By
Salman Akram Raja
January 9,
2021
Enactment
and enforcement of legislation against child marriage has repeatedly run into
resistance that claims religious authority. Overcoming this resistance will
require a wider intellectual engagement with the foundations and structure of
religious thought. Consider.
The latest
report on Pakistan, based on figures contained in the UNICEF database 2016,
issued by the Centre for Reproductive Rights makes for grim reading: “Child
marriage in Pakistan constitutes an ongoing human rights violation on a large
scale. Pakistan ranks sixth in the world in terms of the highest absolute numbers
of child marriage. Twenty-one percent of girls in Pakistan are married by the
age of 18. While child marriage affects both boys and girls in Pakistan, girls
are disproportionately affected.”
For Hindu,
Sikh and Christian communities, the impending threat of one of their
girl-children disappearing and then turning up married and converted to the
majority faith constitutes an additional existential crisis and personal
tragedy for the families involved.
The
legislative and judicial response to child marriage remains stymied and
eventually ineffectual. Statis in religious thought, articulated both by
convention and from the constitutional pulpit occupied by the Council of
Islamic Ideology, continues to oppose the enforcement of a minimum age for
marriage through legislative prescription. This congealed statis insists that
the physical fact of puberty alone is determinative of the capacity to engage
in marriage. For the girl-child, the onset of the menstrual cycle is enough to
determine her destiny.
Conventional
religious thought has determined that this can happen at age nine and,
therefore, any law that requires girls to be older than nine years for the
marriage to be lawful is against the Shariah. This was the view that M A
Jinnah, soon to become Quaid-e-Azam, confronted in 1929 when he rose on the
floor of the legislature to support the Child Marriage Restraint Act. Rejecting
the religious objections, the Quaid stated: “I cannot believe that there can be
a divine sanction to such evil practices as are prevailing, and that we should,
for a single minute, give our sanction to the continuance of these evil
practices any longer."
By the year
2012 the Quaid’s views were no longer acceptable to the Council of Islamic
Ideology set up in the state he had founded. In its report for the year
2012-13, the Council of Islamic Ideology unambiguously declared that marriage
of a child can be contracted at any age and for the girl-bride Rukhsati can
take place at age nine for consummation, provided she has attained puberty. The
operative provisions of the Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929, that prescribe a
minimum age of sixteen for girls and eighteen for boys, were declared contrary
to the injunctions of the Shariah. The views of the Council of Islamic Ideology
are advisory and do not result in the demise of an existing law.
However, in
the face of the purported Shariah position that exalts puberty above all other
physical, psychological and cognitive attributes neither the Act of 1929 nor
the Sindh Child Marriage Restraint Act of 2014 has served to act as an
effective safeguard against child marriage. The courts routinely cause invasive
determinations of puberty of the girl child in order to determine the validity
of a marriage.
The
increasingly muted contest over child marriage is clearly a part of a wider
closing down of religious discourse in Pakistan. The possibility of creative
engagement with tradition that seemed imminent when Prof Fazal ur Rehman was
heading the Council of Islamic Ideology in the 1960s is now a faded memory. The
Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961 that imposed restrictions on polygamy and
allowed a share in inheritance to orphaned grandchildren was the result of
vigorous engagement with the sources of the Shariah, and the articulation of a
reform vision that claimed legitimacy on account of fealty to the letter as
well as the spirit of the Islamic tradition. The reformers of the 1960s claimed
inspiration from the vision of revival and reconstruction of religious thought
provided by Allama Iqbal.
When Iqbal
published his maturest philosophic reflections in the form of a book in 1932,
‘The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam’, and called for Ijtihad
through elected assemblies consisting of lay individuals, he was in no doubt
about the enormity of the challenge that he had launched. He was to remark that
had his work been published during the reign of the Caliph Mamoon ur Rashid
(813-833), when Mutazalite ideas about the primacy of reason in jurisprudence
were still the avowed creed of the caliphal court, the subsequent course of
Muslim religious thought might have been radically different from what it in
fact turned out to be.
The year
1983 can be marked down as the year in which convention and statis silenced the
challenge that Iqbal’s vision of a reconstruction of religious thought had
inspired within the judicial and legislative structures of the state. In a
remarkable judgment in the case of Hazoor Bakhsh vs Federation of Pakistan,
delivered by the Federal Shariat Court in 1981, the punishment of rajam
(stoning to death) for the offence of adultery was declared to be contrary to
the punishment for such offence envisaged by the Quran and the Sunnah. In
arriving at this conclusion, the Federal Shariat Court examined the structure
of what had come to be described as the Shariah. The relationship between the
Quran and the Hadith, the theories of abrogation and Ijma as well as the
contextuality of events in the life of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him)
were examined with courage and incision. Not every event was taken to be a
source of binding legal precedent. The result was a shock not only to the
designs of General Ziaul Haq but also to the edifice of conventional religious
thought.
Zia acted
swiftly. The Shariat Court was effectively disbanded and then reconstituted
with five new members. A Review Petition against the original judgment of 1981
was taken up in 1983 and accepted. Tradition and convention were emphatically
reasserted in declaring rajam to be the Shariah punishment for adultery.
After
‘Hazoor Bakhsh’ the Shariat Court and the Shariat Appellate Bench of the
Supreme Court were to consistently affirm a socio-political vision embedded in
the fiqh (jurisprudence) adopted during the centuries that Iqbal had described
as a period of 'intellectual stupor' in the world of Islam. Rights of
landowners were consistently given precedence, in pre-emption and land reform,
over the state's concern for the landless. The orphaned grandchild's right to
inherit, allowed by the reform of 1961, was also struck down.
What is the
way-out of the statis in religious, juristic and political thought that seems
intent on resisting all attempts at a creative engagement with, and
reconstruction of, tradition? No legal system and its accompanying
jurisprudence, whether avowedly secular or consciously based on religious
precepts, can retain the legitimacy necessary for its sustenance unless it has
foundations in the norms and beliefs prevalent in the community.
In viewing
the “intellectual stupor” into which the world of Islam had fallen and in
looking for pathways towards a reconstructed framework of thought and action
Iqbal wrote: “During the last five hundred years religious thought in Islam has
been practically stationary. There was a time when European thought received
inspiration from the world of Islam. The most remarkable phenomenon of modern
history, however, is the enormous rapidity with which the world of Islam is
spiritually moving towards the West. (Iqbal 1932:7)”
For Iqbal,
the spiritual move towards the West did not constitute an abandonment. He
wrote: “There is nothing wrong in this movement, for European culture, on its
intellectual side, is only a further development of some of the most important
phases of the culture of Islam” (Iqbal: 1932:7)
For Iqbal,
the democratic spirit and the concern for the fulfilment of the creative
possibilities of the individual are features of modern Western thought that may
be assimilated into the reconstruction that he proposed. However, he cautions
that “the dazzling exterior of European culture may arrest our movement and we
may fail to reach the true inwardness of that culture”.
----
Salman
Akram Raja is an advocate of the Supreme Court of Pakistan.
Original
Headline:
Source: The News International, Pakistan
URL: https://newageislam.com/islamic-society/child-marriage-pakistan-constitutes-ongoing/d/124024
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