Qubool Hai: These Indian Women Qazis Are Fighting For Equality In Muslim Weddings
New Age Islam News Bureau
4 January 2025
· Qubool Hai: These Indian Women Qazis Are Fighting For Equality In Muslim Weddings
· Female Artists In Herat Protest Closure Of Art Workshops
· Suing the Taliban at the ICJ Over Abuses of Afghan Women Isn’t a Panacea. Countries Must Do More Now.
· Kurds, Women Must Be Included In Syria's Transition, European Ministers Say
· Females Of Tel Brak: Role Of Women In New Syria Cannot Be Marginalized
· 'Took Jewellery, Sent Her Back To India': NRI Gives 'Triple Talaq' Via Video Call To Mumbai Woman
Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/qubool-hai-indian-women-muslim-weddings/d/134243
------
Qubool Hai: These Indian Women Qazis Are Fighting For Equality In Muslim Weddings
January 04, 2025
Over the past decade, Muslim women in India have been assured greater civil rights following the Supreme Court of India’s landmark judgment in 2017 against ‘triple talaq’—a custom of instant and irrevocable divorce by Muslim men. It also prompted the Parliament to pass the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019, criminalising the practice.However, Noorjehan Safia Niaz and Zakia Soman, founders of the rights-based organisation, Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA), found there was much ground to cover still.
“We saw that despite the law coming into effect, young girls were ending up in abusive households, being abandoned overnight and denied financial security,” says Niaz, “and one of the primary catalysts for these practices were male Qazis, who acted as enablers of oppressive traditions.”
BMMA found that these Qazis, or judicial officers deemed knowledgeable in Islamic law, were solemnising marriages of underage girls, arranging alliances with grooms with a history of polyamory and violence, and acting as facilitators or witnesses to triple talaq.
BMMA members looked for ways to address and reform the practices governing marriages under Islamic law, and in 2017, started training a batch of 13 women from its nationwide network of 1 lakh women to become Qazis. “Instead of seeking validation from existing patriarchal institutions, we decided to create a parallel structure that embodied gender justice,” says Niaz.
Overcoming resistance from inside and out
Initially, they approached senior male Qazis and religious bodies to help formulate a syllabus. But they dismissed BMMA’s initiative as “un-Islamic” and going against the Sharia, a reaction Niaz says, that stemmed from their own inherent biases and skewed interpretations of religious texts.
“One common objection questioned a woman’s ability to perform in public spaces, including officiating a wedding,” she says. “Soon enough, we realised that these men were citing arbitrary rules that served no other purpose than to keep them in positions of power.
“We also realised that there was no body certifying these men as Qazis; they would study at a madarasa or inherit the role from their fathers,” says Niaz.
However BMMA members say the Quran does not prohibit women from becoming Qazis; on the contrary, it advocates for justice and fairness—ethea they are trying to reclaim in their judicial and religious duties.
Following this, BMMA instituted Darul Uloom Niswa, a registered NGO that certifies women Qazis and lends legitimacy to their work within both religious and legal frameworks.“Byregistering ourselves, we wanted to become the counterforce to the unregulated and arbitrary system of justice that was pervading leadership in our communities,” says Niaz.
Where faith and law come together
Darul Uloom Niswa’s training programme, a first-of-its-kind in India, spans multiple cities, including Mumbai, Jaipur, and Bhopal. Its curriculum, crafted through extensive consultation with scholars and BMMA members, integrates Quranic principles, constitutional laws, and practical guidelines for officiating weddings.
Key components include:
Consent Verification: Trainees are taught to ensure that both parties freely consent to the marriage. They are trained to identify and address subtle coercion, especially in cases involving underage brides or forced unions.
Financial rights: Emphasis is placed on ensuring the bride receives a fair mehr (mandatory wedding gift, mostly monetary), as prescribed by Islamic law.
Background checks: BMMA-trained women Qazis conduct thorough checks, such as verifying the groom’s marital status and financial stability, to safeguard the bride’s interests. According to Niaz, “No married man is allowed to remarry, as per our values.”
“We studied the constitutional rights to marriage, Article 21 (Right to Life and Personal Liberty), Article 14 (Right to Equality), and so on. We then incorporated both the Quranic and the constitutional framework within our syllabus,” says Niaz.
BMMA framed the curriculum also keeping in mind the experiences of women who had suffered the worst of gender-discriminatory practices that male Qazis upheld for generations. "Some would be thrown out of the house overnight with no place to go," says Niaz.
Women trainees were also initially sceptical. Niaz recounts how some worried about backlash from relatives and neighbours. However, examples of trailblazers—such as a woman in West Bengal who succeeded her father as a Qazi—helped bolster their confidence.
Nargis Tariq Husain of Mumbai has been connected with BMMA for the last 28 years and started training to become a Qazi just six years ago.
Counter to some male Qazis meeting couples barely a few minutes before solemnising their weddings, Husain starts engaging with them at least a month before the nikah, running background checks, offering counselling services, and ensuring the girl has a safe space to go to after marriage.
“We realised that the more organised and transparent we were, the more ethical and streamlined our work became. Religion didn’t stop us, the law of the land didn’t stop us. So, we gave what we deemed was a much-needed overhaul of the system—one small step at a time,” says Niaz.
Several women Qazis, including Husain, had to stand up to male members of their own families, many of whom were maulanas—religious scholars and leaders. “In a way, I was fighting within the microcosm of this social structure in my own home. I garnered support from my husband and his family, but not so much from my biological one,” says Husain.
Since the programme’s inception, BMMA has certified over 20 women Qazis, though they have solemnised only three weddings so far. These included an interfaith wedding in Mumbai and ceremonies in Shimla and Kolkata. Each instance, however rare, signifies a shift in community perception and a growing acceptance of women’s religious authority, BMMA likes to believe.
Jaipur-based Nishat Hussain, who has been a part of BMMA since 2007 and later trained to become a Qazi, has solemnised one of the three weddings. She says it is mostly the brides who approach them to officiate their weddings.
“They take it upon themselves to convince their families," says Husain. “We sense that there is already a sentiment among young Muslim women to break out of regressive traditions that perpetuated the cycle of suffering for their mothers and grandmothers,” she adds.
Under her leadership, among other senior women, a group of young girls are studying Islamic law and training to become Qazis. They call themselves ‘Rehnuma’.
While the numbers are modest, Nishat remains optimistic. “Now, our focus is on fostering dialogue and expanding the network of women Qazis,” she says. Plans include incorporating Islamic ethical frameworks, such as tawheed (oneness of God) and harmony in relationships, into future training modules.
Niaz draws hope from the younger generation, who she believes is more open to progressive interpretations of faith. A recent workshop saw the participation of several young men eager to learn concepts of gender equality within Islam.
“The youth are key to this movement,” she says. “Their openness to reform signals a brighter future for gender justice in our community.”
BMMA has a far-reaching goal: to inspire systemic reform that prioritises women’s rights and reclaims Islam’s egalitarian principles.
“The Quran teaches love, justice, and equality,” says Niaz. “Our work is not just for Muslim women—it’s a message to all communities that religion can be a force for empowerment, not oppression.”
Source: yourstory.com
https://yourstory.com/herstory/2025/01/women-qazis-fighting-for-equality-muslim-weddings-bmma
---------
Female artists in Herat protest closure of art workshops
By Bais Hayat
January 4, 2025
HERAT, Afghanistan — Female artists in Herat expressed outrage after the Taliban shut down their painting workshops, a move that comes amid ongoing restrictions on women’s education and artistic expression.
Students from the Faculty of Arts at Herat University said they established small painting workshops following the Taliban’s closure of universities for women. However, these workshops were also forcibly closed after what the students described as repeated “interventions, humiliation, and insults” by Taliban authorities.
“The Taliban have not left us alone even after shutting down the doors of the Faculty of Arts,” said KhatiraSamangani, a second-year student when the ban was implemented. “They threatened us in horrific ways, constantly visiting our gallery and warning us not to draw or paint human faces. We can’t even hold the smallest exhibition.”
Some students, determined to continue their craft, turned to private training centers to enhance their skills. But they said these centers, too, have been shut down by the Taliban.
“I was in my second year when the university was closed,” said Saida Mohammadi, another art student. “I had dreamed of opening my own art gallery. I attended training courses and continued learning, but the Taliban closed those courses as well.”
Herat, historically a hub of artistic achievement, is regarded as the birthplace of Persian miniature painting. During the Timurid dynasty in the 15th century, the city was home to a grand art library that attracted artists from across the region.
Under the Taliban’s strict interpretation of Islamic law, however, the painting of living beings, including animals and birds, is prohibited. The Taliban’s Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice has enforced these restrictions, which many fear threaten the rich artistic heritage of Herat and the aspirations of its young artists.
Despite the challenges, some female artists continue to paint at home, refusing to abandon their passion.
Source: amu.tv
https://amu.tv/148314/
---------
Suing the Taliban at the ICJ Over Abuses of Afghan Women Isn’t a Panacea. Countries Must Do More Now.
by Jayne Huckerby
January 3, 2025
One international court proceeding to watch for this year is the promise of Germany, the Netherlands, Australia, and Canada to file a complaint with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers over their increasingly repressive treatment of women. Using an overlooked provision in the international human rights treaty on women’s rights, the four States formally called on the country’s de facto authorities, the Taliban, to cease their violations of the treaty. The case has rightly been described as groundbreaking and is indeed a key reminder that legally the Taliban does not have a blank check when it comes to women’s rights.
But the case, announced in late September and likely to take many months before even potentially going to the ICJ, is not a silver bullet, and it may undercut obligations that require both the Taliban and the international community to act now to stop the abuses of women in Afghanistan. It also risks creating bad precedent on how States use international law to end gender discrimination in countries other than their own. The issue gained new urgency this week, as the Taliban said it would close all domestic and foreign non-governmental organizations that still employ women in Afghanistan.
The Case in Context
The planned complaint invokes the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women’s (CEDAW’s) inter-state jurisdictional clause, which provides for disputes concerning the interpretation or application of the treaty to be resolved through negotiation, arbitration, and ultimately the ICJ. It is part of a more recent trend toward countries using human rights treaties to hold other countries to account without there being any specific injury to the complaining State(s). Another example of inter-state accountability mechanisms at work is the 243 recommendations addressed to Afghanistan in the U.N. Human Rights Council’s most recent Universal Periodic Review of the country this year.
The case also comes at a critical juncture in the international community’s posture toward the Taliban de facto authorities. In December last year, a political process through the U.N. Security Council resulted in a resolution urging increased international engagement with the Taliban. The resolution specified the need for Afghanistan to meet its “international obligations,” and acknowledged “the need to ensure the full, equal, meaningful and safe participation of Afghan women in the process throughout.” Yet this summer, when it came to the third U.N. convening of meetings in Doha, Qatar, to discuss Afghanistan, U.N. officials excluded women at the insistence of the Taliban. The Taliban had been excluded from the first meeting and refused to attend the second because Afghan women and civil society would be present, so Doha 3 was widely seen as an extraordinary betrayal of Afghan women by the international community.
Adding further insult to injury, after Doha 3, an emboldened Taliban quickly escalated and formalized its domestic legal campaign against women; just over a week after the meeting concluded, on July 9, it adopted its 115-page “virtue and vice” law, later publicly released in August. The U.N. has described it as “utterly intolerable.” Indeed, the next month, a coalition of 26 countries supporting the prospective ICJ case issued a statement noting that they have “repeatedly urged” the Taliban to voluntarily respect international human rights law but that “the situation has not improved — on the contrary, it continues to worsen.”
Campaign to Codify `Gender Apartheid’
Meanwhile, in the background of all these efforts — that is, the political process on Afghanistan and its emphasis on “international obligations,” Doha 3, and a new ICJ case — have been core questions about exactly what comprises the Taliban’s international obligations, whether those obligations sufficiently proscribe its anti-women agenda, and what international law currently requires of other States and the U.N. in tackling gender discrimination in the country.
All of these questions have been inadvertently complicated by a coincident international campaign to include “gender apartheid” in international law (with a focus on codification in a new draft Crimes Against Humanity Treaty). This has had outsized significance for Afghanistan because the international campaign to codify a crime of “gender apartheid” draws heavily on the Afghanistan example. Most notably, the U.N. special rapporteur on Afghanistan and a working group on discrimination against women and girls have echoed the language used by some Afghan women’s rights defenders to describe what the Taliban is doing as “gender apartheid.”
Unfortunately, the campaign has sometimes leaned heavily into the argument (in my view, incorrect) that gender discrimination in Afghanistan is so systematic and intentional that existing international human rights and other law is not fit for purpose. Additionally, the use by Afghan women and feminist allies of the term “gender apartheid” as an advocacy tool and the separate but associated legal push for a global crime of the same has led many international officials to avoid the term “gender apartheid” in relation to Afghanistan because they believe (also, without foundation) that it requires absolute and prolonged non-engagement with the Taliban.
Either or both of these stances — that international law doesn’t speak fully to the Taliban’s gender crimes and that tackling serious gender crimes might require full isolation of the Taliban — in practice has inadvertently suggested that both the de facto authorities in Afghanistan and officials in other countries have some latitude to sidestep the gender discrimination occurring in the country right now.
Who Holds Current International Legal Obligations In and On Afghanistan?
For its part, the Taliban presently bears responsibility for implementing the human rights obligations of Afghanistan, which is bound by seven of the nine core human rights treaties (all but the treaties on disappearances and migrant workers). Afghanistan is also a party to the Rome Statute that created the International Criminal Court and which relevantly proscribes the crime of gender persecution (the Office of the Prosecutor’s 2022 Policy on the Crime of Gender Persecution specifically identifies Afghanistan as a “[r]ecent example[] of acts that may amount to gender persecution[.]”). And it is further bound by international humanitarian law, which protects women and girls through general and specific guarantees.
Yet, the de facto authorities are not the only ones who have international law obligations in Afghanistan. For example, as with this ICJ case, States have the ability to sue Afghanistan under some of the human rights treaties (e.g., CEDAW but also the U.N. Convention Against Torture and Other Forms of Cruel, Inhuman, and Degrading Treatment or Punishment). Additionally, other countries’ human rights obligations apply extraterritorially when they exercise power or effective control, meaning when their acts or omissions impact the rights of persons in Afghanistan in a “direct and reasonably foreseeable manner,” such as through military, counterterrorism, development, and humanitarian activities. This means, for example, that countries’ decisions to send all-male delegations to meet with the de facto authorities should be scrutinized under their extraterritorial human rights obligations on non-discrimination and equality. The U.N., in operating in Afghanistan, is also obligated to respect human rights, including in line with the U.N. Charter. That requires, at minimum for example, a robust human rights due diligence policy with respect to non-U.N. security forces.
Why (or Why Not) Sue Afghanistan Under CEDAW?
Restrictions against the rights of women and girls by de facto authorities are required to be assessed under the full spectrum of binding international law, not just the obligations under the women’s rights treaty. So, why then a case under CEDAW? Legally, it makes a lot of sense. The committee in charge of monitoring the treaty has repeatedly said that religion, culture, and/or tradition cannot be invoked to undermine women’s rights. This is important. I’ve legally analyzed all the core edicts, laws, and policies of the Taliban since 2021 for the U.N., and none of these provisions are subtle in the use of religion as a pretext for fundamentally depriving women and girls of protection. The CEDAW Committee also has found certain practices to be illegal in other contexts — the requirement for male guardianship (mahram) in Saudi Arabia, for instance — that the Taliban also mandates.
As a non-discrimination treaty, CEDAW also contains a comprehensive framework of three overarching obligations to prohibit discrimination, ensure equality, and address gender stereotypes that is well-suited to address the breadth of the Taliban’s gender repression. The treaty also requires States to avoid and remedy violations against those who have intersecting forms of discrimination, such as rural women, women with disabilities, and minority women – that’s key in Afghanistan, where the Taliban’s edicts are experienced unevenly among women. And importantly, the treaty prohibits discrimination by private actors, which is an often-overlooked but pervasive challenge in Afghanistan as the Taliban’s campaign against women relies heavily on male family members to enforce its edicts and metes out punishment for failure to do so (e.g., punishing brothers or fathers for female family members not wearing “proper” hijab).
Notwithstanding this normative clarity, using the global norms package on women’s rights in this way to address the Taliban comes with risks. Foreign intervention in Afghanistan has long used women’s rights as a cover for coercion (e.g., the post-9/11 invasion in 2001 was framed in part as an effort to emancipate women); at the same time, the international community has too often spoken over or for — rather than with or at the direction of — Afghan women. And a case about Muslim women in Afghanistan brought by four Global North countries under international human rights law notionally bound for The Hague that will very likely turn on a substantive question about the relationship between religion and women’s rights risks reinforcing many well-known critiques of international law on women’s rights, including that it can be Eurocentric, top-down white saviorism that selectively focuses abroad.
As the complaint makes its way through the CEDAW process and potentially after many months to the ICJ, elevating local perspectives, such as those of Afghan women’s rights defenders and legal scholars, will be key. It also will be important to support fact-finding led by grassroots women’s organizations that often have the most access to victims and can therefore expose the full impacts of the Taliban’s policies. Having Afghan women and women’s organizations lead these processes ensures not only that the violations and potential remedies are fully captured, but also that holding the Taliban to account under human rights law is not too easily dismissed as being a Western project to save Afghan women. Other countries holding themselves to account for their own adverse foreign policies on women in Afghanistan will also help close the legitimacy gap that stems from this perceived one-sidedness.
Next Steps
Existing international law, not just under the women’s rights treaty but under a range of human rights guarantees, fully proscribes what the Taliban is doing to Afghan women. That gives States a foothold to act in relation to the Taliban, including by using the human rights treaties like CEDAW to sue them. But, ending abuses by the Taliban is not just about “holding #Afghanistan to account,” as the minister of foreign affairs of the Netherlands put it in a social media post when he and his counterparts announced the case.
Instead, beyond suing the Taliban and awaiting a potential ICJ case or a potential future “gender apartheid” norm, it is also important for governments and the international community to meaningfully act on women’s rights now, not only vis-à-vis the Taliban but also to hold themselves to account for what is happening to women in Afghanistan today. This means that States and the U.N. should — and in some cases legally must — right their own policies that have and continue to exacerbate the plight of women in Afghanistan. That includes ensuring that they do not fund or support activities with the Taliban that exclude or harm women and girls, such as in education assistance or counter-terrorism and anti-money laundering programing or in combatting climate change through technology transfers and other measures.
But it’s not only an obligation to refrain from making things worse for women and girls that is relevant here; instead, the international community should take positive steps to guarantee gender equality, including for example, by centering the restoration of education of women and girls and ensuring that any foreign policies on Afghanistan also have a plan for how to make up for all the lost opportunities for women and girls since the Taliban regime returned to power in 2021.
Source: justsecurity.org
https://www.justsecurity.org/105879/suing-taliban-icj-abuses-afghan-women/
---------
Kurds, women must be included in Syria's transition, European ministers say
By RihamAlkousaa
January 3, 2025
DAMASCUS, Jan 3 (Reuters) - All Syrian groups, including women and Kurds, must be involved in the country's transition if Damascus wants European support, Germany's foreign minister said after a closely-watched first meeting with the new de facto leader Ahmed al-Sharaa on Friday.
In talks also attended by her French counterpart Jean-Noel Barrot, Germany's top diplomat AnnalenaBaerbock said she had stressed the need to include all ethnic groups in the transition to democracy while ensuring that potential European funds did not fall into the hands of "new Islamist structures".
"We discussed this in a very detailed and very clear manner," Baerbock told reporters after meeting Sharaa in the People's Palace in Damascus.
The foreign ministers of Germany and France, visiting Damascus on behalf of the European Union, said they wanted to forge a new relationship with Syria and they urged a peaceful transition.
Baerbock and Barrot were the first European ministers to visit Syria since rebels seized control of Damascus on Dec. 8, forcing President Bashar al-Assad to flee after more than 13 years of civil war and ending his family's decades-long rule.
Their trip is intended to send a message of cautious engagement to the Islamist rebels led by Sharaa's Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), acknowledging their status as Syria's new rulers while also urging moderation and respect for minorities' rights.
"Our message to Syria's new leadership: respecting the principles agreed with regional actors and ensuring the protection of all civilians and minorities is of the utmost importance," KajaKallas, the EU's foreign policy chief, wrote on social media platform X about the trip.
SANCTIONS
Asked if the EU could soon start lifting sanctions imposed on Syria, Baerbock said this would depend on political progress. She cited "some positive signs", adding it was too early to act.
"The last few weeks have shown how much hope there is here in Syria that the future will be one of freedom... Free for everyone, regardless of their ethnic origin, gender or religion. But it is far from certain it will come this way," she said.
Since ousting Assad, Syria's new rulers have sought to reassure the international community that they will govern on behalf of all Syrians and not export Islamist revolution.
Western governments have begun to gradually open channels with Sharaa and HTS, a Sunni Muslim group previously affiliated with Al Qaeda and Islamic State, and are starting to debate whether to remove the group's terrorist designation.
A host of questions remain about the future of a multi-ethnic country where foreign states including Turkey and Russia have strong and potentially competing interests.
Baerbock said before the talks she was travelling to Syria with an "outstretched hand" as well as "clear expectations" of the new rulers, who she said would be judged by their actions.
"We know where the HTS comes from ideologically, what it has done in the past," she said in a statement.
France's Barrot similarly expressed hopes for a "sovereign and safe" Syria that would leave no room for terrorism, chemical weapons or malign foreign actors, during a meeting with representatives from Syrian civil society organisations.
Germany and France plan to offer technical help and advice to Syria as it drafts a new constitution, Barrot told reporters, saying hope for a democratic transition was "fragile but real".
He called for a political solution for Kurdish fighters in Syria to be integrated into the Syrian state, adding that a permanent ceasefire must be achieved. He did not respond when asked when the EU might lift sanctions on Syria.
Barrot also visited the French embassy, which has been closed since 2012, where he said France would work towards re-establishing diplomatic representation in line with political and security conditions, diplomatic sources said.
During their visit, the two ministers took a tour of Syria's most notorious prison, the vast Sednaya complex.
The Reuters Daily Briefing newsletter provides all the news you need to start your day. Sign up here.
Reporting by RihamAlkousaa in Damascus, Tassilo Hummel in Paris and Miranda Murray in Berlin, writing by Tassilo Hummel Editing by Gareth Jones
Source: reuters.com
https://www.reuters.com/world/germanys-foreign-minister-heads-damascus-one-day-trip-2025-01-03/
----------
Females of Tel Brak: Role of women in new Syria cannot be marginalized
4 January 2025
Since the fall of the Ba'ath regime in Syria, numerous statements and efforts have emerged attempting to sideline women from their critical and leading role in building society.
In this context, the women of Tel Brak expressed their stance on such attempts. Simav Ata, the member of the Kongra Star in the city, stressed that women in NE Syria have proven their ability to take responsibility across various fields.
She pointed out that Kurdish, Arab, and Syriac women follow the philosophy of leader Abdullah Ocalan, who described women as "life itself." She stated that denying women their rights undermines their will, adding: "We will not accept the marginalization of women’s roles, as they represent security and peace in society."
Azraa Al-Hussein, the member of the Women’s House in Tel Brak, highlighted that women are intellectual beings capable of proving their roles in all fields. She noted that denying women's roles is equivalent to denying society as a whole and praised the female fighters who are battling on the frontlines, reaffirming full support for them.
Nada Bahlawi, the co-chair of the Agriculture and Irrigation Committee in Tel Brak, called for uniting women’s efforts to ensure their rights in the future. She said:
"We, the women of NE Syria, have become decision-makers in various fields, and we cannot be marginalized. There must be fair laws to protect our rights and ensure our active participation in all areas of life."
In her conclusion, Nada underscored the necessity of women standing united to safeguard their rights in Syria's future, asserting that women in the region have demonstrated their capability to make change and shape their destiny.
Source: hawarnews.com
https://hawarnews.com/en/females-of-tel-brak-role-of-women-in-new-syria-cannot-be-marginalized
----------
'Took Jewellery, Sent Her Back To India': NRI Gives 'Triple Talaq' Via Video Call To Mumbai Woman
Jan 4, 2025
NEW DELHI: A woman has filed a case against her husband and in-laws for harassment related to dowry demands and for divorcing her through triple Talaq during a video call.
The complaint, lodged with the NRI Sagar Police in Mumbai, has led to charges under the Muslim Women (Protection of Marriage Rights) Bill and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).
The victim, a resident of Seawoods, alleges that her marriage to AaqibBhatiwala, conducted in 2022 according to Muslim customs, started peacefully.
However, after moving into her in-laws’ home in Wadala, the harassment began.
The situation worsened when she traveled to the UK with her husband and in-laws, where the abuse continued.
Following a domestic dispute, her husband allegedly seized her jewellery and sent her back to India, severing communication.
Later, she received a divorce via triple talaq during a video call. Upon returning to the UK, she claims she was denied entry to her husband's home.
Authorities have begun investigating the matter. Triple talaq, under Islamic law, allows a husband to divorce his wife by pronouncing "Talaq" three times.
The practice was deemed unconstitutional by a Supreme Court ruling in August 2017, and in 2019, the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act made triple talaq a criminal offense punishable with up to three years in prison.
Source: indiatimes.com
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/took-jewellery-sent-her-back-to-india-nri-gives-triple-talaq-via-video-call-to-mumbai-woman/articleshow/116932971.cms
---------
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/qubool-hai-indian-women-muslim-weddings/d/134243