Middle East Press On: Hagari, Israel, Turkiye, Kurdish, Ramadan, Al-Aqsa: New Age Islam's Selection, 10 March 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
10 March 2025
We Must Thank Hagari's Resilience And Voice In Israel's Hardest Days
My Life-Changing Experience At Alexander Muss High School In Israel
What Turkiye’s Kurdish Process Means For The Broader Region
Will Key Ramadan Dates Be Trouble-Free At Al-Aqsa?
No Negotiations Before Total Iranian Nuclear Rollback
Broken Toys Among The Ashes: Children In The Shadow Of War
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We Must Thank Hagari's Resilience And Voice In Israel's Hardest Days
By Jpost Editorial
March 10, 2025
Few people were surprised last week when the new IDF chief of staff, Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir, announced that R.-Adm. Daniel Hagari would no longer be the army’s chief spokesperson.
It was widely presumed that Hagari would be replaced, not only because most new IDF chiefs prefer to install a close ally in the spokesperson’s position but also because he had publicly clashed with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the coalition – over the probe into some of Netanyahu’s staff for allegedly mishandling classified information relating to hostages held by Hamas, as well as regarding integrating haredim (ultra-Orthodox) into the army.
The first spokesperson to emerge from the navy, Hagari served as a top aide to former IDF chiefs Benny Gantz and Gadi Eisenkot.
Unlike many predecessors in the role, he was also a commander at multiple levels of the elite Shayetet 13 naval commando unit, which meant his identity was kept secret for most of his career.
Trust in leadership
After October 7, as Israelis' confidence and trust in their leaders and national institutions plummeted to an unprecedented low, Israel acquired the much-needed national comforter Hagari. Across the country, millions of Israelis heard his voice.
Hagari became a “celebrity” within the first few days of the war, since every day, and, at times, more than once daily, he was the only Israeli official updating the public about what was happening post-October 7. Articulate and intelligent, he worked very well with his unit’s reservists on his public appearances, many of whom are in senior roles in society.
Hagari was also the first spokesperson in the past few decades, if ever, to regularly speak to the international media. None of the previous spokespeople over this time period ran press conferences for the global media, but Hagari did so daily during the war.
English isn’t his mother tongue, though he still successfully got the message across efficiently and concisely. He also successfully managed several massive international crises almost by himself, such as when Hamas falsely claimed that the IDF shot a missile at a hospital in Gaza.
From his earliest daily briefings to the Israeli public until now, Hagari has been willing to speak to the public not only during the ecstatic highs of hostage releases and rescues but also during the most destabilizing lows, when no one else in the political or military echelon dared.
Hagari’s influence on Israel’s perception and public diplomacy, ranging from organizing English-language press conferences for international reporters to filming tours of Hamas tunnels and Gazan schools used for terror, cannot be understated.
However, despite widespread recognition, Hagari’s tenure was not without its challenges. Some critics argued that his frequent media appearances risked overexposure, potentially diluting the impact of his messages.
Others questioned whether his public clashes with Netanyahu over issues like the handling of classified information and haredi integration into the army blurred the line between military and political spheres – a charge Hagari faced more than once during the war.
But it was not just as the face of the most barbaric war against the most barbaric opponents that Israel has known that Hagari stood alone. His humane empathy shone through and, at times, even took him beyond his remit.
At the end of February, Hagari announced in a statement, “Yarden Bibas left his home on October 7 to protect his family and was kidnapped. Yarden looked me in the eyes yesterday and asked that the whole world know and be shocked by the way his children were murdered.”
It wasn’t Hagari’s responsibility to meet with hostage families or the hostages themselves – other than the five observers, who are still in active IDF duty. He met with numerous families and took responsibility for issues that weren’t really his to take – since there was nobody else to take this responsibility.
At a time when politicians were silent, and when the prime minister was struggling to find the moral responsibility to lead his people through war, Hagari’s ability’s to stand up and tell the world what was happening, his compassion, and his demeanor are something that people will come back to time and time again in the future, as the story of October 7 and the war against Hamas is retold.
As a lifelong servant of the nation and a lone voice during Israel’s hardest days, we say thank you, Daniel Hagari.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-845371
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My Life-Changing Experience At Alexander Muss High School In Israel
By Jordan Dakoff, In Collaboration With Jnf-Usa
March 9, 2025
Nearly two years ago, I had the incredible opportunity to attend Jewish National Fund-USA’s Alexander Muss High School in Israel (Muss), which was an experience that profoundly shaped my identity, deepened my connection to Israel, and ignited my passion to advocate for our Jewish people. Growing up in a Zionist household, I always felt a connection to Israel, but my time at Muss deepened my understanding of Zionism and transformed that connection into action. It was more than just a semester of school for me—it was a journey of self-discovery, education, and growth that has left an everlasting impact on my life.
A Study Abroad Experience Like No Other
I first heard about Muss through my cousins who attended and raved about the experience. The idea of studying abroad in Israel, especially in a program that emphasized experiential learning, intrigued me. I knew that Muss would not only provide me with an excellent academic experience, but would also provide the avenue to explore my heritage in a way that was personal and meaningful.
In our Israel Studies class, we learned Jewish and Israeli history and then physically traveled to the places we just learned about; history came alive in a way no textbook ever could. My favorite aspect of Muss was the tiyulim (trips) that took us all over Israel and a week in Poland.
Whether a day of hiking in majestic Mitzpe Ramon in the Negev, the three-day Yam L’Yam hike (from the Dead Sea to the Mediterranean Sea), exploring the stone walkways of Jerusalem’s Old City, dancing at the Kotel, or trekking up Masada in the pitch black of night to watch the sunrise over the horizon, every tiyul reinforced the deep history and resilience of our Jewish people.
I’ll never forget standing at the Kotel after learning stories about the destruction of the Second Temple, gently placing my hands on the ancient stones, and feeling an overwhelming sense of belonging and connection to my ancestors. Similarly, when we were in Poland and I was touching the last remnant of the Warsaw Ghetto wall and standing on the train tracks leading to where over 1.1 million Jews died in Auschwitz-Birkenau, I felt immense and deep emotions for the hardships endured by previous generations of our people. It was moments like these that solidified my love for Israel and my unwavering commitment to preserving and sharing our history.
Memories and Skills to Last a Lifetime
In addition to attending classes, I made friends that will last a lifetime. Together, we experienced walking the path of 4,000 years of Jewish history and 125 years of modern Zionism, but we also spent an untold number of hours together laughing and making memories whether hanging out in the community rec area, walking to Hod HaSharon for a meal or shopping, or staying up late talking endlessly in our dorm room.
Muss also helped me develop essential life skills. Living in Israel for a semester taught me independence, adaptability, and leadership. I had to advocate for myself when needed, manage my time between schoolwork and exploring the country, and learn to live in a communal environment. I became more confident in my ability to take initiative, make decisions, and advocate for myself and others. Most importantly, I learned the value of standing up for what I believe in, which may not always be what the crowd thinks.
Now That I'm Home
Since returning from Muss, I have dedicated myself to continuing my education about Israel and Jewish history and remaining active in the community. In addition to several other roles, I was a Jewish National Fund-USA Sababa Fellow, held several BakeAgainstHate Community Bake Sales, and this past December, I spoke at their annual Breakfast for Israel in Chicago. I also created an Instagram account to reclaim the Zionist narrative to one of positivity to combat misinformation about Zionism. You can find my project at “Zionism_Reclaimed.”
Muss gave me the foundation and the confidence to dream big and make a difference for Israel and the Jewish people. I am forever grateful to have experienced Muss.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-845288
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What Turkiye’s Kurdish Process Means For The Broader Region
Dr. Sinem Cengiz
March 09, 2025
In a historic call, the PKK’s imprisoned ringleader Abdullah Ocalan last month urged the Kurdish militant group to lay down its arms, disband and bring an end to its decades-long conflict with the Turkish state. Resolving the conflict will not be without obstacles, given its complexity and the involvement of several stakeholders. However, if the PKK heeds its leader’s call and the process progresses positively, it could not only offer a significant opportunity to reshape Turkiye’s domestic politics, but also its foreign policy — most importantly, its relations with neighboring countries that have Kurdish populations, namely Syria, Iraq and Iran. So, what does this process mean for the region and beyond?
The call to dissolve the PKK came at a time when Syria had entered a new phase, after the four-decade-old Assad regime, which had long used the PKK as a tool against Turkiye, had collapsed. Historically, Syria has served as a key haven for PKK militants to train and launch attacks on Turkiye. The PKK’s Syrian branch, the YPG, had also strengthened its position in the face of Syria being a failed state, prompting Turkiye to launch several military operations in order to eliminate the threat Ankara deemed that it posed. While the US and the EU have designated the PKK as a terrorist organization, the Syrian Democratic Forces, led by the YPG, has not been classified as such. Moreover, it has been seen by Washington as a key actor in the fight against Daesh since 2014.
Despite the SDF commander’s claim that Ocalan’s call does not apply to the group, as it considers itself distinct from the PKK, the SDF is evolving its strategy given the change in leadership in the Syrian Arab Republic. It aims to resolve issues with the new Damascus government in order to integrate itself into the new Syrian security structure. With the shifting balance of power in Syria and change of policies in the US, regional states and nonstate actors alike have started to reassess their strategies.
Beyond Syria, the success of this process will also impact the presence of the PKK in Iraq, especially at a time when Ankara and Baghdad are strengthening their security and political ties. In the past, one of the most contentious issues between the two countries was Turkiye’s military operations against the PKK in Iraq, which Baghdad viewed as a violation of its sovereignty.
However, if the PKK dissolves and disarms in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq, it would significantly alter the security dynamics between Turkiye and Iraq, removing the primary point of contention from their burgeoning relationship. In northern Iraq, the Kurdistan Regional Government has also welcomed Ocalan’s call, describing it as an important step toward achieving stability in the region.
The dissolution of the PKK would also have implications for Iran, where the Kurdistan Free Life Party, founded on the PKK’s ideology, has maintained a ceasefire with Tehran since 2011. Ocalan’s call for “all groups to lay down their arms” extends to all factions, including in Iran, signaling a broader regional shift. In the past, Iran has exploited Kurdish groups to counter Turkiye’s influence in the region. The end of the PKK in the region would likely compel Iran to change its strategy toward groups such as the Kurdistan Free Life Party. Moreover, Turkish-Iranian tensions soared last week following Ankara’s warning to Tehran not to support the SDF in Syria.
In Turkiye’s domestic political arena, analysts suggest that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who is pushing for a constitutional amendment to potentially further extend his tenure, will need support beyond his own party. Securing new coalition partners — especially from the pro-Kurdish parties — will be crucial. While the previous peace process with the PKK, which took place between 2011 and 2014, collapsed due to developments in Syria and domestic political struggles, this new call comes at a time of unprecedented political and security shifts in the region. If all PKK-affiliated Kurdish groups were to heed Ocalan’s call to disarm and dissolve, it could mark a significant breakthrough for all parties, bringing the stability that all these regional actors have desired for decades.
This renewed peace process is also viewed as a means to strengthen not only Turkiye’s economy but also those of Iraq and Syria, while removing a significant barrier to their reintegration into a Turkiye-led regional economy. Several projects are already on the agenda, including the Development Road scheme with Iraq.
The PKK was both a threat and a tool in the hands of previous governments in Syria, Iran and Iraq, but it was also used by Israel as a geopolitical tool in regional conflicts. For instance, Israel has historically supported the Kurdish autonomous regions in Syria and Iraq, viewing them as potential tools against Iran. Israeli policy toward the Kurds remains closely linked to its vision for a broader Middle East. This approach is seen as a threat by all regional states, not only now but even decades ago.
With the emergence of a new Syrian government, the weakening of Iran’s influence and Washington’s plan to end its military strategy in the region, the peace process comes on to the agenda at a pivotal moment. While all regional actors have expressed support for the call, cautious optimism remains. Only time will tell whether the call for PKK disarmament will initiate a new era of peace, bringing an end to four decades of conflict.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2593023
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Will Key Ramadan Dates Be Trouble-Free At Al-Aqsa?
Daoud Kuttab
March 09, 2025
The month of Ramadan has a special flavour in Jerusalem, especially in the courtyards and mosques that make up Al-Haram Al-Sharif, which is home to Al-Aqsa Mosque. Whenever the term Al-Aqsa is used, most people fail to realize that the reference is to an entire area, clearly demarcated with gates, containing various institutions and places of worship.
This area’s most important place of worship is Masjid Al-Qibli, the silver-domed mosque at the northern end. Second in importance is the gold-covered Dome of the Rock. Because of its size and the number of worshippers, Masjid Al-Qibli is dedicated to male worshippers, whereas the Dome of the Rock is partly or entirely (depending on attendance) set aside for female worshippers. In addition, there is the Islamic Museum, other institutions and places of learning, plus the Bab Al-Rahmeh prayer halls.
In addition to buildings, the 144-dunam compound also contains large open spaces, which allow for the overflow of worshippers. This can fit as many as half a million worshippers. Friday prayers, especially during Ramadan, witness an ever-growing number of worshippers, often in the hundreds of thousands.
The Israeli occupation often tries to restrict attendance to Al-Aqsa, but on Fridays during Ramadan its security personnel cannot keep up with the huge crowds. The restrictions are therefore transferred to checkpoints at the various entrances to the holy city, from the north, east and south. Also, Israel at times tries to restrict entry to the Old City itself, forcing worshippers to pray at the nearest location to Al-Aqsa, meaning they are not able to listen to the Friday sermons.
Before the most recent Israeli elections in 2022, which brought far-right and racist leaders into government, Israel would keep all non-Muslims away from the holy mosque, even outside of praying hours. But following the ascension of Itamar Ben-Gvir to the post of national security minister, the insistence that Jews could visit the mosque grew, much to the anger and rejection of the Jordanian Waqf that administers the site. This year, with Ben-Gvir no longer a minister, the new police order is to restrict “visits” to smaller groups and only once a day.
But while making some concessions, the Israeli government has also increased the number of Palestinians denied entry to Al-Aqsa Mosque. The Israeli police force has recommended and the courts have rubber-stamped orders denying tens of Palestinians the right to worship in their mosque for six months on undocumented allegations relating to security considerations. However, a closer look at those affected reveals that they include all Palestinian prisoners from Jerusalem that were recently released as part of the Gaza ceasefire agreement.
The absurdity of automatically considering every released Palestinian to be a security threat was exposed when the ban on worshipping in Al-Aqsa Mosque was extended to Khaled El-Halabi. El-Halabi, who served 20 years of a 28-year prison term, is a Palestinian Christian who would not normally participate in prayers at the Islamic shrine, thus proving that the motivation for preventing worship is not security-related, but is rather a revenge punishment against Palestinian former prisoners.
Despite these restrictions, which are a violation of the right to worship, it is expected that tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, will worship during Ramadan. Of special interest, however, is what happens in the last 10 days of the holy month, when Muslims stay up all night at the mosque because it was on one of those days that the Qur’an was revealed to Prophet Muhammad. Among those last 10 days, the 27th day of Ramadan is given special status. It is called Laylat Al-Qadr (the night of power), which is when the Holy Qur'an was revealed.
In previous years, Israeli security forces have physically tried to prevent worshippers from staying overnight on those days. It is unclear what will happen this Ramadan, however, as the region continues to suffer from a state of instability, which has kept people concerned about trouble being caused for the simplest of excuses to fulfil the wishes of radical politicians.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2593009
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No Negotiations Before Total Iranian Nuclear Rollback
By Mark Dubowitz, Jacob Nagel
March 9, 2025
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit to Washington marked an important moment in US-Israel relations. As the first foreign leader received by President Trump in this new phase of his presidency, Netanyahu was welcomed with high honors, reminiscent of their 2017 meeting. While much of the public focus was on Gaza, the most critical discussions behind closed doors centered on the Iranian threat—the regime’s nuclear ambitions, its regional aggression, and its sponsorship of terrorism.
Though the public statements suggested a broad consensus between Washington and Jerusalem on Iran, potentially troubling developments have emerged. On Friday, Trump confirmed to Fox News that he had written a letter to Iran’s supreme leader Ali Khamenei offering negotiations, a letter that the Iranian leader rejected at this stage. Trump warned Iran that it can either "make a deal" with the US or face the US "militarily. Meanwhile, there is a dialogue between the United States and Russia about the need to open negotiations on a new nuclear deal, with Iran.
These are tough words. But any talk of negotiating a new nuclear agreement—before Iran meets strict preconditions—is a dangerous mistake. The focus must not be on what a future agreement might look like, but on what Iran must do before any talks begin. This was the fatal flaw of the nuclear negotiations under Obama.
Western negotiators began with demands for zero enrichment mandated by multiple UN Security Council resolutions and ended up surrendering to Tehran an industrial-size enrichment capability that would lead to rapid nuclear weapons breakout over time along with hundreds of billions of dollars in sanctions relief.
Violation of agreement
For years, Iran has systematically violated international agreements, deceived inspectors, and developed nuclear capabilities under the cover of diplomacy. A nuclear deal that merely attempts to improve on the JCPOA—without addressing Iran’s fundamental nuclear infrastructure—will lead to another disaster.
Any agreement must comprehensively dismantle all three pillars of Iran’s nuclear program: fissile material production – Iran must completely eliminate its stockpiles of enriched uranium, destroy its centrifuges, and shut down all conversion and enrichment facilities; weaponization – Iran must halt all weapon design and development activities, fully disclose past work, and dismantle research centers working on nuclear warhead technology; and delivery systems– Iran’s ballistic missile program, which is designed for nuclear payloads, must be stopped, with clear restrictions and verifiable enforcement mechanisms.
Critically, Iran must not be allowed to retain any nuclear capabilities on its soil. The world made this mistake once with the JCPOA, granting Tehran legitimacy while it continued developing its weapons program in secret. The only acceptable outcome is Iran’s complete nuclear rollback, enforced by intrusive inspections. Tehran can have a civilian nuclear energy program without uranium enrichment, advanced centrifuges or plutonium reprocessing. It can buy fuel rods from abroad like over 20 other countries do to power its existing nuclear reactor and any additional others it plans to build. But all must be fully proliferation proof.
Given the high likelihood that Iran will reject such preconditions to start a negotiation process, Israel must prepare for a large-scale campaign to neutralize the Iranian nuclear threat. This should ideally be done in full cooperation with the United States. The strategic priority must be clear: First, eliminate Iran’s weaponization activities and its stockpiled enriched uranium. Then, enrichment facilities like Natanz and Fordow will be dismantled and destroyed.
Destroying nuclear sites without addressing weaponization would be a mistake. Iran’s extensive work on warhead design, combined with its existing uranium stockpile and advanced centrifuges, would enable it to recover quickly—even demand international legitimacy for its program after an attack.
The responsibility of countering Iran’s nuclear ambitions now falls on Israel’s 24th Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir. He carries the weight of ensuring that Iran’s nuclear threat is neutralized before it reaches the point of no return. The Israeli people stand behind him, and the government must ensure that he has all the necessary resources to carry out this mission effectively.
At the same time, full cooperation with the United States is essential. While Israel must be prepared to act alone, if necessary, an American-Israeli partnership significantly strengthens deterrence and operational capabilities. Washington and Jerusalem must work together to remove the most dangerous threat to Israel’s existence.
The time for diplomacy ended the moment Iran violated its commitments and raced toward nuclear breakout. The last thing President Trump should want is to be compared to Barack Obama, whose nuclear deal enabled Iran’s nuclear and regional aggression. The lesson from 2015 is clear: No more half-measures, no more bad deals, and no negotiations until Iran commits to completely dismantling its nuclear program.
Brig. Gen. (res.) Jacob Nagel is a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defence of Democracies (FDD) and a professor at Technion. He served as National Security Advisor to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and as acting head of the National Security Council. Mark Dubowitz is FDD’s chief executive and an expert on Iran’s nuclear program and sanctions. In 2019, he was sanctioned by Iran.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-845366
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Broken Toys Among The Ashes: Children In The Shadow Of War
By Melda Civelek
Mar 10, 2025
Even when the sound of the bombs stops, the screams of children continue to echo for generations in the debris left behind. The children who survive these conflicts are silent witnesses who are ignored, especially by so-called civilized societies, but carry the deepest scars.
War, one of the most brutal scenes in human history, leaves irreversible damage not only on the conflicting parties on the front lines but also on the minds of innocent children who have to grow up in that geography. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, far beyond the political and ideological conflicts that have been going on for years, inflicts irreversible wounds on children's mental health; the cold reality of war disrupts children's most basic emotional and cognitive development processes. A generation growing up in the deadly shadow of bombs struggles for life not only with physical destruction but also with the invisible wounds they carry in their souls.
War threatens not only the physical safety of children but also their emotional attachment. The loss of a mother, father or loved one creates a deep mourning in young victims. Children do not have the same developed coping mechanisms as adults in understanding and coping with their lost loved ones. For this reason, losses trigger a deep sense of grief and hopelessness. Traumatic losses in particular reinforce the belief in children that their perception of the world is an unsafe and dangerous place.
Invisible anatomy of trauma
Since children are still forming their emotional and cognitive structures at a developmental level, they are more sensitive to extremely traumatic events such as war. Childhood is a critical phase in which an individual's basic sense of trust is built and they gain the ability to make sense of the world and regulate their emotions. However, for a child growing up amid war, these developmental areas are often deeply damaged.
They are at risk of developing serious psychological disorders such as developmental trauma disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety and depression, especially due to the intense stress they are exposed to at an early age. The violence, loss and deprivation witnessed every day in the Palestinian territories shakes children's sense of security to its core; it undermines and even breaks down psychological resilience, leaving an emotional wreckage that will not be erased even in later periods of their lives. Studies show that living under constant threat develops hypervigilance (excessive alertness) behavior in children, and symptoms such as sleep disorders, nightmares and introversion become chronic.
For these children, war is not only a physical conflict; it also means an emotional rupture and a deep hole in identity construction. A child who constantly witnesses death and destruction begins to perceive the world as an untrustworthy and dangerous place; especially children who experience the loss of a parent or witness their parents' helplessness experience serious ruptures in basic attachment dynamics. From the perspective of developmental psychology, it is known that such post-traumatic experiences experienced in the early period fundamentally shake both the child's sense of self and the sense of trust he/she has in others, seriously weakening his/her ability to form healthy relationships in later life.
Transmitted traumatic cycle
War leaves indelible marks on children's bodies and minds. Children who are constantly exposed to bombing, destruction and violence develop somatic symptoms such as nightmares, palpitations, sudden startles and sleep disorders. In addition, symptoms such as social withdrawal, mental distractions and a decrease in academic success are also common. Some children exposed to advanced levels of trauma may develop dissociative symptoms and lose their perception of reality.
The impact of war on children should deeply concern not only individual psychology but also the social structure. Psychological traumas are transmitted to the next generation through an intergenerational transmission mechanism. Children growing up in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict internalize the traumas they are exposed to and carry feelings of anger, helplessness and insecurity into the future; thus, the capacity for empathy and compromise necessary for the construction of peace gradually weakens. While it becomes difficult for a child growing up in an environment of constant war to have hope for the future, the curiosity, play and discovery urges specific to childhood are replaced by self-preservation and the struggle to survive.
To understand the psychological devastation experienced by Palestinian children, it is not enough to make medical diagnoses alone; of course, the trauma of war must be evaluated within the social context of the individual. For these children, who are deprived of their right to education, whose playgrounds are bombed, and who cannot access basic health services, this genocide also produces a systematic deprivation that prevents them from accessing vital resources. In addition to post-traumatic stress disorder, these children have to cope with feelings of hopelessness and worthlessness regarding the future. Traumas experienced, especially during childhood, can negatively affect neurological development, leading to weakened cognitive functions, emotional regulation problems and regression in social skills.
Social responsibility, support
International legal norms and the Convention on the Rights of the Child guarantee the protection of children as a basic human right. However, for children in Palestine, these provisions are condemned to remain on paper. While the world is content to watch this pain that cannot be contained in numbers, the voices of children lost in the darkness of war remain as an echo.
Psychosocial support programs for children who bear the deep scars of war are the most fundamental step in emotional healing. Play therapy, cognitive behavioral therapies and group support programs are vital in making sense of trauma and developing coping mechanisms.
In addition, the international community needs to be sensitive about this issue and focus on protecting children's fundamental right to life. To reduce the permanent effects of wars on children, humanitarian aid should be increased and policies aimed at building peace should be developed.
Ideology of hegemony
At the root of genocide is often an ideology of power. A state or community may see the destruction of the "other" as a necessity to legitimize its own existence. This situation can be explained by Michel Foucault's concept of "bio-power": Modern forms of power not only manage people's lives but also decide which lives are valuable and which are worthless. In this context, genocide is an attempt by power to eliminate the other to ensure its own continuity and to build a "national identity."
When the events in Palestine are evaluated in this context, it is seen that they are related to the Israeli state's practice of strengthening its own national identity and constructing the Palestinian people as a "threat." As Edward Said emphasized in the concept of "Orientalism," the Western world desires to make its own civilization superior by seeing the East as an irrational, primitive and dangerous structure. This perspective turns into a policy of violence that dehumanizes the Palestinian people and ignores their right to life.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/broken-toys-among-the-ashes-children-in-the-shadow-of-war
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URL: https://www.newageislam.com/middle-east-press/hagari-israel-turkiye-kurdish-ramadan-aqsa/d/134822
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