Middle East Press On: Gaza Tribunal, Israeli Immunity, War License: New Age Islam's Selection, 4 November 2025
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
4 November 2025
What Shocks Israel: The Gang-Rape Crime Itself Or That The World Saw It?
Gaza Tribunal A Blueprint To Shatter Israeli Immunity
Why West Bank Is An Appealing Next Target For Netanyahu
How Washington Enables Israel’s Ceasefire Violations And Turns Truce Into War License
‘Serving The Community’: Life At The Islamic University Of Gaza Before The War
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What Shocks Israel: The Gang-Rape Crime Itself Or That The World Saw It?
By Ahmed Asmar
November 3, 2025
Israel has long been a racist and fascist state that seeks to dehumanise Palestinians in every possible way. The latest stark example of this reality was the gang rape crime committed by Israeli soldiers against a Palestinian detainee in the notorious Sde Teiman military prison. Yet, what shocked the Israeli government was not the horrific assault itself, but rather the fact that the footage documenting it was leaked to the media.
In the past week, the Israeli government and military establishment have been preoccupied with blaming Major-General Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi, the Israeli army’s top military prosecutor, for being behind the leaked video—eventually pushing her to resign on Friday amid calls from several Israeli politicians to hold her accountable for the leak. She is also expected to face further questioning in the coming days. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu himself declared that the leak had harmed Israel’s image, describing it as the most “severe public relations attack” on Israel.
This reveals that Israel’s outrage was not over the gang rape crime itself, nor did it carry out a credible or genuine investigation to hold the perpetrators accountable. Rather, the regime’s main concern has been to discover how the footage of such a ruthless and inhumane act found its way to the public.
The leaked footage dates back to August 2024, during Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza. It shows Israeli soldiers grabbing and leading away a blindfolded Palestinian prisoner before surrounding him with riot shields to obscure the rape. The crime sparked a backlash, highlighting Israel’s brutal treatment of Palestinian prisoners, especially those arrested from Gaza during its genocidal war. Since October 2023, more than 80 Palestinian detainees have been killed in Israeli jails due to torture, abuse, and medical negligence.
In response to the leaked video, Israel announced it would conduct an investigation and detain the suspect soldiers. However, this move was nothing more than a charade – a familiar attempt to appease international outrage while ensuring that no real accountability is achieved. Not a single Israeli soldier or settler has ever faced genuine punishment for crimes against Palestinians. In fact, incidents like this only reaffirm that such assaults and abuses are systematic and often encouraged by top Israeli leadership.
Israel’s so-called justice system has long been an instrument of deception; a façade meant to convince the world that there is a functioning rule of law, but in reality, it exists to protect the occupation and those who enforce it.
The case of Shireen Abu Akleh, the Palestinian-American journalist working for Al Jazeera, is a powerful example. She was shot and killed on 11 May 2022 while covering an Israeli military raid in Jenin in the occupied West Bank. Under international pressure, Israel conducted an internal investigation that concluded the killing was “accidental” and that no criminal charges would be filed. This contradicted multiple independent journalistic investigations, which confirmed that Abu Akleh was deliberately targeted, despite wearing clear press markings.
Another case is that of Ayşenur Ezgi Eygi, a Turkish-American activist who was shot in the head in September 2024 while participating in a peaceful protest against Israeli settlements near Nablus. The Israeli military later admitted it was “highly likely” that its forces had fired the shot but described it as “indirect and unintentional.” Again, no one was held accountable.
These examples, among many others, demonstrate that Israel’s investigations into crimes against Palestinians, activists, and journalists are nothing but sham proceedings, a calculated performance to deceive global public opinion into believing there is justice in Israel. In truth, the Israeli judiciary is a political tool for maintaining the occupation and shielding its enforcers.
The Sde Teiman gang rape and the controversy over the leaked video are further evidence of the moral bankruptcy of the Israeli system, in particular its justice system. The crime and its cover-up show that the regime’s priorities are not justice, humanity, or accountability, but rather the preservation of its image and the protection of its soldiers even if they commit crimes. To the regime, the true crime was not the rape itself but the exposure of its cruelty, the tearing down of the carefully maintained façade of “Israeli democracy” and “rule of law.”
For decades, Palestinians have endured a pattern of Israeli brutality met with international silence. The complicity of Western governments and the shameful inaction of the international community have been central to this cycle. By providing unwavering diplomatic cover and blocking accountability at forums like the UN Security Council – the US administration has used its veto power at least three times in favor of Israel since October 2023; these powers have sent a clear message: Israel’s crimes carry no consequence.
The outrage in Israel over the Sde Teiman leak reveals the regime’s deepest fear: exposure. It fears the world seeing beyond its propaganda and witnessing the raw, unfiltered truth of its occupation. In this twisted system, the villain is Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi, accused of leaking the video, not the soldiers who committed the gang rape. As for justice for the Palestinian victim, such a notion does not exist under Israel’s shambolic, biased, and complicit justice system.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20251103-what-shocks-israel-the-gang-rape-crime-itself-or-that-the-world-saw-it/
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Gaza Tribunal A Blueprint To Shatter Israeli Immunity
Dr. Ramzy Baroud
November 03, 2025
In the face of the international legal and political systems’ paralyzing silence and utter failure to hold Israel accountable for its genocide in Gaza, international civil society has refused to stand idly by. Instead, it continues to forge a path, presenting essential working models for what true justice in Palestine must look like.
The latest, and arguably most important, expression of this global conscience is the Gaza Tribunal. Its final session concluded in Istanbul on Oct. 26. The tribunal, launched in London in November 2024 and modeled on the Russell Tribunal into America’s conduct during the Vietnam War, has a mission to activate global civil society and provide a comprehensive “people’s record” by rigorously documenting Israeli crimes against the Palestinian people.
Its activities involved earlier hearings in Sarajevo and consolidating findings across three thematic chambers: international law, international relations and world order, and history, ethics and philosophy. The Istanbul session culminated with a so-called jury of conscience issuing a powerful moral judgment that accused Israel of systematic exterminatory violence.
These civil society-led tribunals aim to fill the ethical and legal void created by the international system’s failure to confront the war crimes carried out by powerful states that are, by all appearances, practically immune from accountability.
In the case of Palestine, such initiatives are critical. They contribute to a well-recorded indictment of Israeli war crimes — and those that enable them through direct funding, the provision of weapons or the blocking of punitive actions at international institutions.
Though mechanisms exist, through the UN Security Council, the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court, the US government and other allies of Israel have consistently blocked or obstructed the legal paths that could have stopped the war of extermination against Palestinians.
The Gaza Tribunal thus becomes a necessary platform for casting educated, evidence-based judgment — the kind of judgment that should have been made by the world court and enforced by the UNSC. Those behind these initiatives are experienced international law experts, academics and well-regarded justice activists. They include renowned figures such as Dr. Richard Falk, the former UN special rapporteur for Palestine and professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University, who served as the tribunal’s president.
In their “Final Findings and Moral Judgment” statement, the panel of judges condemned the Israeli genocide, referencing its “holistic nature,” “dehumanization of the people” and “sadistic character.”
Among other crimes, the judges indicted and condemned Israel for the crimes of starvation and famine, domicide (the deliberate destruction of homes and shelter), ecocide (the systematic destruction of the environment and ecosystems), reprocide (the destruction of conditions for procreation and reproduction) and scholasticide (the systematic destruction of educational facilities, personnel and the collective memory of a people).
The judges also condemned the killing of journalists, the very individuals attempting to document and expose the genocide, along with their families. “Silencing these journalists is instrumental to the concealment of the genocide and more journalists have been killed than in any other conflict,” the final statement read.
The statement further condemned the prevalent use by Israel of torture, sexual violence, forced disappearances and gender-based violence in detention, among a host of other egregious crimes.
Crucially, the final verdict directly assigned responsibility to powerful actors. The tribunal found that “Western governments, particularly the United States and others,” have been complicit in the Israeli genocide and, in some cases, actively colluded with it.
But the scope of the complicity and collusion was not limited to state actors. It extended to the media and academic institutions that, the tribunal found, actively justify the Israeli crimes, silence the Palestinian voice and provide wholesale condemnation of all Palestinians — a position entirely consistent with Israel's own narrative.
The powerful indictment of Israel is not merely symbolic. Its practical value, however, depends entirely on our collective ability to leverage its findings. We must use this evidence to advance the many legal cases lodged against Israeli leaders, military officials and individual soldiers.
The massive files of victim testimonies, expert analysis and eyewitness accounts constitute a treasure trove for those committed to seeing Israeli war criminals punished for one of the worst crimes carried out against a civilian population in modern history.
It is critical to recognize that many of the ongoing legal proceedings concerning Gaza — at the International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Court and various national courts — have been pioneered and sustained by civil society. These efforts are led by human rights groups, legal research organizations and justice activists.
The Gaza Tribunal is, therefore, not an endpoint; it is a vital step on the path to justice and accountability. It has consciously built on the work of past initiatives and now serves as a major, indispensable steppingstone for future action.
Unlike divine judgment, human justice is neither guaranteed nor inevitable; it is a fierce process. Its attainment rests entirely on the determination of those who fight for it and aspire to achieve it.
Friends of Palestine, globally, are unwavering in their resolve to shatter Israeli immunity once and for all. The Gaza Tribunal is a powerful weapon in their arsenal. Its success hinges on our unyielding faith in the process and our ironclad determination to follow through.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2621292
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Why West Bank Is An Appealing Next Target For Netanyahu
Chris Doyle
November 03, 2025
For weeks, the question on Palestine hurled incessantly at every talking head, expert and nonexpert alike, has been “what comes next?” A full-scale genocide in Gaza has morphed into a semi-ceasefire, an on-off Israeli war that will test the Trump administration’s resolve. How long can senior American figures spend “Bibi-sitting” before the president gets fed up?
But if the new normal becomes this slowed down genocide, with fewer bombings and minimal aid, what are Benjamin Netanyahu’s options? For the last two years, his approach has been escalation on steroids. He possibly fears quiet on the domestic front and what that might mean for his court appearances, so he has fired up every front from Gaza to Iran.
All fronts are viable options for the Israeli leader. Iran might be the riskiest. Syria perhaps not right now as the new Syrian president is heading to Washington in a week’s time. Netanyahu is eyeing up Lebanon, with the intensity of Israeli strikes increasing.
Yet the West Bank must be the most tempting item on the geopolitical arsonist’s menu. Firstly, this is what matters to him and his fellow firebrands in the ruling Israeli coalition. Finalizing the takeover of the West Bank is the dream of the “Greater Israel” fan club. Secondly, not only would he superglue his shaky coalition together for some more time, but he also would be less likely to encounter internal opposition to this. Thirdly, US President Donald Trump may have ruled out formal annexation of the West Bank, but this is not what matters — it is the program of ethnic cleansing and settler colonization that endangers Palestinian existence. Between January and mid-September, Israel approved a record 25,000 settlement units.
Annexation is a distraction. Netanyahu can deploy it as a nuclear option and threaten international actors with this. He used it to secure the Abraham Accords, pretending that an agreement not to annex was some major concession, just as Trump is portraying his veto on annexation as him being tough with Bibi.
The reality is that the West Bank is already under full Israeli control. Israeli civil law applies across the territory — for Israelis. Palestinians endure Israeli military law. The system of apartheid is well entrenched. If Netanyahu annexes, Israel will then have to fight off even fiercer claims of apartheid, as more than 3 million Palestinians in the West Bank would be living in Israel but without citizenship or the vote.
Even without annexation, the settler movement can, with the direct assistance of the army, continue its fearsome assault on rural Palestinian communities. The last week of October saw 60 settler attacks on Palestinians, although victims often no longer bother to report them.
The aim is strategic. Empty key areas such as the South Hebron Hills of all Palestinians, forcing them into the cities, so that settlements can expand and further exert a stranglehold on the Palestinian existence in the area. The E1 doomsday plan will proceed.
At the same time as Gaza has been annihilated, the Israeli army has busily gone about a quieter but still devastating invasion of the northern West Bank, targeting refugee camps in particular. Israel has used planes and heavy weaponry on a scale not seen since the height of the Second Intifada.
Netanyahu’s option will be to take that assault to all areas of the West Bank, which will become an easier scenario if fewer Israeli troops are required in Gaza. How many of the 19 refugee camps in the West Bank will not have been invaded in a year’s time? Combine that with the evisceration of UNRWA and the whole issue of Palestinian refugees will have been dealt a near-lethal blow.
An additional benefit for the Israeli prime minister will be to expose the weakness and irrelevance of the Palestinian Authority, which this Israeli coalition loathes, denying it even the most minimal role in Gaza. It has rendered it impotent in terms of security and, courtesy of a raft of measures by settler and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, reduced it to near bankruptcy.
The West Bank economy has been crushed. Its gross domestic product shrank by 17 percent in 2024. Without Israeli measures, the Palestinian West Bank economy between 2000 and 2024 would have been 68 percent larger, equivalent to a loss of $170 billion. Movement and access have been reduced, with a whole phalanx of new barriers and checkpoints making journeys longer, more arduous and dangerous. Settler pogroms are frequent, with settlers attacking homes and businesses and burning cars. During this year’s olive harvest, the UN reports that more than 4,000 olive trees have been vandalized. Settlers, helped by their new outposts, deny Palestinians access to ever more of their olive groves. The price of Palestinian olive oil is rocketing.
The PA is effectively bankrupt. Salaries cannot be paid. It cannot invest in public infrastructure. What is left may collapse at any moment.
This highlights why Trump’s proposals being restricted to Gaza is so flawed. The West Bank and Gaza are part of the state of Palestine. This is being pulverized in its entirety. It is not just Gaza.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2621287
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How Washington Enables Israel’s Ceasefire Violations and Turns Truce into War License
By Jamal Kanj
November 3, 2025
Since the Gaza ceasefire took effect on October 10, 2025, Israel has once again demonstrated that its impunity is limitless. In less than twenty days since the signing of the ceasefire, Israel has murdered 226 Palestinians, injured 594, and continues to demolish homes at will. In the same period, Israel has breached the ceasefire more than 125 times.
The most recent was on October 28, when Israeli warplanes pounded Gaza City and Khan Yunis, murdering 109 people, including 46 children and 20 women. President Donald Trump justified the killing of the Palestinian children, stating, “they (Israel) should hit back.”
In one of the targets, entire residential buildings were flattened in central Gaza, wiping out 18 members of the same family: children, parents, and grandparents alike. Still, US Vice President J. D. Vance dismissed the Israeli attacks as “little skirmishes”, insisting the ceasefire was “holding.” An American spokesman called the murder of more than 100 Palestinians “limited and targeted.” For Washington, the truce is “holding” as long as the victims are Palestinians, and the Resistance does not fire back.
One would ask, if Palestinians had responded proportionally, would it still be described as “limited”? Or is it only Jewish life that counts for the American administrations?
Other mediators – Egypt, Qatar, and Turkiye – were not much different. Qatar’s Prime Minister went so far as to crow that both parties are still committed to the ceasefire. It is as if pretending compliance mattered more than murdering 226 Palestinians in three weeks. Even worse, hours after he announced the resumption of the ceasefire, Israel bombed Beit Lahiya in northern Gaza, killing at least two more civilians. Israel has carried out many more attacks since.
From day one, Israel has ignored its obligations in key provisions of the agreement. For instance, Item 7 required that “full aid be immediately sent into the Gaza Strip” at levels matching the January 19, 2025, roughly 600 trucks per day. According to international human rights organizations, in the first two weeks following the ceasefire, Israel rejected 99 applications to deliver aid to Gaza. As of November 1, Israel has allowed, on average, only 145 trucks a day to enter the Strip, or just 24 percent of the “full aid” under the ceasefire agreement. Further, Israel has barred UNRWA, the largest UN aid organization with the most extensive storage and distribution system on the ground, from delivering shelter and food supplies for 1.3 million human beings. This contravened the International Court of Justice ruling, specifically ordering Israel to allow UNRWA to operate freely.
Israeli violations of accords are a familiar Israeli pattern. In southern Lebanon, a ceasefire demanded that Israel withdraw from Lebanese territory by January 26, 2025. Ten months later, it still occupies posts inside Lebanon and carries out daily attacks on targets throughout Lebanon. As in Gaza, the US and France, which brokered that agreement, seem to be unbothered by the Israeli violations. Ironically, these same countries would predictably “cry and condemn” if the Lebanese Resistance retaliated against Israel.
For Israel, agreements are a la carte; it takes what suits it, while refusing to fulfill its obligations. All Israel had wanted from the ceasefire agreement was the return of its captives. Once that was secured, it gained a free hand to do as it pleased in Gaza. The ceasefire is no more than a façade, allowing Israel to manage a “starvation diet” for more than two million humans.
By trivializing Israeli violations of the ceasefire, the US and its Arab partners have turned what should be a mutual commitment into a one-sided war license. When Israeli breaches are not confronted, the Trump administration and Arab mediators turn those violations into an accepted policy. Israel’s strategy is to create a “new normal”, hiding behind ceasefires to maintain the status quo, anchor a permanent occupation, “security zones”, and make murdering Palestinians a routine.
This has been the “new normal”, where Israel conducts regular incursions into Syria and attacks Lebanon and now Gaza, unchallenged. In this framework, ceasefires become deceptive tactics to secure occupation and normalize aggression.
As long as Washington and its vassal Arab dictators sanitize Israeli violations as “skirmishes”, and as long as Palestinian lives are expendable under a system where “ceasefires” exist in press releases only to boost Trump’s narcissistic ego, and where one side can violate agreements without consequence, “ceasefires” serve to legalize perpetual one-sided war. Thus, exposing Trump’s “peace” as a transactional tool that restores Israel’s leverage to starve and commit mass atrocities with impunity.
https://www.palestinechronicle.com/how-washington-enables-israels-ceasefire-violations-and-turns-truce-into-war-license/
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‘Serving the Community’: Life at the Islamic University of Gaza before the War
By Enrico Di Gregorio
November 3, 2025
Right in the center of Gaza City, a building with sand-coloured walls and caramel-coloured columns and roofs and mirrored blue windows housed the Islamic University of Gaza (IUG). About 17,000 students – 62 percent of them women and many with physical, visual, or hearing disabilities – attended classes, studied in the central library, and developed projects in more than 200 science laboratories and 75 computer rooms.
This description is part of the memory of Dr. Amani Ahmed Al-Mqadma, head of the IUG’s International Relations Office, who told the Palestine Chronicle and the A Nova Democracia newspaper, by email, what the institution was like before the Israeli bombings that totally or partially destroyed all 16 buildings on the University’s central campus. “It was a beautiful building, standing proudly among large green areas.”
IUG was founded in 1978 as an independent academic institution, supervised by the Ministry of Higher Education. “Today, it has 20 research centers and offers 169 academic programs and 11 faculties: medicine, engineering, information technology, health sciences, sciences, arts, education, nursing, administration, Shari’a and law, and Islamic studies,” explains Al-Mqadma. Approximately 90,800 students have graduated from the college since its founding.
“Engineering is one of the University’s most prominent fields. The college began offering training in civil engineering and architecture in 1992 and 1993 and, today, has departments of electrical, computer, mechanical, environmental, and artificial intelligence engineering.” For Al-Mqadma, one of the most prominent projects was the Wave Energy Station, developed by the Center of Excellence for Renewable Energy. With international partnerships, IUG engineers built a structure on the Gaza coast capable of converting wave motion into energy.
The station is a modest power plant installed in one of Gaza’s ports. There, four metal arms welded by Gaza engineers connect to red structures that resemble little ship noses. As the waves crash, the metal structure moves, generating kinetic energy that is converted by the rest of the machinery, generating up to 10 kilowatts. “This will potentially be implemented even into a bigger station at different locations, both locally and globally, in the future”, says the website of the project.
‘Sense of Collective Purpose and Pride’
Al-Mqadma is currently pursuing her PhD at the University of Edinburgh in Scotland. She had planned to travel between Scotland and the Gaza Strip to conduct PhD research on Palestinian women, with support from the Council for at-Risk Academics (Cara), but the idea was put on hold by the outbreak of war in Gaza. Before that, she worked at the IUG Engineering Center and then performed administrative duties in the Department of International Relations.
Al-Mqadma’s routine began at 8 a.m. “I would clock in and start my administrative work – planning, reporting, and aligning our department’s goals with the University’s strategic vision,” she says. Everything was methodical. “At the end of the year, achievements were publicly recognized, creating a strong sense of collective purpose and pride.”
Twice a week, Al-Mqadma taught part-time classes to female students. “Meeting them twice a week was one of the highlights of my routine; their questions, curiosity, and laughter brought the University to life. Those were days of hope and purpose,” she says.
Building Bridges and Overcoming Challenges
Even before the war, life at IUG was not easy. “Seventeen years of blockade and siege caused a shortage of resources and weakened institutional capacities,” says Al-Mqadma. “Our University had difficulty paying staff salaries, and families in Gaza could not always afford to educate their children.”
That is why the task of the IUG’s International Relations Department was strategic. “We built the office to establish international partnerships and collaborations,” says Al-Mqadma. But challenges arose. “We couldn’t travel, we couldn’t meet our partners, and we couldn’t participate in project launches and conferences abroad.”
Then technology came into hand, and the result was good. “We became experts in telecollaboration and, through persistence and creativity, we managed to build IUG’s international profile, even though we were never physically present in our partners’ countries,” says Al-Mqadma. Al-Mqadma collaborated with 23 universities in Europe, the West Bank, and regional universities, despite never having been able to visit them until 2019, when she made his first international trip to participate in Erasmus+ at the University of Glasgow in Scotland.
Other researchers, however, remain restricted. “The blockade not only restricts travel, but also interrupts the natural flow of production and exchange of knowledge. Technology helps, but it cannot replace the depth of physical interaction,” says Al-Mqadma. At conferences and universities, it is normal for researchers to exchange ideas, form partnerships, and share work during coffee breaks and intervals between lectures. It is a time for those excited about their work to talk freely and for those who are exhausted from talking about their research to listen for a while. But not for Palestinians. “It is a paradox. We are globally connected, but physically trapped.”
After the war, even technology fails. The Palestine Chronicle and A Nova Democracia contacted chemist Rami Morjan of IUG and received an enthusiastic response from him to participate in an interview, although he warned that he might have difficulty communicating due to the current instability of the internet in Gaza. Unfortunately, we had no further contact with the professor.
‘Keen on Supporting My People and My Institutions’
Dr. Adnan Al-Hindi is an olive-skinned gentleman with a neatly trimmed white mustache and medium-length, dark gray hair, carefully combed from right to left. Wearing a blue-striped dress shirt and a light-colored sweater, he recounts his long years of study and work at IUG.
A graduate of IUG, he earned his master’s degree from the University of Khartoum in Sudan in 1995 and returned to IUG as a professor of Medical Parasitology around the same time. By 2010, he had already earned two PhDs in Medical Parasitology and Tropical Medicine, one in England and the other in Egypt. Since 2019, he has been working at the University of Glasgow, also with support from Cara, but continues to work as a volunteer professor and researcher at the IUG Faculty of Medical Sciences. For him, a fundamental characteristic of teaching in Gaza is engagement with the community.
“At one point, we sent students to hospitals and schools to talk about the importance of basic hygiene, such as the proper way to wash your hands and how to prevent infections. In another project, we brought Palestinian women together in schools to discuss toxoplasmosis, an infection that can cause miscarriage in pregnant women,” he says. A 2025 study revealed that 27.9 percent of Palestinian women tested positive for the presence of the Toxoplasma gondii parasite in their bodies.
“This is our vision as Palestinian scientists: to serve our community,” argues Al-Hindi. “My team and I always strive to serve the people and solve relevant health problems in the Gaza Strip,” he says, researching the existence of parasites in the soil, water, and animals of Gaza.
In recent years, he has published articles on the genomic characterization of the Cryptosporidium parasite in sludge produced at wastewater treatment plants in Gaza, the prevalence and risk factors associated with intestinal parasites among sanitation workers in Gaza City, and anti-Toxoplasma gondii antibodies in the most commonly consumed poultry in the region.
Time for Reconstruction
Today, 12 of the 16 buildings on the IUG’s central campus in Gaza City have been completely destroyed, and four have suffered severe damage. The second campus, which housed the Faculty of Medicine and the Turkish Hospital University Hospital, has been completely destroyed. The Khan Yunis campus in the south had two buildings; both have been badly damaged.
But the overall structure of the sand-colored building with caramel-colored details remains, despite the piles of rubble on the balconies and roof and the lack of mirrored glass. Recalling pre-war times, Al-Mqadma describes IUG as “a place of structure and beauty – a haven of order in a chaotic environment.” Even after more than two years of war, it is possible to say that this description remains true. The mission now is to rebuild, something that Palestinians are already accustomed to. “During my time at IUG, we have already had to rebuild several laboratories due to the aggression,” recalls Al-Hindi.
The IUG was just one more target in Israel’s two-year genocidal war on Gaza – among 68,000 dead, 9,500 wounded, and 92 percent of homes destroyed. The coming years will be a new chapter in Palestinian resilience, in which families will rebuild themselves, homes will be rebuilt, and the IUG will be rebuilt as the proudly constructed building it once was.
https://www.palestinechronicle.com/serving-the-community-life-at-the-islamic-university-of-gaza-before-the-war/
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