s border, and pave the way for a broader normalization circle. Granted, eight decades of conflict can’t change in a day. However, without pursuing this route, the two countries will again miss another important window of opportunity.
As Syrians begin to rebuild their country and as Israel looks toward the day after its most recent war, the time has come to consider a different future for both peoples. It is time to envision a future where Syrians and Israelis ski together on Mount Hermon rather than fight over it. It is time for a new beginning.
Shadi Martini is a Syrian hospital director who participated in the Syrian revolution and now manages the Multifaith Alliance, a humanitarian organization.
Nir Boms is a research fellow at the Moshe Dayan Centre at Tel Aviv University and co-director of its Program for Regional Cooperation.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-847681
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Time To Quit: Netanyahu, Bar, And All Of Israel's Leaders Failed And Must Step Down
By Gil Troy
March 27, 2025
After 500-plus days of using Israel’s national emergency to defer elections, squelch national inquiries, and keep power despite failing catastrophically on October 7, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is allowing us to return to normal.
Apparently, we’ve subdued our enemies enough for him to assail the national security establishment and the rule of law, demoralize reservists by refusing to address them honestly, and tolerate ultra-Orthodox draft evasion to keep his coalition staggering ahead. That justifies everyone demanding elections – now. In the spirit of our desperately needed national renewal, the prime minister should quit – along with all the other failed opposition leaders who were blinded by the conceptzia [or confirmation bias]: Benny Gantz, Yair Lapid, and Yair Golan.
It’s hard to believe that Netanyahu remains in power. Hasn’t he gotten the memo? Israelis are fed up with him, his divisiveness, his contempt for democracy; with his refusal to take responsibility for October 7 and other disasters, with his hostility to any critics. Nearly three-quarters of Israelis want him resigning immediately or after the war.
Yet he and his devotees keep earning gold medals in authoritarianism, bullying, and cowardice – distracting Israelis from genuine enemies outside by treating fellow citizens as traitors within.
Alas, looking Left, they just keep demonstrating. Haven’t they heard? Most Israelis are fed up with the blocked traffic and impotent fury.
The hostage protesters sabotaged their own cause by weakening Israel’s bargaining position, harassing Israeli leaders at home rather than protesting Qatari embassies worldwide. Now, a few fanatics foolishly keep infuriating most Israelis, feeding Bibistas’ paranoid fantasies of a condescending Ashkenazi elite earning their gold medals in sore-loserdom. More shockingly: Who’s the protesters’ martyr this week? The Shin Bet head who, like Bibi, should resign for his October 7 failures.
Extremists from both sides forget that our enemies delight in our divisiveness, our partisan venom.
We must keep pressuring Hamas, the Houthis, Hezbollah, and Iran. We should correct the Israeli and foreign reporters claiming that Netanyahu only continues attacking Gaza for “domestic considerations.” You have to dig deep in most articles blasting Israel’s renewed bombings to find the word “hostages.” Although Israel must protect its borders and keep crushing Hamas, the dynamics would change immediately if all the Gazan terrorists holding them released every hostage.
It is time for others to lead the country
WITH AT least two dozen Israelis still enduring unspeakable abuse in Hamas tunnels and “innocent” Gazans’ homes, Defence Minister Israel Katz finally warned that the more Hamas persists, “the more territory it will lose to Israel.”
This should have been clear long before October 7. When Hamas bombarded Israel after the 2005 Gaza disengagement, I proposed in these pages that Israel seize 10 meters of borderlands for each barrage. Territorial loss is the traditional language of war: Palestinians understand that language, too.
Facing these threats, it’s unconscionable that our (mis)leaders – especially Bibi – divide the country, depress our soldiers, and divert attention from Israel’s existential fight for survival – domestically and internationally. Netanyahu should stop his manipulative attempts to rally his fanatic but dwindling band of supporters.
I am not anti-Bibi in principle: I have repeatedly saluted Netanyahu for defying former US president Joe Biden and helping Israel weaken Hamas, Hezbollah, Syria, and Iran. Having achieved those aims, now working with a friendlier administration, Netanyahu should call elections, retire, and let the debate rage over his legacy and culpability.
In order to shame him and to model the self-sacrificing leadership Israel deserves, and to reject their old stale protest playbook, every opposition leader should resign.
Go Home Gantz, Lapid, and Golan. Advise Ehud Barak and Bogie Ya’alon and the other hysterics to stop talking. Anyone who was part of the security establishment and trusted our hi-tech Gaza border should teach Bibi and the Shin Bet’s Ronen Bar how to retire gracefully – from public debate, too. Anyone who has so futilely divided Israel for so long should let others lead constructively.
The search for new leaders shouldn’t stop with everyone’s favourite fantasy group, the reservists. It’s time to diversify ethnically and geographically. I remember the look of disgust people from Sderot, Netivot, Kiryat Shmona, Metulah, and elsewhere had for months after October 7, 2023, whenever we discussed Netanyahu and his government’s botches, especially the failure to gracefully and generously support many of those displaced. Let’s find opposition leaders from among them, not just from the Kaplanists.
And let’s change the tune. Claiming democracy has “died” as demonstrators assert their democratic right to protest, instinctively cheering the opposite of whatever Bibi says, and being so blinded by anti-Bibi rage, doesn’t change anything, but does further fragment. Articulate a positive, unifying vision around shared values and our shared fate.
Let’s stop threatening not to serve, pay tax, or be patriotic – that undermines the justified critique of ultra-Orthodox draft-dodgers. And stop shrieking – it brings out the crazies and the craziness.
Instead, how about organizing non-partisan moments of silence midday, simply demanding elections, stopping everything briefly, asserting power, commanding attention, minimizing harm. Then hosting salons transcending Left-Right, religious-secular, and ethnic divides, articulating a common Zionist and Israeli political agenda for a new age – with new leaders.
On a brighter note, Passover prep has begun. The cleanser commercials and antacid ads remind us that the Jewish calendar keeps saving us – injecting moments of joy and reassurance during these difficult times.
Passover warns against Pharaohs who bring plagues upon their people and yet blame everyone else for the troubles. We honour leaders like Moses: humble enough to know he’s not indispensable but great enough to articulate a compelling vision of freedom from today’s problems – and give way to his successors when he knows his time is up.
Our stuck leaders, Left and Right, should quit, freeing us from their poison, so we can renew and rebuild our Promised Land – together.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-847688
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Un Women Silent On Israeli Victims, Loud On Palestinian Grievances
By Dr. Deborah Soffen/The Media Line
March 26, 2025
The 69th United Nations Commission on the Status of Women has just concluded. Thousands of women from around the world convened at UN headquarters in New York to discuss ways to achieve equality, development, and peace for all women—a goal established 30 years ago in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action.
Initially, it was inspiring to witness the multicultural representation of women. Especially notable was the high percentage of young women and girl activists. A loud and clear call was made for the election of the first woman as the next UN secretary-general at this fall’s 80th session of the UN General Assembly.
But since that black day on October 7, 2023, UN Women has failed to show solidarity with the Israeli women who were viciously raped, mutilated, and murdered by both Gazan terrorists and civilians. It is the height of hypocrisy that, once again, during a conference dedicated to women’s rights—including the right not to be used as a weapon of war—UN Women failed to stand firmly with Jewish women still reeling from the silence that followed the atrocities committed against their Israeli sisters.
As a representative of the Simon Wiesenthal Center—a Jewish global activist NGO that fights antisemitism, teaches the lessons of the Holocaust, defends Israel, and promotes tolerance and peace—I had the pleasure of meeting many women who embrace those values. We cannot expect to agree on everything, but these women, including those from the Middle East, were open to respectful dialogue. Ukrainian and Myanmar women shared their common experiences with conflict-related sexual violence. Arab women from Lebanon, Bahrain, Egypt, and Israel spoke about expanding the Abraham Accords, the need for Holocaust education, and delivering messages of hope, coexistence, and collaboration across regions. Muslim women from communities in Great Britain, Canada, the Uyghur diaspora, and Myanmar held a conference on Islamophobia and welcomed the perspectives of Israeli and Jewish women.
The same cannot be said for the majority of the more than 500 women who attended the side event titled “State of Palestine, UN Women and the UN Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA).” Unlike every other session I attended, this one was filled with hostility and hate toward Israel and Jews.
As is typical of UN discussions on Israel since Hamas’s unprovoked attack on southern Israel on October 7, 2023—when 1,200 Israelis, mostly civilians, were butchered, raped, and burned alive, and another 250 were taken hostage—this fact was not even acknowledged. The idea that Israel, like any sovereign nation, has the right to protect its citizens was completely absent. The Palestinian narrative remained one of victimhood, denial, and total avoidance of responsibility.
The representative from Chile, a co-sponsor of the event, pledged her country’s support for the recovery of Palestinian women, who she said have shown unwavering resilience in the face of adversity. That’s fair enough, considering Chile is home to the largest Palestinian diaspora outside the Middle East.
Other panelists far less benign
Other panelists were far less benign. Dr. Amrita Kapur, the newly appointed head of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, incorporated the language of intersectionality and Marxist ideology to promote anything but peace. A highly articulate international lawyer, Dr. Kapur incited an audience—many wearing overtly political garments in violation of conference rules—by hurling accusations against the Jewish state that might as well have been written by Hamas:
Occupation (Israel unilaterally withdrew from Gaza in 2005, leaving it under Palestinian governance.)
Colonialism (The British and French were the colonial powers who defeated the occupying Ottoman Empire and divided the region after World War I. Jews have been indigenous to the land of Israel for over 3,000 years.)
Denial of rights of Palestinian women and girls (Israeli citizens—Jewish and Arab alike—have equal rights. Hamas, not Israel, has governed Gaza since 2007.)
Oppressors (Hamas, not Israel, has oppressed Gazans, diverting billions of dollars to build an underground terror network rather than improving civilian life. Hamas built no bomb shelters for its people.)
Genocide (Hamas initiated this war by invading Israeli territory, and it routinely hides behind women and children by placing command centers in or near schools, mosques, and hospitals. Any innocent lives lost in the conflict are ultimately the result of Hamas’s actions, not Israel’s.)
Panelist Randa Siniora, a Palestinian human rights activist, declared that anyone who supports global rights must stand in solidarity with Palestinian women. She argued that all oppressed people must support the Palestinian women’s cause.
A Palestinian woman joined the conference by satellite from Gaza, parroting the Hamas narrative and accusing the “heinous Israeli occupation of trying to eliminate us in a war of genocide.”
What were these women advocating for? Certainly not for dialogue with their Israeli counterparts. Certainly not for holding Hamas accountable for starting this war. Certainly not for standing with Jewish women fighting against conflict-related sexual violence. And certainly not for the unconditional release of the hostages who have been starved and tortured in Gaza for over 500 days.
Their message was loud and clear: All women must stand in solidarity with Palestinian women against Israel and hold Israel accountable for “crimes against humanity.” Never mind Hamas’s own crimes and its repeated vows to carry out more October 7-style attacks until Israel is destroyed. Not one person in the room expressed any solidarity with the Israeli victims of October 7.
The meeting ended with a raucous chant of the pro-Hamas slogan “Free, Free Palestine, Free, Free Palestine”—code for the elimination of Israel. If the Trump administration were looking to identify pro-Hamas supporters, this meeting would have been a target-rich environment.
At this point, no one should be shocked. The UN still refuses to label Hamas a terrorist organization. Secretary-General António Guterres only seems to show emotion when Israel dares to fight back. His failure to unequivocally condemn Hamas for its crimes against humanity has given (im)moral cover to UN agencies and many NGOs to cast Israel as the criminal in the kangaroo courts of the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice. Israeli women and men seeking justice and empathy for victims of the genocidal onslaught against their mothers, sisters, and daughters will have to look beyond civil society and the halls of diplomacy.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-847730
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'There Is No Blank Cheque': Syria Leader Told To Rein In Jihadis
March 26, 2025
Syria’s President, Ahmed Al-Sharaa, has a lot to prove to win over Western powers. If the first few week of his rule are anything to go by, he may be heading in the wrong direction.
The West is watching Syria’s leaders closely to ensure they rein in the Islamist jihadis who killed hundreds of Alawites, create an inclusive government with effective institutions, maintain order in a country fractured by years of civil war and prevent a resurgence of Islamic State or Al Qaeda.
To hammer home the message, three European envoys made clear in an 11 March meeting with Foreign Minister, Asaad Al-Shaibani, in Damascus that cracking down on the jihadi fighters was their top priority and that international support for the nascent administration could evaporate unless it took decisive action.
The meeting has not previously been reported.
“The abuses that have taken place in recent days are truly intolerable, and those responsible must be identified and condemned,” said French Foreign Ministry spokesman, Christophe Lemoine, when asked about the message delivered in Damascus.
“There is no blank cheque for the new authorities.”
Reuters spoke to the three European envoys as well as four regional officials during a trip to Damascus. They all stressed that the authorities must get a grip on security across the country and prevent any repeat killings.
“We asked for accountability. The punishment should go on those who committed the massacres. The security forces need to be cleaned up,” said one European envoy, who was among the group of officials who delivered the message.
Washington has also called on Syria’s leaders to hold the perpetrators of the attacks to account. US State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce said they were monitoring the interim authority’s actions to determine US policy for Syria.
The problem for Al-Sharaa, however, is that his Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group only comprises around 20,000 fighters, according to two assessments by Western governments.
That makes him reliant on the tens of thousands of fighters from other groups — including the very hard-line jihadist factions he is being asked to combat – and moving against them could plunge Syria back into war, five diplomats and three analysts said.
Thousands of Sunni Muslim foreigners, from countries including China, Albania, Russia and Pakistan, joined Syria’s rebels early in the civil war to fight against the rule of Bashar Al-Assad and the Iran-backed Shia militias who supported him, giving the conflict a sectarian overtone.
One of the reasons Al-Sharaa now depends on a relatively small force of some 20,000 fighters from several disparate groups, including the foreign jihadis, is because he dissolved the national army soon after taking power
While the step was meant to draw a line under five decades of autocratic Assad family rule, diplomats and analysts said it echoed Washington’s decision to disband the Iraqi army after the fall of Saddam Hussein – and could lead to similar chaos.
Al-Sharaa’s move, along with mass dismissals of public sector workers, has deepened divisions in Syria and left hundreds of thousands without income, potentially pushing trained soldiers into insurgent groups or unemployment, worsening Syria’s instability, according to five European and Arab officials.
Neither Al-Sharaa’s office nor the Syrian Foreign Ministry responded to requests for comment for this story.
Stuck in a paradox
In addition to the challenge of quelling sectarian violence, Al-Sharaa must also contend with a host of foreign powers, from the United States to Russia, Israel, Turkiye and Iran – all turning Syria’s territory into a geopolitical chessboard.
Turkiye holds the north, backing opposition forces while suppressing Kurdish ambitions. US-backed Kurdish-led forces control the east with its vital oil fields, while Israel capitalised on Assad’s fall to bolster its military foothold. It now controls a 400-square-km demilitarised buffer zone, supports the Druze minority and is opposed to the Syrian leadership.
In response to the massacres of civilians, Sharaa has established an investigation committee and promised to punish those responsible, even those close to him.
But any action against the jihadis who carried out the killings could ignite factional infighting, purges and power struggles – leaving the new government stuck in a paradox, the diplomats and analysts said.
“Obviously Sharaa doesn’t control the foreign jihadis and does not call all the shots,” said Marwan Muasher, Vice President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “What is clear is that the massacres were carried out by people who are Salafi jihadists, and are not listening to what he’s saying.”
While diplomats recognise that the inquiry is a step in the right direction, they said its credibility would have been far stronger with UN and international observers.
Ultimately, they said, the true test of Al-Sharaa’s leadership lies not just in the commission’s findings but in how he deals with the fighters responsible for the atrocities.
The massacres were, however, a stark reminder of the forces at play in post-Assad Syria, signalling a brutal reality that toppling a dictator is the beginning of a larger, more perilous battle to shape the country’s future.
Abdulaziz Sager, founder of the Saudi-based Gulf Research Centre, said the presence of “rogue groups” – the foreign jihadis – operating outside the law would lead to a collapse in security and undermine the state’s authority.
“Therefore, the new leadership has no choice but to take firm action against such violations,” he said.
An Arab diplomat said political support from Arab states was also not unlimited, and would need to be matched by concrete steps, including inclusive governance, protection of minorities and real progress on the ground.
That means genuine power-sharing with Alawites, Christians, Kurds and other minorities – and only then can the new leadership stabilise Syria and garner US and European support, the Arab diplomat said.
Washington and European states have tied the lifting of sanctions, imposed under Assad, to the new authorities proving their commitment to inclusive governance and the protection of minorities. Removing these sanctions is crucial to reviving Syria’s shattered economy, Al-Sharaa’s most pressing challenge.
Same playbook?
But despite promises of reform, the five-year Constitution Al-Sharaa unveiled this month gave him absolute power as President, Prime Minister, head of the armed forces and chief of national security, as well as granting him the authority to appoint judges, ministers and a third of parliament – dashing hopes for democratic reforms.
The Constitution also enshrines Islamic law as “the main source” of legislation.
Critics argue that the Constitution swaps autocracy for Islamist theocracy, deepening fears over Al-Sharaa’s roots as the leader of a hard-line Islamist faction once allied with Al Qaeda.
Kurds, who control north-eastern Syria and recently agreed to integrate with the new government, criticised the temporary Constitution for “reproducing authoritarianism in a new form”.
Syria’s dilemma, analysts say, mirrors the trials faced by Arab states a decade ago when, in 2011, a wave of uprisings ousted dictators in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen.
The “Arab Spring” upheavals promised democratic revival, but takeovers by Islamists, military coups, and violent fragmentation turned these hopes into setbacks. The victories were short-lived, with states such as Yemen and Libya descending into violence and chaos.
Syria, having endured a far longer and bloodier conflict, now stands at a similar crossroad.
Analysts say if Syria’s rulers adopt exclusionary policies that ignore the cultural, religious, ethnic diversity of its citizens, they are bound to fail.
“Some internal and external forces wanted a secular state, while the Constitutional declaration reaffirmed the state’s religious-Islamic identity, stating that Islamic law (Sharia) would be the primary source of legislation,” said Sager. “A possible compromise could have been a model similar to Turkiye’s – a secular state governed by an Islamic party.”
Muasher at the Carnegie Endowment said Assad’s fall should serve as a warning to those who replaced him in Syria.
He said Al-Sharaa must decide whether to adopt the same playbook that made Assad vulnerable and led to the mass Sunni uprising that eventually ousted him – or adopt a different course.
“Syria’s new rulers must recognise that the brutal authoritarian model of the regime they replaced was ultimately unsustainable, as is any political system based on exclusion and iron-fisted rule,” Muasher said.
“If they fall back on repression, they will subject Syria to a grim fate.”
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250326-there-is-no-blank-cheque-syria-leader-told-to-rein-in-jihadis/
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War, Doublethink And The Struggle For Survival: The Geopolitics Of The Gaza Genocide
March 26, 2025
By Dr Ramzy Baroud
In a genocidal war that has spiralled into a struggle for political survival, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition and the global powers supporting him continue to sacrifice Palestinian lives for political gain. The sordid career of Israel’s extreme far-right National Security Minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, epitomises this tragic reality.
Ben-Gvir joined Netanyahu’s government coalition following the December 2022 election. He remained in the coalition after 7 October, 2023, and the start of Israel’s war and the Gaza Genocide, with the understanding that any ceasefire in Gaza would force his withdrawal from the government. As long as the killing of Palestinians and the destruction of their cities continued, then Ben-Gvir stayed on board. Neither he nor Netanyahu had any real “next-day” plan, though, other than to carry out some of the most heinous massacres against a civilian population in recent history.
On 19 January, Ben-Gvir left the government immediately when a ceasefire agreement came into effect, which many argued would not last. Netanyahu’s untrustworthiness, along with the collapse of his government if the war ended completely, made the ceasefire unfeasible.
Ben-Gvir duly returned to the coalition when the genocide resumed on 18 March. “We are back, with all our might and power!” he tweeted.
While the Israeli army has inflicted suffering on the Palestinian people like no other force has against a civilian population in modern times, the Gaza Genocide endures because the Palestinians refuse to surrender.
And yet, Israel’s military planners know that a military victory is no longer possible. Former Defence Minister Moshe Ya’alon added his voice to the growing chorus recently, saying during an interview on 15 March that, “Revenge is not a war plan.”
The Americans, who supported Netanyahu’s violation of the ceasefire — and gave the green light for the resumption of the killings — also understand that the war is almost entirely a political struggle, designed to keep extreme far-right figures like Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich in Netanyahu’s coalition.
Although “war is the continuation of politics by other means,” as Prussian General Carl von Clausewitz once surmised, in Israel’s case, the “politics” behind the war is not about Israel as a state, but about Netanyahu’s own political survival. He is sacrificing Palestinian children to stay in power, while his extremist ministers do the same to expand their support among right-wing, religious and ultra-nationalist constituencies.
This logic — that Israel’s war on Gaza reflects internal politics, ideological warfare and class infighting — extends to other political players as well. The Trump administration supports Israel as payback for the financial backing it received from Netanyahu’s supporters in the US during the past few presidential election campaigns. Britain, meanwhile, remains steadfast in its commitment to Tel Aviv, despite the political shifts in Westminster, thus continuing to align with US-Israeli interests while disregarding the wishes of its own population. Meanwhile, Germany, it’s said, is driven by the guilt of its past crimes, while other Western governments pay lip service to human rights, all the while acting in ways that contradict their stated foreign policies.
This mirrors the dystopian world of George Orwell’s book 1984, wherein perpetual war is waged based on cynical and false assumptions; where “war is peace… freedom is slavery… and ignorance is strength.”
However, Israel substitutes “peace” with “security” (its own; nobody else’s), the US is motivated by dominance and “stability”, and Europe continues to speak of “democracy”.
Another key difference is that Palestinians do not belong to any of these “super states”. They are treated as mere pawns, their deaths and enduring injustice used to create the illusion of “conflict” and to justify the ongoing prolongation of the war.
The number of Palestinians killed — now more than 50,000 — is reported widely by mainstream media outlets, yet rarely do they mention that this is not a war in the traditional sense, but a genocide, carried out, financed and defended by Israel and Western powers for domestic political reasons. Palestinians continue to resist because it is their only legitimate option in the face of utter destruction and extermination.
Netanyahu’s war, however, is not sustainable in the Orwellian sense either. For it to be sustainable, it would need infinite economic resources, which Israel, despite US generosity, cannot afford. It would also need an endless supply of soldiers, but reports indicate that at least half of Israel’s reserves are not rejoining the army.
Furthermore, Netanyahu does not merely seek to sustain the Gaza Genocide; he aims to expand it. This could shift regional and international dynamics in ways that neither Israeli leaders nor their allies fully understand.
Aware of this, Arab leaders met in Cairo on 4 March to propose an alternative to the Netanyahu-Trump plan to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from Gaza. However, they have yet to take meaningful action to hold Israel accountable if it continues to defy international and humanitarian laws, as it has since the Arab summit.
If they don’t, then the Middle East may endure further wars, all to prolong Netanyahu’s coalition of extremists a little longer.
As for the West, the crisis lies in its moral contradictions. The situation in Gaza embodies Orwell’s concept of “doublethink”, holding two contradictory beliefs in one’s mind simultaneously and accepting both. Western powers claim to support human rights while simultaneously backing genocide. Until this dilemma is resolved, the Middle East will continue to endure suffering for years to come.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250326-war-doublethink-and-the-struggle-for-survival-the-geopolitics-of-the-gaza-genocide/
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URL: https://www.newageislam.com/middle-east-press/hamas-netanyahu-israel-damascus-gaza-genocide/d/134989
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