By New Age Islam Edit Desk
23 January 2025
'America First' Changes The Dynamic For Israel And Ukraine
Israel's Way Forward After Oct.7: Political Leadership Should Follow Halevi Out
Will Isaac Herzog Be Remembered Among His Historic Family?
When Will Egyptians Reclaim The January Revolution?
London Police Crackdown On Gaza Protest Evokes 19th-Century Repression
How Nato Could Help Restore Peace In Gaza And The West Bank
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'America First' Changes The Dynamic For Israel And Ukraine
By Michael J. Salamon, Louis Libin
January 23, 2025
In the complex world of global geopolitics, the America First ideology, articulated by Donald Trump in his inaugural speech, has become a defining narrative for US foreign policy. For nations like Israel and Ukraine, this philosophy transcends mere rhetoric, presenting a strategic conundrum that necessitates strategic recalibration and readiness to adapt to what may become an increasingly insular United States.
Israel has long relied on the United States as a cornerstone of its security strategy. The close-knit cooperation between the two countries has been instrumental, with historic milestones such as recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and the Abraham Accords.
Yet, the inward focus of America First policies brings a layer of unpredictability. Although US assistance is expected to remain steady, Israel must reassess its strategic stance to safeguard its interests.
To ensure its security, Israel should prioritize expanding its defense capabilities. Homegrown systems like the Iron Dome and advancements in cybersecurity and AI should be at the forefront. Increasing production of munitions in the country is essential. Strengthening regional ties, particularly through the Abraham Accords, will also be crucial in reducing dependency on US support.
Diplomatically, Israel must position itself as a stabilizing force against threats like Iran, aligning its objectives with American interests. Some American leaders view Israel as the “tip of the spear” in containing Islamic terror groups worldwide.
Although many Republican members of the United States Congress are vocal supporters of Israel, under an isolationist leadership that can change. Building bipartisan support within the US political landscape, and knowing where the true support will be, is vital to maintaining an enduring alliance.
Ukraine faces a more difficult challenge
FOR UKRAINE, the America First doctrine presents a more immediate challenge. The ongoing conflict with Russia makes the US alliance indispensable. However, this transactional approach to foreign policy requires Ukraine to demonstrate its strategic value to maintain American support.
Ukraine must frame its conflict as a global struggle for democracy, appealing to the broader international community. Highlighting its contributions to global security and deepening alliances with Europe and NATO will diversify its support base.
Additionally, modernizing its military and bolstering domestic defense production will enhance its resilience. While there is truth to the belief that the only way the Ukrainian-Russia conflict can be resolved is through negotiation, short-shifting Ukraine in the process will only empower Putin’s broader aims, which include an alliance with Iran.
The America First doctrine’s prioritization of domestic interests marks a pivotal moment in global power dynamics. Trump’s idea to gain control of the Panama Canal and rename the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of America seems no more than bluster for his vision of America First.
For Israel and Ukraine, however, this shift underscores the necessity for strategic adaptability and proactive engagement. These two nations, in particular, must navigate this complex landscape by enhancing their autonomy while reinforcing their roles as indispensable partners to the United States.
Ultimately, “America First” is more than a policy shift – it’s a challenge to the adaptability of America’s allies. For Israel and Ukraine, success will hinge on their ability to align their interests with an inward-looking America, embracing the challenges and opportunities of this new era. The time to fortify their positions on the global stage is now.
Dr. Michael J. Salamon is a psychologist specializing in trauma and abuse. He is director of ADC Psychological Services in Netanya and Hewlett, NY, and is on staff at Northwell, New Hyde Park, NY. Louis Libin is an expert in military strategies and innovation, and advises and teaches military innovation, wireless systems, and emergency communications at military colleges and agencies. He founded a consulting group for emergency management, cybersecurity, IP, and communications.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-838786
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Israel's Way Forward After Oct.7: Political Leadership Should Follow Halevi Out
By Jpost Editorial
January 23, 202
Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Herzi Halevi did the right thing on Sunday by resigning due to his role in the October 7 debacle. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu should now follow suit: resign and call for new elections.
Israel will only be able to fully move on from October 7 when all those who bear responsibility for the disaster have been replaced. Accountability demands change, not just admissions of guilt.
This means replacing both military leaders who failed to anticipate the events and protect the country’s citizens from the Hamas invasion and political leaders whose decisions over the years made such a catastrophe possible.The military failures on October 7 are painfully obvious – from not heeding the many warnings of an attack to the time it took the army and air force to repel the invaders.
The political failures span from ignoring Hamas’s buildup in Gaza since 2007 to entrenching Hamas in Gaza by allowing Qatar to send cash-filled suitcases every month and dismissing warnings that domestic divisions emboldened Israel’s enemies.
The only way forward
The country’s military and political leaders need to be replaced not as a form of punishment but rather as a way to jump-start the nation’s confidence in its leadership.
How can the country have faith in leaders responsible for a historic failure who remain in the same positions of authority? How can they be sure that these leaders won’t repeat the same assumptions and miscalculations?
This does not mean that the IDF didn’t have some head-spinning achievements since October 7 that have reshaped the Middle East – from decapitating Hezbollah to weakening Iran to destroying the Syrian army after the fall of Bashar al-Assad. But those achievements do not wipe out the colossal initial failure, for which there needs to be a reckoning.
Halevi’s resignation was quickly followed by OC Southern Command Maj.-Gen. Yaron Finkelman. Their resignations add to a growing list of senior IDF officials stepping aside, including Maj.-Gen. Aharon Haliva, former head of Military Intelligence, and Brig.-Gen. Avi Rosenfeld, former head of the Gaza Division.
Several more are expected, including Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) head Ronen Bar.
In contrast, the only political leader to resign was former defense minister Yoav Gallant, and his departure had more to do with political maneuvering than an expression of contrition over October 7.
Halevi’s resignation was quickly followed by OC Southern Command Maj.-Gen. Yaron Finkelman. Their resignations add to a growing list of senior IDF officials stepping aside, including Maj.-Gen. Aharon Haliva, former head of Military Intelligence, and Brig.-Gen. Avi Rosenfeld, former head of the Gaza Division.
Several more are expected, including Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) head Ronen Bar.
In contrast, the only political leader to resign was former defense minister Yoav Gallant, and his departure had more to do with political maneuvering than an expression of contrition over October 7.
Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid, whose divisive rhetoric helped fuel the divisions in the country that invited an enemy attack, should also be held accountable.
Halevi, in his resignation letter, called for an independent commission of inquiry to be set up, something which polls have consistently shown the public wants. An inquiry should enable the lessons of October 7 to be learned across the board: in the military, among the government, and among the opposition.
With Halevi stepping down and the expected resignation of several other top-level IDF officers, new appointments will need to be made. This provides the IDF with an opportunity to renew itself by appointing new leaders, untainted by October 7 and unburdened by the same groupthink that made the Hamas attack possible.
These leaders can bring a fresh perspective to how the IDF should prepare and operate – something October 7 showed is badly needed. Following October 7, the country needs new faces and innovative strategies.
The high-level IDF resignations create the opportunity for this to happen in the military. A similar opportunity should be afforded the political echelon through new elections – the sooner, the better.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-838789
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Will Isaac Herzog Be Remembered Among His Historic Family?
By Tova Herzl
January 23, 2025
Have you ever thought about what it is like to share a name with a street? We Herzls have it relatively simple – the tragic fate of Theodor Herzl’s offspring is well known, and therefore, distant relatives of the founder of political Zionism are not expected to uphold any standard but are merely asked about the connection (in my case – seven or eight times removed).
But being “Herzog” is a challenge. In Jerusalem, we have Herzog Street (named for the grandfather of our current president), Herzog Medical Center (grandmother), and a branch of Herzog College (uncle).
How does President Isaac Herzog feel about this prominent commemoration of his relatives, who all displayed public courage even when it was inconvenient, even as he abides by the rules of his ceremonial role, while everything around us is threatened?
Thus, his rubber-stamp speech in favor of the hostage deal came only after the mediators announced that the parties had agreed, and not in May, many deaths ago when a very similar deal longed for a redeemer.
Incidentally, due to a cornucopia of Herzogs, the country’s capital did not commemorate the father of the current president, Chaim Herzog, by his name but rather as Sderot Hanassi Hashishi – Sixth President Boulevard. Disclosure – I worked in his bureau for about a year and learned much from him and his wife, Aura, a perfect hostess.
Our president was named for his grandfather, who was the chief rabbi of Palestine and, after its establishment in 1948, of Israel. Within six months of assuming his position in 1937, during the Arab Revolt, he and his Sephardi colleague issued at least two warnings to Jews against taking revenge on Arabs.
In his previous positions, President Herzog spoke up against hilltop youth, illegal settlements, and acts of revenge. But I have found no evidence of him saying anything about them since assuming the highest office, despite their rapid growth.
It took the grandson more than a year to call for a national commission of inquiry to investigate October 7, the greatest catastrophe in Israel’s history – although such a commission enjoys overwhelming public support.
The chief Rabbi’s wife, Sarah, gave her name to a mental hospital, her life’s work. When women were generally viewed in Orthodox circles as being under the patronage of their husbands, she supported women’s independence.
She understood that one cannot please everyone all the time – there can be no compromise between support of such independence or opposition to it, or between those who will subjugate the judiciary to the whims of politicians and those who object to this control.
Herzog College is named for their younger son, Rabbi Dr. Yaakov Herzog. Before his death at 51, he was director-general of the Prime Minister’s Office and Israel’s ambassador to Canada.
There he conducted an open debate with Arnold Toynbee, several days after the prominent historian and philosopher deemed Judaism a fossil and compared some of Israel’s actions to Nazis.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry did not approve the debate and many in Israel and among Canadian Jewry were opposed to it – it reminded them of encounters with church leaders during the Middle Ages, which always turned out badly for the Jews.
This is why Herzog opened his remarks by saying that he is debating in his personal capacity – the situation demanded that he remove the constrictions of his official mantle, in order to take action and make a difference. The debate was broadcast widely, Herzog is considered to have won, and Toynbee moderated some of his opinions.
To their credit and unlike cabinet members, President Herzog and his wife, Michal, regularly visit families of the fallen and meet hostage families, displaying humaneness and empathy.
Nevertheless, it must be asked: What qualities does he display now, halfway through his seven-year term? What goes through his mind when he pages through a family album? How does he envisage his legacy, compared to that of other Herzogs?
What does he imagine future historians will write about him; what will a pedestrian walking through President Isaac Herzog Street think? How will his silence and passivity be viewed? Do they prevent the country’s rapid deterioration, or enable it? What is his contribution to the future of the Zionist enterprise, which began with Theodor Herzl and is now facing an unprecedented challenge?
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-838771
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When Will Egyptians Reclaim The January Revolution?
By Mahmoud Hassan
January 22, 2025
Next Saturday, Egyptians will mark the 14th anniversary of the 25 January Revolution of 2011, amidst a nostalgic longing for the unfulfilled promises of the uprising and ongoing questions about how to rekindle the popular momentum that toppled the regime of late President Hosni Mubarak after 30 years in power.
This year, the anniversary carries particular significance, coming just weeks after the Syrian revolution succeeded in overthrowing President Bashar Al-Assad’s regime and taking control of the country after 13 years of brutal repression.
A significant segment of Egyptians are still hoping for the possibility of reviving revolutionary alignment among political forces to overcome the security crackdown and economic deterioration imposed by President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi’s regime over the past decade.
Security tensions
A stroll through the streets of Cairo reveals a glimpse of the prevailing security tensions. The Ministry of Interior has declared a state of high alert, supposedly to secure New Year’s celebrations, but opposition figures link the move to developments in Syria.
Tension was evident in a series of arrests, including popular content creator, Ahmed Abu Zeid, and TikTok blogger, Mohamed Ahmed Allam, known as Rivaldo, following videos they posted criticising Al-Sisi’s regime.
Authorities in Egypt heightened tensions further with the sudden arrest of academic, Nada Moghith, the wife of detained cartoonist, Ashraf Omar, and novelist, Ahmed Serag. The arrests followed comments made by Moghith about her husband’s detention during an interview with the independent platform, Zat Masr. While Moghith was later released, Serag remains in custody for 15 days on charges of “joining a terrorist group, financing terrorism and using a private account on an international network to spread false news”, according to his lawyer.
In recent days, Egyptian security forces resumed targeting publisher and political dissident, Hisham Qassem, who had been released months ago, charging him after he announced plans to continue his activism and launch a new party called The Free Call. The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights described the move as “indicative of vindictive motives and a desire to punish him for his political criticism.”
Similarly, prominent human rights activist, Hossam Bahgat, was summoned by the Supreme State Security Prosecution over Case No. 6 of 2025, accused of “participating in and financing a terrorist group and spreading false information”. Amnesty International condemned the case as “a malicious attempt to silence dissent and suppress reports on Egypt’s dismal human rights record.”
In Aswan, south of Egypt, the Supreme State Security Prosecution ordered the detention of lawyer and rights activist, Fatma Al-Zahraa Gharib for 15 days over Case No. 1282 of 2024 after she was caught writing anti-Al-Sisi slogans on government buildings.
In a striking development, the crackdown extended to the judiciary. Authorities issued a decision prohibiting judges from speaking, writing or appearing in the media or on social platforms. This came after 48 judges were referred for investigation following complaining about their deteriorating financial conditions in a private online group in November.
Forced absence
Security tensions escalate as the Egyptian regime continues to enforce a state of forced absence on the opposition, including Islamist, liberal and leftist factions. Groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood, the April 6 Movement and Ultras football fans, all classified as “terrorist organisations” by the regime, have been severely weakened and infiltrated.
The forced disappearance of political leaders is compounded by the imprisonment of prominent dissidents such as Abdel Moneim Abo Al-Fotouh, Hazem Abu Ismail, Mohamed Adel, Alaa Abdel Fattah, former MP Ahmed Tantawy, founder of the Civil Democratic Movement Yehia Hussein Abdel Hadi, economist Abdel Khalek Farouk, journalist Sayed Saber and others.
Since the 2013 coup, the Egyptian regime has intensified pre-emptive measures, including arbitrary arrests, pretrial detentions and fabricating new cases to crush any potential uprising against Al-Sisi’s rule, no matter how small.
Journalist Gamal Sultan, an exiled Egyptian dissident, observed on Facebook: “The regime in Egypt is experiencing noticeably heightened tension these days—whether in Al-Sisi’s behaviour, or that of security forces, parliament and media and its electronic committees. Something unclear is brewing. Is the regime worried about internal challenges, or is it sensing an impending storm of regional and international discontent over its fate?”
Last week, Egypt’s parliament approved Article 79 of the draft Criminal Procedures Law, allowing authorities to monitor telecommunications, social media accounts, emails and other private communications. Critics view the measure as a formalisation of state surveillance.
Assad’s fate
The fragility of the Egyptian opposition and the deep political polarisation—particularly between Islamists and liberals—have strengthened Al-Sisi’s grip on power, enabling him to secure a third term extending to 2030. Yet, anxiety persists among the generals who have held power since President Mohamed Morsi’s ouster in mid-2013.
This unease is evidenced by more campaigns of arrests, flawed legislation and media blackouts aimed at suppressing growing discontent over deteriorating living standards, soaring prices, currency devaluation, mounting foreign debt and contentious issues such as the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and the transfer of Tiran and Sanafir islands to Saudi Arabia.
Adding to the regime’s discomfort are events of Syria’s revolution, particularly a viral video of Egyptian jihadist in Syria, Ahmad Al-Mansour (now detained), calling for Al-Sisi’s ouster and warning that “Al-Sisi will meet the same fate as Assad.”
A political analyst, anonymously quoted by Middle East Monitor, suggested that the recent Syrian developments have alarmed the Egyptian regime. “The successful use of arms in Syria unnerves the regime, raising fears of similar movements in Egypt. Meanwhile, Gaza’s ceasefire reinforces Hamas’s victory, exposing Egypt’s passive stance during the conflict and allegations of Al-Sisi’s complicity in Gaza’s blockade.”
The growing comparisons between Al-Sisi’s rule and Assad’s regime, along with accusations of torture in Egyptian prisons reminiscent of Syria’s notorious Sednaya Prison, have fuelled public anger. Although Al-Sisi recently denied any involvement in killings, saying “two things I’ve never done: killing anyone or taking anyone’s money”, his opponents responded with the hashtag “Your hands are stained with Egyptians’ blood”, accompanied by videos of the 2013 Rabaa and Nahda massacres, which led to the killing of hundreds of Egyptians and followed by the arrests of thousands of Morsi’s supporters.
An anonymous leader of an opposition party commented that the January Revolution’s anniversary comes at a transformative moment. Syria’s victory, Gaza’s ceasefire and Egypt’s deepening economic crises could inspire hope for change. However, the regime’s continued crackdown may lead to spontaneous public explosions sparked by unforeseen events rather than organised calls for protest.
While this year’s commemoration might pass peacefully as in previous years, ongoing repression, exercised by the military rule, could pave the way for unexpected uprisings not driven by political or party symbols but rather by hunger, deprivation and poverty. In such a scenario, Egyptians may, once again, demand “bread, freedom and human dignity”, echoing their iconic chant: “The people want the downfall of the regime.”
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250122-when-will-egyptians-reclaim-the-january-revolution/
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London Police Crackdown On Gaza Protest Evokes 19th-Century Repression
By Ismail Patel
January 22, 2025
The policing of a weekend protest in London against Israel’s genocide in Gaza was alarmingly heavy-handed, bearing troubling echoes of the repression faced by early 19th-century reformers in the country.
Then as now, the state’s approach to suppress dissent raises urgent questions about the balance between security and civil liberties.
On Saturday, after previously agreeing to allow protesters to assemble from Trafalgar Square to Parliament Square, police imposed draconian measures. Protesters were herded into sections, preventing individuals in one section from joining friends or family in others.
Police dictated the start and end times of speeches, even forbidding music before they began. More than 1,000 officers were deployed, their aggressive and provocative demeanour fostering a tense atmosphere even before the rally began.
Despite the provocations, the protesters – many of whom have participated in regular demonstrations over the past 15 months – remained resolute and peaceful. Young and old, Muslims, Jews and Christians, and people of all beliefs conveyed their message through chants and banners.
They maintained the dignity of their cause, despite the ongoing tragedy of the genocide, along with the complicity of the UK government and police restrictions.
After the speeches, one protest organiser, the Palestine Solidarity Campaign director Ben Jamal, announced plans for a handful of people to lay flowers outside the BBC studios in a symbolic act of mourning.
Protesters were asked to clear the way for the small delegation, with organisers noting that if police blocked the route at any point, the flowers would be placed at the officers’ feet – highlighting their complicity in oppression.
Police escalation
As the group, including MPs, celebrities, an 87-year-old Holocaust survivor and myself, proceeded, we arrived at the top of Whitehall. Here as video evidence shows, police voluntarily allowed us to go through, telling us: “Make your way through please.”
Despite this, police then turned on protesters, escalating the situation and arresting more than 70 people. Ten people, including several over the age of 60, were charged with public order offences. This crackdown has been instrumentalised to tarnish our peaceful movement and undermine the legitimate quest for Palestinian self-determination.
In response to questions from Middle East Eye, London’s Metropolitan Police cited a statement issued by Commander Adam Slonecki, who led the policing operation on the weekend.
“We approached discussions in good faith, meeting regularly with the PSC [Palestine Solidarity Campaign] and with partners and community representatives … Our role is not to take sides. We police without fear or favour and we have taken the decisions we have motivated only by the need to ensure groups can exercise their right to peaceful protest, while also ensuring the wider community can go about their lives without serious disruption.”
This tragedy resulted from a compromise forced upon protest organisers after months of negotiations with police, during which permission to march from the BBC to Whitehall was finally denied.
The refusal by police appears aligned with pressure from pro-Israel groups such as the Campaign Against Antisemitism, which stated that it had been calling for more than a year “for these marches to be banned”. Reports also indicate that pro-Israel groups, MPs and peers had lobbied Met Commissioner Mark Rowley to reroute the rally. Even Chief Rabbi Ephraim Mirvis had spoken out against the march.
This brings me back to the memory of early 19th-century reformers. On that fateful day in 1819, peaceful protesters in Manchester had gathered to demand parliamentary reform and greater representation, only to face brutal repression from police, resulting in an estimated 15 deaths and hundreds of injuries, under the pretext of maintaining order.
While Saturday’s demonstration thankfully did not lead to any deaths, the suppression of protest rights was disturbingly reminiscent of the 1819 Peterloo Massacre.
Creeping authoritarianism
Police actions on Saturday represented a modern iteration of the same denial of the right to protest. Back then, the Seditious Meetings Act (1817) and other repressive laws required prior approval for gatherings, and allowed detention without trial.
Today, similar restrictions are imposed through the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022, granting authorities sweeping powers to limit protests under the guise of maintaining public order and imposing bail conditions that restrict public engagement.
War on Gaza: Have UK protests made a difference?Read More »
Further, the impact of the pro-Israel lobby groups and government complicity are strengthening executive powers at the expense of longstanding civil rights. This creeping authoritarianism undermines the democratic fabric of our society, endangering freedoms hard-won since the time of Peterloo.
Denying the freedom to march under threat of arrest undermines the very foundation of democratic societies, suppressing the public’s ability to demand accountability. This course of action will deepen inequalities and risk long-term instability. Protecting this fundamental right is critical to ensuring a fair, just and resilient society.
Restricting protest rights under the pretence of security is a slippery slope towards authoritarianism. It stifles dissent, alienates marginalised communities, and erodes trust in democratic institutions. The right to protest is a cornerstone of democracy, vital for holding power to account – but the restrictions on Saturday’s events illustrate how this right is being eroded in the UK.
This crackdown sets a dangerous precedent, not just for those advocating for Palestinian justice, but for all who fight against inequality, racism, environmental destruction and other social injustices.
In this critical moment, we must remember Peterloo’s lessons. The fight for justice and equality demands that we resist any attempt to silence voices calling for accountability and justice. Democracy, social cohesion and progress depend on it.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250122-london-police-crackdown-on-gaza-protest-evokes-19th-century-repression/
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How NATO Could Help Restore Peace In Gaza And The West Bank
Dr. Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg
January 22, 2025
While taking due credit for helping to broker the agreement between Israel and Hamas, President Donald Trump nevertheless said on Monday he was “not confident” the Gaza ceasefire would last. At the same time, he offered hope that, despite the destruction, the Strip can be rebuilt: “I looked at a picture of Gaza — Gaza is like a massive demolition site. That place is, it’s really, it’s got to be rebuilt in a different way.”
Speaking from his experience as a real estate developer, Trump said that Gaza is in a “phenomenal location” along the Mediterranean Sea, with the “best weather,” adding that “beautiful things could be done over there, fantastic things.” He added that he “might” help in rebuilding the Gaza Strip.
Trump is not alone on either point. There is much concern that the truce will not hold for long or, if it holds during the first phase, that it might not be renewed. But there is also hope that peace will eventually stick and the rebuilding can begin.
Israeli extremists, including some in the Netanyahu government, are opposed to the deal and are determined to undermine it. Itamar Ben-Gvir of the Jewish Power party this week resigned as national security minister, while Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has threatened to do the same if Benjamin Netanyahu does not break the ceasefire once the initial 42-day phase is complete. The latter claimed on Monday that he had “received a commitment from Prime Minister Netanyahu that Israel will return to the battlefield to eliminate Hamas and eradicate this threat once and for all.”
Netanyahu is also a reluctant participant and he may try to find pretexts to stop implementing the deal and return to fighting. He said on Sunday that “both President Trump and President (Joe) Biden gave full backing to Israel’s right to return to fighting, if Israel comes to the conclusion that negotiations on Phase B are futile.”
Probably the most consequential phase will be the next. If it comes into effect, it will see the complete withdrawal of the Israeli military from Gaza. Talks for that phase are set to start on Feb. 4, but given the extremists’ push against the deal, the talks’ outcome may be in doubt.
Two key issues are the need to fill the vacuum when Israel withdraws from Gaza, as foreseen in the deal, and the lack of trust between Israel and Hamas. The Gulf Cooperation Council has supported the call for an international force to be deployed in Gaza. It has also called for the reunification of Gaza and the West Bank under the Palestinian Authority, so that it can be responsible for security in the Strip.
But the PA cannot do it alone. It needs a partner that has the muscle and credibility to do the job. NATO could fit that description.
NATO has been working to expand its engagement in the Middle East. In 2004, it launched the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative to partner with GCC countries on political coordination, security training and capacity building. In 2017, a regional center for that purpose was set up in Kuwait. Last July, NATO’s secretary-general designated Spanish diplomat Javier Colomina as special representative to lead the alliance’s engagement and cooperation with the region. The organization also announced that it would establish its first ever liaison office in the Middle East in Amman, Jordan, to focus on “reinforcing cooperation between NATO and Middle East and North Africa countries.”
NATO could achieve these goals by joining the global consensus on bringing peace to the Middle East. On Gaza, the deal struck last week was the embodiment of several months of diplomacy, given a final and effective push by the new administration in Washington, even before its official start. The deal is based on UN Security Council Resolution 2735, which was passed last June but took seven months to implement. That achievement could be cut short if the international community does not stand by it and provide the support it needs. NATO could be part of that support mechanism by providing a force to replace Israeli forces and prepare the Gaza Strip for restabilization, recovery, rebuilding and reunification with the West Bank.
The West Bank has witnessed, over the past days and months, an intensification of attacks by Israeli settlers on Palestinians and an increase in settlement activity, home demolitions and evictions of Palestinian families.
At the same time as these threats against Palestinians are taking place in the West Bank, the global consensus on resolving the conflict is solidifying, including total rejection of settler violence and unilateral actions taken by Israel in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. That consensus also includes support for the implementation of UN resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative, meaning the establishment of an independent and viable Palestinian state on the 1967 borders.
Last September, Saudi Arabia, together with Norway and the EU, launched the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution. In November, Riyadh hosted the first meeting of the new alliance, attended by more than 90 countries and organizations, including close allies of Israel. The second and third meetings of the alliance were held in Brussels in November and in Oslo last week, respectively. The meetings discussed the political and economic building blocks of the process. Strengthening the PA is part of this consensus, because this is essential to enable it to carry out the duties of the state and provide basic services. Introducing economic and political reforms will help in the smooth functioning of the state and will encourage donors and investors to commit funds.
However, as in Gaza, any political agreement will need security arrangements, including the presence of an international force to separate the two parties and help the PA govern. It has to address the concerns of both sides, including Israel’s security and the full enfranchisement of the Palestinians.
International support for this plan is crucial to provide the incentives and the discipline, or carrots and sticks, which are needed to make it work.
In both Gaza and the West Bank, NATO’s support would be extremely useful. It can provide an independent force to separate the parties, provide training for the Palestinian security forces and help the PA exercise full control over its territory and decommission armed groups or bring them under government authority. NATO can provide the security assurances that are needed to encourage investors and donors to help both Gaza and the West Bank. Trump’s dream of rebuilding Gaza will need security assurances. The promise of shared prosperity between the countries of the region if peace is restored will also need security arrangements if it is to be realized.
NATO could help provide those security assurances. It will be on the right side of history if it does. NATO has done it before, when it helped Kosovo achieve its independence and prepare it for statehood. NATO’s success would end speculation about the organization’s relevance, which the new administration in Washington appears to question.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2587387
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