Middle East Press On: Hamas, Israel, Jewish Identity, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Gaza, and Palestine: New Age Islam's Selection, 13 February 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
13 February 2025
1. Hamas must decide to continue the deal or let 'all hell break loose
2. The residents of Israel's South are our line of defence, they need our support
3. Returning to Israel educational travel is essential for Jewish identity
4. Israel lawmakers must do more to support IDF widows and orphans
5. It is in Israel’s interest backing Azerbaijan in its conflict with Armenia
6. Gaza: Between the departure of Hamas and the displacement of its residents
7. A Palestinian national unity government is urgently needed
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Hamas Must Decide To Continue the Deal Or Let 'All Hell Break Loose
By Jpost Editorial
February 13, 2025
The events of this past week have definitively proven that the hostage-ceasefire deal not only hangs on by a thread; that thread is vital to the fabric of the Middle East as we know it today.
In other words, Saturday at noon is make-or-break time.
Hamas announced on Monday that it would be cancelling the release of hostages scheduled for this Saturday, February 15, until further notice, citing Israeli “violations” of the agreement.
According to the terrorist organization, Israel delayed the return of displaced Gazans to northern Gaza, as well as blocked supplies from entering the coastal enclave.
As a result, the IDF increased its alertness level and postponed leave for combat soldiers and operational units to prepare for potential returned operations in the Gaza Strip. The area has also been significantly reinforced with additional units for defensive purposes.
Hamas had seemingly reacted to US President Donald Trump’s comments on Sunday on his way to the Super Bowl, during which he said leaders involved may “lose [their] patience” should hostages continue to return looking “like Holocaust survivors.”
Trump says 'cancel the ceasefire'
After Hamas’s announcement, on Tuesday, the US president – who was central in securing the deal – said, “If all the Gaza hostages aren’t returned by Saturday at 12 p.m., I would say cancel the ceasefire. Let all hell break loose; Israel can override it.”
Hamas had seemingly reacted to US President Donald Trump’s comments on Sunday on his way to the Super Bowl, during which he said leaders involved may “lose [their] patience” should hostages continue to return looking “like Holocaust survivors.”
Trump says 'cancel the ceasefire'
After Hamas’s announcement, on Tuesday, the US president – who was central in securing the deal – said, “If all the Gaza hostages aren’t returned by Saturday at 12 p.m., I would say cancel the ceasefire. Let all hell break loose; Israel can override it.”
Both he and Trump were seemingly ambiguous regarding the number of hostages that would be returned.
Then, on Wednesday, Trump told King Abdullah of Jordan that Hamas must release all hostages, including all Americans, by Saturday and asked for the king’s assistance in ensuring that Hamas and leaders of the region understand the severity of the situation, the White House said Wednesday.
He reiterated during that same discussion that the US intends to “take Gaza.”
“Palestinians will live safely in another location that is not Gaza,” he said, adding that the US wasn’t going to buy Gaza but rather “run it very properly.”
Alongside his comments, US Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff said Hamas, as a terrorist organization, should not be allowed to be part of the government in any part of Gaza.
“Donald Trump said everything we need to know; Saturday, 12:00,” he said.
Witkoff was correct. That deadline is looming over not only Israel but the entire Middle East as we know it today, and what happens then could determine the fate of the region.
Until now, the ceasefire has continued inching forward, unstable but nevertheless steady. Hamas threatening to destabilize that work structure would mean the effective death of the rest of the hostages – however many were still alive.
The hostages are Hamas’s strongest bargaining chip: a microcosm of the inhumanity of the organization. That bargaining chip becomes effectively null and void should Israel and Hamas ditch the deal and descend into dispute once more, and the intense and harsh fighting would return to the Gaza Strip.
Hamas’s latest step back from the hostage deal will come at a heavy price. Gaza will face the full consequences of its leadership’s actions. Israel, backed by strong US support, will not hesitate to respond with overwhelming force.
The days of restraint are over – our enemies will feel the consequences of their terror. With the US standing firmly behind us, “all hell will break loose,” for those who threaten our security.
The pendulum is on Hamas’s side now. Whether it swings towards returning the hostages or snaps loose from the thread that has given the region a moment to breathe of late is up to terrorists who hold human lives in their hands.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-841905
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The Residents Of Israel's South Are Our Line Of Defense, They Need Our Support
By Refael Feuerstein
February 13, 2025
The phone call I received shook me to the core. Through tears, two National Insurance Institute workers from Sderot and Ashkelon described an unthinkable reality: 3,000 people struggling with post-trauma, with no one to treat them. While emergency resilience centres do vital work immediately after traumatic events, what follows is a disturbing void.
“Will they come to treatment centres in Jerusalem and Rishon Lezion?” I asked naively.
The answer was jarringly simple: “No.” How could people who struggle to leave their homes, who jump at every phone ring, who are paralyzed by anxiety, possibly make such a journey?
That’s when I realized – it’s time to turn the tables. Instead of expecting Negev residents to make the long, painful journey to central Israel, the centre must come to them. This realization led us to establish a Feuerstein Institute branch in Sderot, which quickly filled to capacity. Soon, with support from the Montreal Federation, we’ll open another branch in Beersheba.
This isn’t enough. The disparities between central Israel and the periphery are staggering. The South has fewer than two doctors per thousand residents, while Tel Aviv has 2.5 times that number.
These aren’t mere statistics – they translate to a life expectancy that’s two and a half years lower. This is preventable human suffering. The education situation is equally shocking: Tel Aviv invests eight times more per student than Netivot. Is a child in the periphery worth less?
Two weeks ago, I stood in the ruins of Kibbutz Kfar Aza. Shachar, a kibbutz member who returned to live among the rubble with ten of his friends, said something that haunts me: “We’re not the ‘Gaza Envelope’ [as the region is known literally translated from Hebrew], we’re ‘Israel’s Envelope.’” How right he is. If not for the determination of Western Negev residents to remain on their land, we would have met Hamas terrorists deep inside Israel.
Supporting the South
I hear about grandiose plans to build treatment and rehabilitation towers in central Israel, and my heart aches. This isn’t the time to build magnificent towers in the affluent centre. It’s time to transfer knowledge, resources, and services to the periphery. Every medical, rehabilitation, and educational institution must open branches in the Western Negev.
When I heard about the vision of a “Riviera” to be built in Gaza, I wondered cynically – will Negev residents relocate there? The time has come for real change. No more empty promises, no more drawer plans.
It’s time for central Israel to understand: Israel’s resilience depends on the strength of its periphery. If we don’t act now, immediately, we’ll lose not just the periphery – but our collective future.
Now, as Hamas terrorists plot their next move, and international pressure mounts, we must remember: the residents of Israel’s South are not just citizens needing help – they are our front line of defence.
Every shekel invested in their well-being, every professional we send to support them, strengthens not just the periphery, but Israel’s national resilience as a whole. This is our moral duty, and our strategic imperative.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-841902
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Returning To Israel Educational Travel Is Essential For Jewish Identity
By Shelley Kedar, Anna Langer
February 13, 2025
There’s truly no substitute for spending time in Israel. You discover new food, smells, people, language, and weather. You can be yourself. So many things about Israel are both implicitly and explicitly Jewish, enabling you to find innovative ways of connecting to Judaism and finding a sense of belonging.
You encounter the unique brand of Israeli Jewishness: chutzpah mixed with casual vibes. It’s a lived experience and an immersive environment – an open canvas where Jewish identity and peoplehood come alive in dynamic and unexpected ways.
Educational travel has existed for centuries. When the medieval Jewish traveller Benjamin of Tudela visited Europe, Asia, and Africa in the 12th century, he didn’t go just for fun. He sought to learn about Jewish life in all those places.
There’s truly no substitute for spending time in Israel. You discover new food, smells, people, language, and weather. You can be yourself. So many things about Israel are both implicitly and explicitly Jewish, enabling you to find innovative ways of connecting to Judaism and finding a sense of belonging.
That’s exactly what educational travel is – exploration, with a purpose. Then, the unique layer that Israel educational travel adds to that mix is the cultivation of Jewish identity and peoplehood.
According to the Pew Research Centre, two-thirds of Jews who have travelled to Israel even once say they feel an emotional attachment. Jews who have travelled to Israel are also 25% more likely than those who haven’t been to Israel to say they have a lot in common with Jews in Israel.
This foundational connection to Israel and the Jewish people is the glue that binds us together in times of crisis and creates the potential for us to co-author a shared Jewish future as we all undertake the hard work of rebuilding.
Travel has been damaged by consecutive crises
YET, FOR THE past five years, Israel travel, and particularly the field of Israel educational travel, has been severely damaged by consecutive seismic crises, starting with the COVID-19 pandemic and extending into the 15-month war between Israel and Hamas.
At present, traveling to Israel is more expensive and logistically complicated than ever, and many would-be visitors are also concerned about safety. There are persistent flight cancellations and a complicated web of insurance needs.
Most concerning is that surging antisemitism and demonization of Israel on a global scale means that many people, particularly younger people, who travel to Israel pay a social price – on social media, and with their friends and colleagues at their schools and workplaces.
At a time when we so desperately need educational travel experiences to bring us together and lay the foundations for the next generations of Jewish leaders, this crucial intervention is moving further and further out of reach.
The benefits of Israel educational travel aren’t limited to those visiting from abroad. Given the sense of isolation that Israelis feel today at a time of war, every group and even every individual who travels to Israel delivers a modicum of hope and solidarity.
It helps Israelis understand that they aren’t alone; that they’re part of a global Jewish community. It fortifies their mental health and builds their resilience.
We are perilously close to watching our most meaningful and powerful tool for connecting Jews across the globe with each other and a sense of Jewish peoplehood slip through our hands.
On top of all the challenges already stated, countless people who’ve dedicated their lives to the field of Israel educational travel in Israel and North America are enduring hardship as they try to ensure the viability of this field.
Whether they are Israeli tour guides, bus drivers, hotel managers, restaurant owners, trip organizers, or those who lead activities like drum circles, a wide array of professionals engage in this work.
In North America, non-profit trip organizers have had to adjust to the inaccessibility of Israel travel by laying off, rehiring, and again laying off staff all while trying to retain confidence from participants and funders alike.
For five years, the field of Israel educational travel professionals have all navigated unprecedented disruption in their careers, in the world around them, and in the viability of this most important intervention.
Hope for Israel educational travel
NOW, THE ceasefire agreement offers not only a glimmer of hope for Israel educational travel, but also a crucial opportunity for Israeli society to invest in restrengthening this field.
That’s precisely why the inaugural Israel Educational Travel Alliance (IETA) Leaders Summit, which took place from January 20-23 in Jerusalem, couldn’t have come at a better moment.
As a consortium of more than 100 non-profit Israel educational travel organizations, programs, and philanthropies, we convened to discuss the future of our field in this post-October 7 climate and to brainstorm solutions to the chronic challenges we’ve experienced since 2020.
This year, we were joined for the first time by the most common for-profit Israel-based partners: tour organizers and educators (guides) with the goal of bridging our unique experiences in North America and Israel and establishing a comprehensive conversation about the future of Israel educational travel.
The alliance began as a grassroots initiative and is currently housed within the Jewish Federations of North America (JFNA). The Jewish Agency for Israel was happy to support IETA from its inception, and now to continue to partner in expanding this alliance and its efforts.
The conference made a clear statement: There is a field of Israel educational travel, and as professionals in that field, we have the responsibility to make sure there is access to Israel educational travel that is excellent in design and implementation, affordable, and impactful.
At the summit, the days we spent on the ground in regions across Israel – from North to South to Centre – enabled us to engage in high-level conversations on how to tell Israel’s multilayered story today.
Additionally, the encounters between North American and Israeli partners in the industry was particularly important – to be able to walk, sit, talk together, and strategize how to create the best Israel educational travel experiences for all types of groups.
Our message to Israeli society is clear: Work with us to strengthen the field of Israel educational travel.
In the Jewish world, there’s no shortage of people who are eager to visit Israel right now. They need more feasible ways of getting there financially and logistically, and to feel reassured about their safety – all priority issues for the IETA and for Israeli society to enable a return to travel at scale.
As Israel educational travel in all its forms represents a crucial vehicle for connecting the Jewish people, the Jewish Agency is proud to support this field.
We don’t yet possess all the answers and solutions, but we’re making notable progress. Let’s work together to help Jews around the world return to Israel as a canvas for Jewish identity and peoplehood that brings us closer and inspires us into this next chapter.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-841894
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Israel Lawmakers Must Do More To Support Idf Widows And Orphans
By Shlomi Nahumson ‘
February 13, 2025
The Israel-Hamas War has left us with many heroes – some returned home, but many did not. The bereaved families, the widows, and the orphans are left to face a new reality filled with unbearable pain.
It is clear to all that no war comes without a price. But the real question is: who bears that price, and how does our society choose to support them? In these days, as Israel rallies around its heroes, we have a moral duty to also look at those left behind – the women and children whose world was shattered in an instant.
Unlike the fleeting moments of battlefield heroism, grief is an unending journey. Widows who lost their loved ones in a single moment find themselves navigating a complex bureaucratic system, facing financial hardship, and above all – coping with an overwhelming emotional reality. The children, suddenly orphaned, must confront an irreplaceable loss.
While the Israeli public demonstrates extraordinary solidarity, we must ensure that the state does more. Rights, emotional support, and financial assistance are not luxuries – they are a moral obligation.
Time and again, war proves the strength of our people – our unity, our willingness to sacrifice for the greater good. But it also forces us to ask difficult questions: Are IDF widows receiving everything they need to rebuild their lives? Do children who have lost a parent have the emotional and financial resources to thrive despite their grief? Is the state truly upholding its commitments to these families, or are they merely empty words?
The public struggle must go beyond recognition and appreciation – it must focus on the day after. On psychological support, financial assistance, and real care for those most directly impacted by this war. The battle of our fallen loved ones has ended, but our battle – to ensure that no widow and no orphan is left alone – has only just begun.
We live in a country that prides itself on “leaving no one behind.” But is this truly the case for IDF widows and orphans? Does our society remember the price they continue to pay, day after day, long after the headlines have changed?
Every time we see a young widow struggling to support her family alone, or a child who lost a father and is unable to find a supportive framework – it is a wake-up call. Saying “we stand with you” is not enough – we must ensure that they are never left to face this reality alone.
Take action
I call on Israel’s lawmakers and leaders: Do not settle for a moment of silence and passionate speeches. Take action.
Offer solutions. Secure the future of these families. Enshrine widows’ rights in law, allocate dedicated budgets to support bereaved families over time, provide orphaned children with all the tools they need to grow despite their pain, and regulate the status of orphans over the age of 21. We must not leave them behind.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-841899
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It Is In Israel’s Interest Backing Azerbaijan In Its Conflict With Armenia
By Mordechai Kedar
February 13, 2025
In “Backing an assault by Azerbaijan on Armenia is not in Israel’s interest” (January 26, 2025), Dan Perry and Gilad Sher say Israel should back Armenia in its conflict with Azerbaijan or at least keep a neutral standpoint.
They are totally mistaken; The Jewish state should back Azerbaijan in any of its conflicts, especially those with Iran and its ally, Armenia.
Perry and Sher admit, “The regime in Baku sells oil to Israel, buys Israeli weapons, and offers a forward base for monitoring and countering Iran.” This means Azerbaijan is an essential element in Israel’s security.
After all, it is the only friendly state that borders the Islamic Republic, which makes it possible for Israel to use it for intelligence purposes and possibly operations as well.
“Recently, Azerbaijan has shown that its ambitions extend to sovereign territory in Armenia: the seizure of the so-called Zangezur corridor in southern Armenia, in the region of Syunik,” they wrote.
And they are right – and Israel should support the Azerbaijani demand to control the Zangezur corridor since it cuts the territorial connection between Iran and Armenia, and is in Israel’s interest. Perry and Sher are afraid that “by linking Turkey with Azerbaijan and Central Asia, this corridor would extend Turkish influence across the region.”
Just to remind them, Turkey already has a significant influence on Turkish-speaking countries in Central Asia and the Caucasus, such as Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan, and the Zangezur corridor will enable Ankara to create a land line – railway and roads – between Europe and China passing through Turkey.
Such a lane might push Turkey to a more economy-directed policy aiming at regional peace and security rather than shaking the international boat with radical policies.
Perry and Sher remind us that “Erdogan’s support for Islamist militias in Syria has entrenched Turkey’s influence there, particularly in the northwest.” However, they have forgotten that these “Islamist militias” kicked Iran and its proxies out of Syria and cut off the Syrian passage of Iranian missiles, weapons, and ammunition from Iran to Hezbollah in Lebanon. Isn’t that in Israel’s interest?
They claim that “the loss of this corridor would also devastate Armenia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, signalling to other authoritarian regimes that aggression against weaker neighbours will go unchecked.” We should remember that the Azerbaijani demand to control the corridor is based on the 2020 ceasefire agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
The authors are totally mistaken in concluding that, “As for Israel, supporting the Zangezur corridor’s seizure in any way would cross a dangerous line. Israel should oppose this move, balancing its strategic alliance with Azerbaijan…”
These relations are of the highest importance
No, Israel should enhance its relations with Azerbaijan as much as possible since these relations are of the highest importance, especially in the near future when Iran might cross the threshold on its way to a nuclear bomb.
The strategic location of Azerbaijan and its special importance for Israel’s security imposes on the Jewish state the necessity to adopt a crystal-clear policy of support for such an ally.
Friendship is tested in times of necessity, and if Azerbaijan needs Israel’s support, it should be given – generously and decisively. Loyalty to friends is a highly important component of any state’s status in the international arena.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-841897
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Gaza: Between The Departure Of Hamas And The Displacement Of Its Residents
Abdulrahman Al-Rashed
February 12, 2025
How have the challenges surrounding Gaza shifted so quickly from the removal of Hamas to the forced displacement of its entire population?
Hamas has once again miscalculated future developments, particularly regarding Donald Trump’s return to the US presidency. The group stalled or delayed negotiations for nearly nine months before reaching a resolution. However, with the change in leadership in Washington, Hamas’ chances have diminished, while the suffering of Gaza’s residents continues.
President Trump is unlike his predecessor, Joe Biden. He has decided to undo everything his predecessor sought to achieve. A clear example of this is that instead of focusing on removing Hamas, he has introduced the idea of displacing the people of Gaza.
Certainly, Trump’s plan to expel 2 million people is unrealistic, violates international law and lacks support — even within his own administration and in Congress. However, this does not necessarily mean he will be deterred from attempting to implement it, unless Arab leaders, in their upcoming meetings with him, succeed in persuading him to abandon the idea.
Initially, the issue at hand was halting the destruction of Gaza and liberating it from both Israel and Hamas. But now it has escalated into a different crisis that threatens Gaza, the West Bank, Egypt and Jordan. Even if Trump ultimately backs down from his proposal, any conflict with Egypt and Jordan would have serious repercussions for both countries and the broader region.
With the presidential transition in the US and Benjamin Netanyahu’s successful efforts to mend his relationship with Trump, I fear that Gaza is at risk of facing a second round of war. Hamas refuses to leave, while Israel still has the desire and military capability to continue fighting for another year.
Ultimately, Israel will succeed in eliminating what remains of Hamas, having already destroyed or killed much of what was left in the Strip.
This presents Hamas with another opportunity to correct past mistakes and make a responsible decision in the interests of the 2 million people who have endured immense suffering as a consequence of its Oct. 7, 2023, attack. Despite claims of victory, the people of Gaza know the truth better than anyone else. The Palestinian Authority regained control of Gaza in 2005 and, under an agreement, settlements were dismantled and all settlers were removed.
Following the destruction Gaza has suffered, Hamas has the ability to thwart efforts for the mass displacement of its people. It can negotiate its own departure in exchange for halting Trump’s plan. The choice, therefore, is either Hamas or 2 million Palestinians.
The Israelis see the armed movement as a vulnerability they can exploit to advance their agenda. At the same time, they seek to prevent any strengthening of the Palestinian Authority or the establishment of any non-Israeli governance in Gaza, as well as any progress toward a two-state solution. Hamas, or at least its Achilles’ heel — its stubbornness — will ultimately assist Netanyahu in securing the support he needs from Trump for his military projects and political changes, which he may still wish to pursue.
Will Hamas prioritize responsibility over populism and take the necessary steps to shift Trump’s plan from displacement to reconstruction?
Additionally, there will be no funding for Gaza’s reconstruction, regardless of any promises made, as long as international and Arab donors believe that the possibility of another war remains open. In the past, hundreds of millions of dollars were spent rebuilding Gaza, only for conflicts with Israel to destroy everything that had been constructed.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2589992
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A Palestinian National Unity Government Is Urgently Needed
Daoud Kuttab
February 12, 2025
One of the many reasons US President Donald Trump made his outlandish remarks about taking over Gaza and removing its people was based on false information. Trump, — who seems to have only been briefed by his right-wing Cabinet and ambassadorial team, as well as Benjamin Netanyahu, who is wanted for war crimes — argued that there is no one that can govern Gaza. That falsehood has been created because the current settler-influenced Israeli government not only refuses to allow Hamas to govern the Gaza Strip but also rejects any role for the Ramallah-based Palestinian government.
Naturally, much can be said about the performance of the Palestine Liberation Organization’s leadership in Ramallah, but no one questions its legitimacy. In fact, the Israelis themselves recognize, deal with and sometimes honour the agreements signed with the PLO.
The second and third phases of the current ceasefire agreement include the need to finalize the prisoner exchange and end the Israeli army’s presence in the Gaza Strip and along the Egyptian border with Palestine. This will require an answer as to who will govern Gaza and thereby ensure that the Oct. 7, 2023, cross-border attack by Hamas’ military wing will not be repeated.
Various offers have been made in this regard but they have all failed to materialize. Israel has made it clear that it refuses any Hamas role, as well as any role for the legitimate Palestinian government based in Ramallah.
For its part, Israel has attempted to recreate what was known in the 1980s as the Village Leagues, which basically means appointing local tribal and large family leaders to run Gaza. No one from Gaza was interested.
Then Egypt offered a technocratic committee made up of people who are neither Hamas nor Fatah. The Palestinian leadership rejected this idea, fearing it would create a dual legal system, one in Gaza and one in the West Bank, thereby legitimizing rather than ending the split.
The PLO-Hamas split was caused when Hamas militants threw out the national guard security that was loyal to the Palestinian presidency and replaced it with what was then called the Executive Force, made up of armed Hamas personnel.
The fact is that Hamas cannot and is unlikely to rule Gaza not only because Israel will not agree to it, but also because the Strip will receive no reconstruction funds if the group continues to govern it. But while Hamas will not solely govern Gaza, there is no doubt that anyone doing so will need to have the acquiescence of the armed men of Hamas that have withstood and caused pain and damage to the Israeli army, and therefore could do the same to any invader that enters without their approval.
The above failures all make it clear that the best and most sustainable solution that will receive acceptance by the world community is some form of the current Ramallah-based Palestinian government. But for the Ramallah security forces to be able to govern the Gaza Strip, a political solution needs to be found to which Hamas will agree.
The general framework that many believe can work is for a national unity government to be formed in consultation with the political leadership of Hamas. Such a government need not have any Hamas members in it, but it would make sense if Hamas could be involved in the choice of the governing team and could reach an agreement with the PLO on the way a national unity government running the West Bank and Gaza would operate.
Such a unity government would require an agreement on the future efforts aimed at ending the Israeli occupation and ensuring the creation of an independent Palestinian state. Politically, Hamas agrees to a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, but the big question is how to get to that goal. Here, a major disagreement might arise, as Hamas will insist on the need for retaining some form of armed resistance to the occupation, while the moderate PLO leadership under Mahmoud Abbas has long opposed any form of militarization of the resistance, considering that the group has signed an agreement with Israel.
The Oslo Accords were supposed to be a five-year transitional period, but that has turned into more than 30 years. It is also true that the illegal Jewish settler population has quadrupled in size since the signing of the Declaration of Principles at the White House in 1993. On the other hand, the armed resistance that Hamas espouses has also proven disastrous to the Palestinian people, even though it has helped gain (due largely to the Israelis’ genocidal war) huge sympathy and solidarity around the world.
Palestinians need to remove any excuse or justification for delaying Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza in the next two phases by quickly reaching some sort of power-sharing plan that can include a national unity government to govern Gaza and help usher in funding for its reconstruction. This government also needs to be empowered to engage politically with Israel and the US to reach a permanent solution that can allow for the creation of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2589975
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