Middle East Press on: Anti, Imperialism, Turkish, Iran, Syrian: New Age Islam's Selection, 16 December 2024
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
16 December 2024
Difficult Path To Anti-Imperialism
Revitalizing PTT: Blueprint For Digital, Operational Growth In Turkish Postal System
How Iran Is Explaining Away Its Syrian Absence
Can Netanyahu Achieve A Legacy Of Greatness?
Iran’s Territorial Integrity: A Strategic Imperative For Regional And Global Stability
Hamas In Gaza: Is There An Alternative?
How Iran Is Explaining Away Its Syrian Absence
Despite Political Challenges, Israel Must Remain United To Bring Hostages Home
My High School Journey To Israel
Nexus: Analysing Yuval Noah Harari's Take On AI
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Difficult Path To Anti-Imperialism
By Ömer Kayaci
Dec 16, 2024
U.S. Congressman Lloyd Smucker reposted on X a Newsweek article penned by Enes Kanter, a sociopathic cult member, who alleged a new set of human rights violations about Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) investigations in Türkiye. Of course, the article was carefully curated for those who did not and could not have any local perspective on Turkish society and politics, as these have evolved over the last few decades. From the outside, the situation could easily be made to look like as though Kanter and his affiliates in FETÖ were completely innocent victims, wrongly accused and convicted by a handful of “authoritarian” politicians in the Turkish government, chief among them being the president himself.
However, if instead a local perspective was taken, it would be virtually unanimously agreed that FETÖ, whose deceased leader Fetullah Gülen once took a sip from his glass of tea and offered the remainder to Kanter almost as a religious blessing, was a vicious cult and a destructive terrorist organization whose activities harmed, both directly and indirectly, many millions of people in the country. From the local perspective, the only debate would have been about whether FETÖ grew during the current government or whether the current government was really the only government that tried and finally managed to crush it.
Perhaps the readers of that article could be excused for their naivete. After all, how could they be expected to know every little detail about the internal affairs of a country thousands of miles away? In fact, the same mistake is sometimes committed by those who are otherwise acute in their understanding of how the world works, i.e., those who have a fairly good grasp of geopolitics from a global perspective.
Syria is a perfect example of this discrepancy. Syrian regime leader Bashar Assad’s occasional criticisms of the Western empire and Israel and the international positioning of some of his allies may have given the impression that if only he had the power, he would have stood firmly against the tyranny of the global hegemon and its “unsinkable aircraft carrier” in the region. He would have "defended Syria from Israel’s frequent unprovoked attacks.” Perhaps not surprisingly, however, this was far from the truth.
For one reason or another, Assad was dismissed as a valuable asset to the Western empire, destined to fall completely or at least suffer tremendously – a fate that seems inescapable for those who fall out of favor with the U.S. This led him inevitably to adopt a discourse that could attract sympathy from the rightful critics of the global hegemon and its satrapies around the world. Was Assad an anti-imperialist hero by any stretch of the imagination? Of course not, but the critics of the Western empire thought, perhaps with some plausibility, that he was nevertheless an obstacle to the ambitions of the empire and must be supported for this reason. Thus, the insincerity of his discourse could be neglected.
It appears as though Assad adopted that anti-imperialist discourse simply out of desperation, but really not on principle. Another desperate politician, Özgür Özel, who is currently leading the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) in Türkiye, had called for dialogue with Assad mere days before the ultimate toppling of the latter, urging that “Türkiye could not walk the path laid out by those holding HTS in one hand and the YPG in the other.” He was clearly referring to the U.S. Now, from a global perspective, the anti-imperialist sentiment might lead one to find Özel’s words appealing and one might even imagine that he is strongly against the tyranny of the global hegemon. And, of course, this too could not be further from the truth, as Özel’s party was tacitly supported by that very hegemon in the last presidential elections in Türkiye and they have always represented the Western-leaning faction of Turkish politics.
Who are we supposed to support if we are to maintain a meaningful anti-imperialist stance, then? A truly anti-imperialist Syria would be possible not with Assad in government but with the people of that country governing themselves. For it is the people of the region who understand and, if they had the means, would stand against the tyranny of the global hegemon and its unsinkable aircraft carrier.
In 1958, former U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower diagnosed this “trouble” as follows: “We have a campaign of hatred against us, not by the governments but by the people.” Most of the regional governments could easily be bought, or at least conveniently silenced, by the U.S. Those governments, in turn, could oppress the locals so that the locals would not rise against the demands of the Western empire. Another former U.S. President Barack Obama, in his famous speech in Cairo in 2009, also acknowledged the negative perception of the U.S. in the eyes of the locals: “America has a dual legacy in the region: the U.S. has often aligned with oppressive regimes for the sake of stability and access to resources, which has fuelled resentment and suspicion toward American intentions.” And a democratic Syria, if it is indeed democratic, would certainly be suspicious of American intentions.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/difficult-path-to-anti-imperialism
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Revitalizing PTT: Blueprint For Digital, Operational Growth In Turkish Postal System
By Mehmet Şükrü Yaman
Dec 16, 2024
The postal service, a fundamental pillar of daily life, holds an irreplaceable and indispensable position as a public conduit, linking communities and facilitating the flow of communication and goods across regions and borders.
Its extensive offerings – spanning parcel delivery, banking transactions, money transfers and express services – intersect with nearly every facet of modern living. However, the experience for both customers and employees often fluctuates between seamless efficiency and inevitable frustration.
The question remains: can postal operators, such as Türkiye's Post and Telegraph Organization (PTT), adapt and thrive amid the demands of a rapidly evolving, digitally driven world?
Outdated systems
“The system is very slow.” “There’s a technical glitch at the moment.” “The malfunction persists.” These are common refrains in post offices, spoken by employees who must face customers with a sense of visible unease.
On the other side of the counter, customers voice their frustrations by asking questions such as, “Has the system been fixed yet?” and “When will this problem be resolved?”
At the heart of these frustrations lies an outdated parcel acceptance system. This system, responsible for managing the entry, dispatch and tracking of shipments both within Türkiye and internationally, is increasingly unable to meet the demands of a modern, high-volume postal environment.
Frequent freezes, interruptions and inefficiencies, especially during peak periods and busy seasons, disrupt workflows, diminish employee morale and test customer patience.
Another significant challenge is the lack of public awareness about shipment tracking and the broader range of postal services.
Across Türkiye, from rural communities to bustling metropolitan centers, many individuals remain unaware of tools and resources designed to simplify their interactions with the postal system. This gap in knowledge affects all demographics, including both those with limited literacy and educated individuals unfamiliar with the digital capabilities of the postal network.
The PTT should initiate a comprehensive nationwide awareness campaign to bridge this gap. This effort could focus on fundamental topics such as correctly addressing letters and parcels, using online shipment tracking tools, exploring the array of services provided by the PTT, and understanding how to access them efficiently.
By cultivating greater public familiarity with its offerings, the PTT can strengthen its customer relationship, enhance user satisfaction, and alleviate unnecessary pressure on physical branches.
Digital transformation
A recent McKinsey report emphasizes that postal operators must transition from traditional “mail-plus-parcel models” to “cost-efficient, agile, parcel-led strategies” to remain competitive in an increasingly dynamic environment. Combining past methods and technology is key to the future postal service. Central to this transformation are a dynamic website and robust infrastructure, which serve as critical enablers of modernization and efficiency.
In the digital era, a strong online presence is no longer a luxury for postal operators – it is a necessity. A dynamic and user-friendly website acts as the face, core, and operational backbone of a postal service. It offers real-time updates, streamlines transactions and demonstrates an organization’s dedication to innovation and excellence.
Swiss Post stands out as a benchmark for digital excellence, displaying the potential of a well-maintained online presence. Its website offers transparency regarding services and empowers customers with self-service options, significantly reducing operational strain during peak periods. For the PTT, adopting a similar approach could be transformative, shifting a substantial portion of customer inquiries and transactions online while freeing up resources to focus on other essential functions.
For the PTT, the website is more than a functional platform; it is a digital embodiment of the organization’s identity. By incorporating creative design elements, the PTT’s rich historical heritage can be reimagined as a compelling visual narrative. This approach not only highlights the corporation’s achievements and services but also establishes the website as a powerful and direct communication channel with clients and stakeholders alike.
Given Türkiye’s strategic position at the intersection of Europe, Asia and the Middle East, an enhanced website with multilingual capabilities could also attract international clients, promote cross-border trade and position the PTT as a key player in the global postal network.
Investing in infrastructure
The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the critical need for digital-first strategies, driving innovation across all industries. For PTT, this shift demands more than routine upkeep; it calls for bold, proactive investments in both digital and physical infrastructure to stay competitive and meet evolving customer expectations.
Strategic priorities should include modernizing the parcel acceptance system to eliminate inefficiencies, streamline workflows, and enable uninterrupted operations; enhancing the website’s functionality by integrating advanced features such as intuitive parcel tracking, secure e-payment options, and live chat support for real-time customer assistance; providing real-time updates on domestic and international services to address customer needs proactively and ensure reliable communication and promoting transparency by sharing detailed plans for future initiatives, including infrastructure upgrades and technological advancements.
By taking these strategic actions, PTT can position itself as a forward-thinking postal operator, ready to meet the challenges of a digital-first world while delivering superior value to its customers.
The postal service is not merely a delivery network; it is a vital link that connects communities, upholds trust and supports national cohesion. PTT stands at a pivotal moment in merging its rich heritage with the demands of the digital era.
As new technologies emerge, they bring fresh opportunities for innovation and progress. Yet, like a living organism, technology requires continuous care, updates and testing to thrive in an ever-changing landscape. Without this care, even the most advanced systems will inevitably falter. To maintain seamless service, routine maintenance, scenario testing, and proactive upgrades must be embedded into the fabric of postal operations.
By transforming the post office into a hub of efficiency and reliability, every interaction can reinforce the deep-rooted trust that customers place in an institution built on serving the nation.
https://www.dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/revitalizing-ptt-blueprint-for-digital-operational-growth-in-turkish-postal-system
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How Iran Is Explaining Away Its Syrian Absence
By Aviram Bellaishe
December 15, 2024
The regional war Israel has been experiencing since October 7 is a scenario that Iranian analysts had long warned about. Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar was asked to defer a large-scale military campaign to give Iran and its allies enough time to prepare for it. Sinwar, however, chose to go ahead with the Al-Aqsa Flood, claiming it was a Palestinian endeavor, and the Iranians had to try to create a balance between “defending Palestine” and “preventing an escalation.”
Israel, for its part, launched a no-holds-barred war, and the Iranians understood the need to seek to put a stop to it in light of the dire results for Hamas and Hezbollah. This message was conveyed to the resistance axis, but the problem, as analysts in Tehran say, was that Israel was not stopping. Hezbollah is now in need of rehabilitation, and the Iranians need four years’ respite for a recovery, not just militarily but also to rehabilitate the narrative that was upended and develop a new one – building victory out of failure.
Hard on the heels of the harsh blow to Tehran’s main force against Israel – Hezbollah – the Assad regime has now collapsed in the space of 10 days. In reality, Iran sat on the sidelines. As The New York Times described, there was a gap between Iran’s declarations and its actual orders – not to fight, to withdraw the militias, and to start a dialogue with the rebels that could ensure the safe departure of the Iranian forces and the protection of the Shiite holy places in return for Iran’s nonintervention.
All these factors led the Iranian regime to conclude that a new narrative was needed to explain why they did not defend a regime in which they had invested, according to different reports, more than $50 billion in the course of a decade. The target audience of the new narrative comprises the countries of the resistance axis, the moderate Sunni countries, the geopolitical powers, and the countries of the world in general, including Israel.
No less important to Khamenei is the domestic arena. He has to provide an explanation to the “fourth generation of the revolution” – radical youth who requested to go to Syria to support Assad’s regime and safeguard the Shiite holy places – for why the proclamations that the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) would be deployed to Syria within 24 hours from the start of the imbroglio were no more than a false flag.
Iranian propaganda machine
The Iranian propaganda machine is working fast to formulate the explanatory narrative for the wise decision not to intervene in Syria.
The first step is to blame Assad’s regime for “not firing a single shot at the Zionist regime for half a century.” From there, Tehran goes on to claim that “Assad’s turn to the West, and receipt of economic incentives from the United Arab Emirates on condition that he disengage from the resistance axis, ultimately led to damage to Iran and to the resistance axis.”
A further step is to present Assad as not heeding the advice of the Iranian regime on different issues where they claim they tried to help, such as “democracy,” “support for his government because of the difficult economic situation,” “weaknesses of his army and the state infrastructure,” and “the suffering of the Syrian people after five decades of dictatorship.”
As Ali Mutahari, former deputy chairman of the Majlis, sums up the narrative: “Iran did not take a stance against a large part of the Syrian people that supported the opponents of Assad, and averted a war between Sunnis and Shi’ites and deadly hostilities between Muslims – something that would have served the interests of the United States and Israel.”
It should be stressed, however, that Iran is well aware that its helplessness was evident to everyone. Militarily, it was not in a condition to help Assad – after senior IRGC officers in Syria were killed in targeted attacks attributed to Israel, with Hezbollah unable to send reinforcements, and with Israel preventing Iranian planes from reaching Syria, and amid attacks on the Iraqi militias by the Americans.
The perceptual domain, however, is no less important in the Middle East. Iran had built up the image of the “resistance axis” powered by missiles and Hezbollah. That image, though, rapidly collapsed amid Israel’s pagers operation and the eradication of Hezbollah’s leadership, as well as the replacement of that leadership.
“This will be the most difficult period in the history of the Islamic Republic,” said a well-known social-media figure affiliated with the IRGC. He added: “With the removal of Hezbollah from the game and of the Iranian regime from Syria, the resistance project is now at a standstill. Iran must completely rethink its defense doctrine. This is the end of the road.”
AT THE same time, Iran is working on a transition to a new rhetoric in which the rebels are a new proxy objective. Instead of “terrorists,” Iran now calls them resisters or “Islamist resisters.” The aim is to preserve a route to Hezbollah for arms transfers, something the analysts in Iran say is “not impossible.”
Mutahari says Iran “must conduct a dialogue and try to consolidate the main core of opponents of Assad that affiliates with the Muslim Brotherhood and opposes the Zionist regime.” He says it is “possible that they are anti-Shi’ite,” but attributes this to the behavior of some of the extremist Shi’ites, as he calls them.
Seeking a channel of dialogue with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the Iranians emphasize their experience with the Taliban and the “coexistence” between them, downplay their responsibility for any harm to the Syrian population, and of course, lie to the public.
On December 8, the Iranian foreign minister declared that “the Iranian forces were in Syria to fight the Islamic State – and with the end of the fighting returned to Iran.” This flatly contradicts an assertion made about four years ago by the commander of the IRGC’s artillery force that in 2011, Khamenei sent Qasem Soleimani to rescue Syria from the rebels – before the Islamic State made its presence felt.
To salvage the axis and preserve the ability to arm Hezbollah by dint of the rebels, Iran seeks to avoid confronting or accusing Erdogan. But HTS is strong enough with Erdogan’s support and does not need money or ammunition from Tehran to rule the new territory in its hands.
Erdogan’s control over the rebels underlines Turkey’s critical role in managing the threat to Israel from the Syrian border and the importance of the Israeli–Turkish relationship.
Israel needs a different policy toward Turkey that takes into account the interests of this country and its leader. In the bazaar over Israel’s security, which requires restraining the rebels under Turkey’s control, experts will tell Turkey that a “Palestinian” exchange currency is required. The emphasis, however, should be on relations with Turkey in the Syrian context, as Israel continues and entrenches its military presence and restores the ties it had with the Free Syrian Army, the Druze, and the people of southern Syria, the Golan Heights, graduates of “operation good neighbour.”
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-833425
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Can Netanyahu Achieve A Legacy Of Greatness?
By Aliza Pilichowski
December 15, 2024
In a 2015 interview with The Jerusalem Post, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu enumerated several ways in which he wanted to be remembered.
“For making the Jewish state and the Jewish people more secure, and this in a time when the region is in the greatest turmoil,” he said.
“For mobilizing international opposition to Iran’s nuclear program and doing everything in my power to prevent a regime that calls for Israel’s destruction from developing the weapons to achieve that goal. For advancing a durable peace with our Palestinian and other Arab neighbors.
“For liberalizing Israel’s economy to unleash the limitless potential of our people. For growing Israel’s economy, expanding the workforce, and providing the means to help the most vulnerable in our society.
“For ensuring that Israel has a national infrastructure fit for the 21st century. For strengthening the bonds between Israel and Jews around the world. For helping make Israel a place of which its citizens and Jews around the world can be truly proud.
“Above all, for fulfilling my sacred responsibility to secure the future of the Jewish state and the Jewish people.”
Has Netanyahu, especially considering Hamas’s barbaric attacks on October 7, 2023, achieved these goals as his legacy?
In late October 2023, shortly after Israel began its attacks in the Gaza Strip, Netanyahu explained his role in Israel. “As prime minister, I am responsible for ensuring the future of the country.”
In his book A Durable Peace, Netanyahu further articulated the prime minister’s role. “The perspective that guided me as Israel’s prime minister, and that ought to guide anyone concerned with the future of the Jewish state: assuring that the people of Israel have what they need to survive and thrive in the next millennium, the fifth of their existence.”
Netanyahu wrote about the importance of the State of Israel to the existence of the Jewish people, “For the Jewish people, therefore, the history of the 20th century may be summed up thus: If there had been a Jewish state in the first half of the century, there would have been no Holocaust. And if there had not been a Jewish state after the Holocaust, there would have been no Jewish future.
“The State of Israel is not only the repository of the millennial Jewish hopes for redemption; it is also the one practical instrument for assuring Jewish survival.”
Keeping to his mission
FOR YEARS, Netanyahu, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, kept to his mission of keeping Israel secure by managing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Instead of defeating Hamas and other Palestinian organizations, or making peace with the Palestinians, Netanyahu kept the status quo. He ensured that the Palestinian Authority had just enough resources to stay in control of the territories under their rule and allowed Qatar to support Hamas financially, keeping the terrorist organization in control in Gaza.
He had an unsaid understanding with Hezbollah that it was in neither party’s interest to go to war again. Netanyahu also staved off Iran’s nuclear program through spy fare that sabotaged any Iranian progress.
For years, Netanyahu’s management of the conflict seemed like an effective policy. While every few years tensions would rise, and violence between Israel and Hamas would erupt, for the most part Israel remained safe and at relative peace.
Netanyahu’s management of the conflict was controversial and the center of long-standing debate within Israel. It came crashing down on October 7, when his assumption that he could manage the conflict by supplying Hamas with more and more funds to keep them quiet failed with drastic consequences.
Netanyahu has led the country effectively since October 7. Israel has eliminated the leadership structure of both Hamas and Hezbollah, rendering both organizations powerless to harm Israel again, and showed Iran to be a paper tiger.
As finance minister from 2003 to 2005, Netanyahu restructured Israel’s economy. He brought its socialist foundation to an end, allowing the start-up nation to develop and turn Israel into a thriving economic success.
The Abraham Accords were brokered under his watch, normalizing Israel’s relationship with some of the Arab Gulf world.
Netanyahu has many achievements to be proud of, but for a man who measures a prime minister’s role as securing the future of the Jewish people by effective national defense, will Netanyahu’s legacy be simply that he led Israel to bounce back from its worst national security failure in over 50 years?
Prime minister Menachem Begin, an Israeli leader Netanyahu looks to as a model, established his legacy by taking three bold steps that forever made the State of Israel a greater place. Begin established peace, extended Israel’s sovereignty over more of Israel’s historic homeland, and eliminated an enemy’s potential to harm Israel.
Begin signed a peace deal with Israel’s strongest enemy, Egypt; ignored international condemnation; and extended Israel’s sovereignty to the Golan Heights; increased Jewish building to an unprecedented level in Judea and Samaria; attacked and destroyed Iraq’s nuclear program, and invaded Lebanon to stop Palestinian attacks against Israel.
Begin achieved these great accomplishments and sealed his legacy because he took courageous action in the face of American and international pressure. He didn’t manage conflict; he took steps to end conflict on Israel’s terms.
For decades, Netanyahu’s governing policy of managing conflict was seen as an effective strategy. Netanyahu set himself up as a prime minister with a legacy of taking the years he was given to lead the nation to make steady, incremental improvements in Israel’s national defense and economy.
October 7 has erased the legacy of the steady and mature leader who never went to war and managed conflict instead. To establish a legacy of more than just an effective recovery from falling victim to a devastating intelligence and security failure, Netanyahu must take bold steps to achieve a greater future for Israel.
To establish a great legacy, Netanyahu must model himself after Begin and take three bold steps in the areas of peace, sovereignty, and security. He must sign a peace and normalization agreement with Saudi Arabia; he must extend Israel’s sovereignty to Judea and Samaria; and he must take military action to eliminate Iran as a threat to Israel.
Just as Begin faced American and international condemnation for settlement building, extending sovereignty to the Golan Heights, and attacking Iraq, but took bold steps to improve Israel anyway, so too will Netanyahu face American and international condemnation for extending Israel’s sovereignty to Judea and Samaria, and taking military action to eliminate Iran as a threat to Israel. But he must do so anyway.
Prime Minister Netanyahu can be remembered for more than being Israel’s longest-serving prime minister. If he takes bold steps to improve Israel’s peace, sovereignty, and security, he can establish a legacy of being Israel’s greatest and most courageous prime minister as well.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-833423
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Iran’s Territorial Integrity: A Strategic Imperative For Regional And Global Stability
By Aidin Panahi
December 15, 2024
The Middle East stands at a crossroads as Iran’s territorial integrity becomes a subject of growing debate. Within Iran, the vast majority of its people – whether Azeri, Kurd, Lor, Baloch, or Arab – identify as Iranian and remain firmly committed to preserving their country’s territorial integrity. However, a small segment of the population, often influenced by external actors or driven by grievances rooted in systemic discrimination by the Islamic regime in Iran, advocates for federalism or ethnic autonomy. These marginal calls, while enjoying minimal domestic support, are amplified by foreign powers seeking to exploit Iran’s vulnerabilities, leveraging such movements to weaken the country’s sovereignty and further their geopolitical agendas.
Iran’s territorial integrity is not merely a domestic issue but a foundation of regional and global stability. Geographically and geopolitically, Iran occupies a central position in the Middle East. As the guardian of the Strait of Hormuz – a critical choke point through which 21% of global petroleum exports pass; approximately 17 million barrels of oil daily in 2024 – Iran’s stability has a direct impact on energy markets worldwide. Any disruption to this vital flow would send shockwaves through the global economy, destabilizing markets from New York to Tokyo.
A divided Iran risks losing control over this strategic passage to separatist militias, proxy forces backed by regional powers such as Turkey or Saudi Arabia, or extremist organizations like ISIS. These actors could exploit a weakened central authority to disrupt maritime traffic, impose tolls, or use the strait as a bargaining chip to achieve their geopolitical aims, plunging the region into prolonged instability with global ramifications.
Beyond energy security, the fragmentation of Iran would have profound consequences for its neighbors. Turkey and the Persian Gulf states, in particular, would face significant destabilizing repercussions, including increased refugee flow and heightened regional tensions. While Afghanistan is already grappling with its own challenges, the spillover from a fractured Iran could exacerbate instability throughout the broader region.
Additionally, Pakistan’s Balochistan province has experienced a long-standing insurgency by Baloch nationalists, who advocate for an independent Balochistan that spans ethnic Baloch areas in Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan. Such developments would not only ignite new conflicts but also add layers of complexity to the existing wars, proxy battles, and geopolitical rivalries in the Middle East. The disintegration of Iran’s central authority would amplify tensions, creating power vacuums that foster extremism and invite proxy wars, destabilizing the region for decades.
Iran’s territorial integrity is a foundation of both United States and Israeli national security, as its fragmentation would trigger cascading effects across the Middle East. For the US, a stable Iran is essential for countering adversaries such as Russia and China, both of which would exploit a fractured Iran to expand their strategic influence. Russia could entrench its military and political foothold in the region, while China would leverage Iran’s strategic location to advance its Belt and Road Initiative, undermining US efforts to maintain regional stability and secure critical trade routes.
For Israel, the stakes are equally high.
A direct/indirect threat?
While the current Iranian regime poses a direct threat through its proxies like Hezbollah, a fragmented Iran could lead to ungoverned spaces that serve as safe havens for extremist groups, creating unpredictable security challenges. Additionally, a divided Iran would embolden rival powers like Turkey to extend their influence over regions, further destabilizing the regional balance of power.
The preservation of Iran’s territorial integrity does not imply support for its current regime. Division and fragmentation are not viable solutions with which to dismantle the regime’s authoritarian grip. Instead, the focus must remain on empowering the Iranian people in their pursuit of democracy, within a unified framework.
Policymakers in the US and Israel should adopt a dual strategy: intensifying targeted pressure on the regime while amplifying support for democratic movements and civil society. Sanctions must be designed to isolate the regime’s leadership and dismantle its oppressive institutions without inflicting harm on the broader population. At the same time, diplomatic efforts should engage exiled opposition leaders to amplify the voices of Iranians advocating for change. This strategy avoids direct engagement with the regime, while reinforcing external pressure and fostering internal resilience to promote unity.
For the US and its allies, preserving Iran’s territorial integrity is not only a strategic necessity but also an investment in long-term regional stability.
The Middle East cannot endure another cycle of destabilization, nor can the global economy absorb the shocks of intensified instability in such a critical region.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-833422
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Hamas In Gaza: Is There An Alternative?
By Moshe Dann
December 15, 2024
Is there a humanitarian and holistic option that would protect Israel from future attacks originating in Gaza? This is the most important security consideration behind proposals to extend Israeli control of and sovereignty in Gaza.
With a new regime in Syria, what happens in Gaza is a vital concern throughout the region. We need to think realistically, practically, and very carefully. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich’s recent proposal for applying Israeli sovereignty to Gaza has broken a taboo and given legitimacy and relevance to a critical, albeit controversial, idea. Although not government policy, it could be used to extend Israel’s sovereignty to consensus areas, such as Gush Etzion, Maale Adumim, Shilo, Ofra, Bet El, Hebron, the Jordan Valley, etc.
Israeli control of Gaza is critical for its security and the future of the entire region. Allowing Israel’s enemies to resume their control of the area – directly and indirectly, actively and passively – cannot be the basis for its future after the war.
Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and other terrorist organizations turned Gaza into a vast underground system for hiding weapons, moving terrorists, and attacking Israel. Except for tribal clans in Gaza, the population overwhelmingly supports Hamas.
Instead of repeating mistakes and trying to reconstruct Gaza under a different anti-Israel regime, it can become a new regional transportation and communications center under Israeli control that will benefit others as well. The tunnels that Hamas built, for example, can be used to provide a creative future for Israel and serve to promote peace. Israelis can be allowed to return to Gaza and rebuild what was destroyed in the “Disengagement” – the expulsion of Jews in 2006.
UNRWA
UNRWA’s “refugee camps” in Gaza, and, wherever possible, in Judea/Samaria, must be destroyed and their inhabitants relocated. This will help to end support for terrorism instead of perpetuating and encouraging it. The groundwork for this has been established with the law requiring UNRWA to end its operations in Israel. UNRWA is part of the problem, not its solution. The delusion of a “two-state solution” – an independent Palestinian state dedicated to Israel’s destruction – must end, once and forever.
After placing the Gaza area under Israeli sovereignty, Israel can expand the tunnels to accommodate a light rail – similar to what exists in other urban centers – that will be linked to Israel’s transportation system, especially its airports, and eventually, extend to other countries as well.
On the surface, the Gaza enclave can be rebuilt and replaced with a productive infrastructure that will benefit all the residents of the region. It will include new housing and agricultural development, as well as commercial enterprises and industrial use that incorporate ecological innovations and concerns.
Under no conditions should the Gaza region be given to those who oppose Israel’s existence. Arab Gazans who have no connection to any terrorist organization and wish to remain in the area can be allowed to do so, providing that they are willing to support Israel and Israeli sovereignty.
Those who choose to support terrorism and terrorist organizations will be required to leave and relocate. Israel is under no obligation to allow any threats to its security. Nor are Gazans entitled to pose a threat simply because they consider Gaza to be their “homeland.”
Under no conditions should Gaza be considered part of a Palestinian state, under the Palestinian Authority or any terrorist entity.
Israeli communities, towns, and cities that were attacked on October 7 can be given land in Gaza and extended to the shores of the Mediterranean.
Eventually, hopefully, the tunnels in Gaza will be extended to tunnels in the Sinai desert built by Egyptians and those in Jordan and the Jordan Valley – currently used by smugglers – and will be used to accommodate a light rail instead.
This will obviously require a multinational agreement on how it will operate and how it can be integrated into a regional system. The system itself may even become an entity of a local multinational authority, such as the Abraham Accords.
Gaza, in this perspective, can become a “Singapore of the Middle East” – contributing to the economic, commercial, and human development of the region – and an international centre that promotes cooperation and peace.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-833420
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How Iran Is Explaining Away Its Syrian Absence
By Aviram Bellaishe
December 15, 2024
The regional war Israel has been experiencing since October 7 is a scenario that Iranian analysts had long warned about. Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar was asked to defer a large-scale military campaign to give Iran and its allies enough time to prepare for it. Sinwar, however, chose to go ahead with the Al-Aqsa Flood, claiming it was a Palestinian endeavor, and the Iranians had to try to create a balance between “defending Palestine” and “preventing an escalation.”
Israel, for its part, launched a no-holds-barred war, and the Iranians understood the need to seek to put a stop to it in light of the dire results for Hamas and Hezbollah. This message was conveyed to the resistance axis, but the problem, as analysts in Tehran say, was that Israel was not stopping. Hezbollah is now in need of rehabilitation, and the Iranians need four years’ respite for a recovery, not just militarily but also to rehabilitate the narrative that was upended and develop a new one – building victory out of failure.
Hard on the heels of the harsh blow to Tehran’s main force against Israel – Hezbollah – the Assad regime has now collapsed in the space of 10 days. In reality, Iran sat on the sidelines. As The New York Times described, there was a gap between Iran’s declarations and its actual orders – not to fight, to withdraw the militias, and to start a dialogue with the rebels that could ensure the safe departure of the Iranian forces and the protection of the Shiite holy places in return for Iran’s non-intervention.
All these factors led the Iranian regime to conclude that a new narrative was needed to explain why they did not defend a regime in which they had invested, according to different reports, more than $50 billion in the course of a decade. The target audience of the new narrative comprises the countries of the resistance axis, the moderate Sunni countries, the geopolitical powers, and the countries of the world in general, including Israel.
No less important to Khamenei is the domestic arena. He has to provide an explanation to the “fourth generation of the revolution” – radical youth who requested to go to Syria to support Assad’s regime and safeguard the Shiite holy places – for why the proclamations that the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) would be deployed to Syria within 24 hours from the start of the imbroglio were no more than a false flag.
Iranian propaganda machine
The Iranian propaganda machine is working fast to formulate the explanatory narrative for the wise decision not to intervene in Syria.
The first step is to blame Assad’s regime for “not firing a single shot at the Zionist regime for half a century.” From there, Tehran goes on to claim that “Assad’s turn to the West, and receipt of economic incentives from the United Arab Emirates on condition that he disengage from the resistance axis, ultimately led to damage to Iran and to the resistance axis.”
A further step is to present Assad as not heeding the advice of the Iranian regime on different issues where they claim they tried to help, such as “democracy,” “support for his government because of the difficult economic situation,” “weaknesses of his army and the state infrastructure,” and “the suffering of the Syrian people after five decades of dictatorship.”
As Ali Mutahari, former deputy chairman of the Majlis, sums up the narrative: “Iran did not take a stance against a large part of the Syrian people that supported the opponents of Assad, and averted a war between Sunnis and Shi’ites and deadly hostilities between Muslims – something that would have served the interests of the United States and Israel.”
It should be stressed, however, that Iran is well aware that its helplessness was evident to everyone. Militarily, it was not in a condition to help Assad – after senior IRGC officers in Syria were killed in targeted attacks attributed to Israel, with Hezbollah unable to send reinforcements, and with Israel preventing Iranian planes from reaching Syria, and amid attacks on the Iraqi militias by the Americans.
The perceptual domain, however, is no less important in the Middle East. Iran had built up the image of the “resistance axis” powered by missiles and Hezbollah. That image, though, rapidly collapsed amid Israel’s pagers operation and the eradication of Hezbollah’s leadership, as well as the replacement of that leadership.
“This will be the most difficult period in the history of the Islamic Republic,” said a well-known social-media figure affiliated with the IRGC. He added: “With the removal of Hezbollah from the game and of the Iranian regime from Syria, the resistance project is now at a standstill. Iran must completely rethink its defense doctrine. This is the end of the road.”
AT THE same time, Iran is working on a transition to a new rhetoric in which the rebels are a new proxy objective. Instead of “terrorists,” Iran now calls them resisters or “Islamist resisters.” The aim is to preserve a route to Hezbollah for arms transfers, something the analysts in Iran say is “not impossible.”
Mutahari says Iran “must conduct a dialogue and try to consolidate the main core of opponents of Assad that affiliates with the Muslim Brotherhood and opposes the Zionist regime.” He says it is “possible that they are anti-Shi’ite,” but attributes this to the behavior of some of the extremist Shi’ites, as he calls them.
Seeking a channel of dialogue with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the Iranians emphasize their experience with the Taliban and the “coexistence” between them, downplay their responsibility for any harm to the Syrian population, and of course, lie to the public.
On December 8, the Iranian foreign minister declared that “the Iranian forces were in Syria to fight the Islamic State – and with the end of the fighting returned to Iran.” This flatly contradicts an assertion made about four years ago by the commander of the IRGC’s artillery force that in 2011, Khamenei sent Qasem Soleimani to rescue Syria from the rebels – before the Islamic State made its presence felt.
To salvage the axis and preserve the ability to arm Hezbollah by dint of the rebels, Iran seeks to avoid confronting or accusing Erdogan. But HTS is strong enough with Erdogan’s support and does not need money or ammunition from Tehran to rule the new territory in its hands.
Erdogan’s control over the rebels underlines Turkey’s critical role in managing the threat to Israel from the Syrian border and the importance of the Israeli–Turkish relationship.
Israel needs a different policy toward Turkey that takes into account the interests of this country and its leader. In the bazaar over Israel’s security, which requires restraining the rebels under Turkey’s control, experts will tell Turkey that a “Palestinian” exchange currency is required. The emphasis, however, should be on relations with Turkey in the Syrian context, as Israel continues and entrenches its military presence and restores the ties it had with the Free Syrian Army, the Druze, and the people of southern Syria, the Golan Heights, graduates of “operation good neighbour.”
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-833425?dicbo=v2-cP6oc61
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Despite Political Challenges, Israel Must Remain United To Bring Hostages Home
By Jpost Editorial
December 16, 2024
As leaders from the coalition met on Sunday to discuss the dismissal of Attorney-General Gali Baharav-Miara and the resumption of the controversial judicial reform, this has raised old tensions that have been simmering for over a year under the shadow of war.
The meeting came after Justice Minister Yariv Levin, who attended it, accused judges in the High Court of Justice over the weekend of “taking advantage” of the war in order to “continue taking over authorities of the Knesset and government,” and warned that “this cannot continue.”
Levin’s accusations came in response to a High Court decision on Thursday to set January 16 as the deadline for the Judicial Selection Committee – which Levin chairs – to elect a permanent chief justice.
At a moment when Israel faces some of the most pressing and dire challenges in its modern history, revisiting the topic of judicial reform would be an act of recklessness.
While the state wages war against Hamas in Gaza, contends with Hezbollah in Lebanon, manages escalating tensions in Syria, and navigates the unresolved crisis of hostages, the prospect of reopening a bitter domestic debate threatens the very unity needed for survival.
Notably, the last time judicial reform was forced onto the national agenda, the country teetered dangerously close to civil chaos. Israel’s enemies, ever watchful, seized that internal division as an opportunity to strike. To repeat such a mistake now would invite catastrophe.
Unparalleled strain
Israel’s current state is one of unparalleled strain. The war in Gaza is ongoing, with soldiers risking their lives and hostages still unaccounted for. Hezbollah, emboldened and battle-hardened, lurks on the northern border, testing Israel’s resilience with skirmishes and rocket fire. Syria remains an unpredictable threat, with Iranian proxies still dangerous in their foothold just beyond our doorstep, despite Israel’s military successes.
Add to this the political and legal turmoil surrounding Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s corruption trial, and you have a perfect storm.
In such a climate, any attempt to reignite a judicial reform – a move that last year fractured Israeli society and paralyzed the economy – would be an unforgivable distraction and a gift to those who wish us harm.
The bitter memories of 2023’s judicial reform crisis are still fresh. What began as a government initiative to reform the judicial system quickly spiraled into one of the deepest rifts in Israel’s history. Hundreds of thousands of Israelis took to the streets for months; families, workplaces, and communities found themselves split along ideological lines.
The crisis not only undermined national morale but also weakened critical institutions, with military reservists threatening to refuse service and investors pulling capital out of the economy.
Enemies were paying close attention. Hamas and Hezbollah interpreted the unrest as a sign of Israeli weakness. Iran’s proxies in Yemen and Iraq likewise sought to exploit this fracture, believing the country too distracted and divided to respond effectively. Indeed, one of the lessons of October 7 is that when Israel appears weak and divided, its adversaries see opportunity. On that fateful day, Hamas launched a brutal and unprecedented attack, capitalizing on years of underestimation and a mistaken belief that Israel could not respond cohesively.
For months now, Israelis have demonstrated extraordinary resilience. Families of hostages have turned their grief into a rallying cry for unity. Citizens from across the political spectrum have donated their time, resources, and expertise to support the war effort. Our economy, though bruised, is holding firm thanks to the sacrifices of workers and businesses alike. This hard-earned cohesion must not be squandered.
Revisiting the notion of a judicial reform now would undo this unity and risk alienating the very people who have carried Israel through its darkest hours. The thousands of citizens both in the South and North who have yet to return to their homes after 14 months should be a greater priority.
We cannot allow history to repeat itself. If a judicial reform was to return to the political agenda now, the ensuing backlash could unravel the fragile unity that has allowed Israel to fight back on multiple fronts. No responsible government should risk such division while the nation is at war.
There will be a time to debate the future of Israel’s judiciary. Yet right now, the priority must be victory on the battlefield, the safe return of hostages, and the protection of citizens. These are the issues that matter. These are the challenges that demand every ounce of Israel’s focus and energy.
https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/article-833568
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My High School Journey To Israel
By Hadley Cohen
December 15, 2024
For four years, I counted down the days until I could embark on my journey to Israel with Jewish National Fund-USA’s Alexander Muss High School in Israel (Muss). I’d grown up hearing my mom’s incredible stories from her time there, so I was desperate to experience it.
October 7 changed everything, bringing a sense of fear and uncertainty to the Jewish community. The attack left a devastating impact, forcing many to question whether it was safe or appropriate to be in Israel. Friends and family were worried and urged me to call off my trip. They told me I was out of my mind to even consider going, but something deep inside told me that dropping out wasn’t the answer. I felt a strong pull, a sense that Israel was exactly where I was meant to be, especially now. I stayed committed, boarded the plane, and did not regret my decision for a split second.
At the start of the semester, our discussions often revolved around Jewish identity and the sacrifices we would make for our heritage. Unlike most of my peers, I hadn’t attended Jewish day school or spent summers at a religious camp. I had never even visited Israel before. Without those shared experiences, I was worried that I would feel disconnected and not be able to relate to the group. I was unsure but curious when I walked into my Israel Studies class that first day. I didn’t know what to expect or how the class might impact me.
Our teacher, Doni Kandel, welcomed us, and I immediately felt a shift. His warmth and passion for Israel and our shared history, as Jews, were undeniable. It was not long until I realized that this wasn’t just going to be a class; it was the start of something bigger. Soon enough, the 8 a.m. sessions became something I looked forward to, as Doni’s questions and insights challenged me to dig deeper into my heritage, my values, and my understanding of myself. He created an atmosphere that pushed me out of my comfort zone and sparked a connection to my Jewish identity that I hadn’t felt before. Doni wasn’t just our teacher; he became a friend and someone we all respected and looked up to.
Through his class and the following experiences, I began to truly connect with Israel; not just through lectures, but by exploring the land itself. Whether it was climbing Masada, riding camels in the Negev, or hiking from one sea to another, I felt a strong tie to the land and its people. This connection wasn’t limited to the tiyulim; even in simple moments, like ordering a smoothie in Hebrew or wishing "Good Shabbos" to people on the streets, I felt immersed in the everyday life and spirit of Israel.
Now, as a high school junior back in the States, it feels surreal that my long-awaited trip to Israel is already behind me. People often tell me that I’ve become more mature and self-aware since returning, and they’re right. While I’ve gained a deep understanding of history, I’ve also learned just as much about being independent and stepping up as an active role model. In Israel, I didn’t have my parents telling me to clean my room or a rigid school schedule to follow. I was responsible for managing my routine, making decisions on the spot, and staying organized. All of which are habits that I’ve continued to apply now that I’m back home.
Muss sparked significant growth and evolution in my Jewish identity, a transformation that continues to shape me today. The experiences and lessons I gained there have inspired me to stay deeply engaged in my Jewish community. As an assistant morah (teacher) at my Chabad, I have the privilege of passing on what I’ve learned by teaching students to read Hebrew and guiding them in exploring their own Jewish identities and histories. It’s incredibly fulfilling to watch them grow and deepen their connection to their heritage.
In addition to my teaching role, I am actively involved in Cteen events at Chabad, where these gatherings offer like-minded teens a supportive environment to connect, share their thoughts, and engage in meaningful mitzvahs together. Though I’m no longer in Israel, I’ve kept up my Hebrew Duolingo streak since returning from Muss. This small, daily practice has become a meaningful way for me to stay connected to the country and continue nurturing the bond I developed during my time there.
Muss has truly transformed me. I’ve gained important life skills, experienced thousands of years of history, developed a strong Zionist identity, and found my new 34 brothers and sisters. Thank you, Muss, for the best four months of my life and for helping me become the person I strive to be.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-833542
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Nexus: Analyzing Yuval Noah Harari's Take On AI
By Shlomo Maital
December 15, 2024
As if we Israelis did not have enough things to trouble us, author and historian Yuval Noah Harari has published a new troubling book. It is another “brief history” – only 518 long pages. This time, a history of information networks. The focus is on information driven by artificial intelligence. And the prognosis, according to Harari, is very bad, indeed. To reach his hair-raising jeremiads, you must read several hundred pages of history about less lethal information networks.
The book’s title is Nexus: A Brief History of Information Networks from the Stone Age to AI. Artificial intelligence poses an “existential crisis,” Harari claims. And our fractious, divided world is ill-equipped to confront it.
“After 100,000 years of discoveries, inventions, and conquests, humanity has pushed itself into an existential crisis. We are on the verge of ecological collapse…we are busy creating new technologies that have the potential to escape our control and enslave or annihilate us. Yet instead of our species uniting to deal with these existential challenges, global cooperation is becoming more difficult…and a new world war does not seem impossible.”
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832890
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