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National Investigation Agency Seeks Death Penalty For Pragya Thakur, Lieutenant Colonel Purohit and retired Major Ramesh Upadhyay In Malegaon Blast Terror Case of 2008

New Age Islam News Bureau

24 April 2025

·         National Investigation Agency Seeks Death Penalty For Pragya Thakur, Lieutenant Colonel  Purohit and retired Major Ramesh Upadhyay In Malegaon Blast Terror Case of 2008

·         Syrian Militants Enslaving Alawite Women In Idlib Governorate: Report

·         Women In Iran Increasingly Deciding Not To Wear Headscarves In Public

·         Iranian Teachers Condemn New Police Powers In Schools Under Hijab Agreement

·         Widow’s Rights Are ‘Not State Charity’But Legal Entitlements: Pakistan SC

·         Muslimah Fest In Delhi Spotlights Muslim Women’s Resistance And Solidarity

·         The Waqf (Amendment) Act’s Insincere Promise To India’s Muslim Women

Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau

URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/national-investigation-agency-malegaon-blast/d/135295

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National Investigation Agency Seeks Death Penalty For Pragya Thakur, Lieutenant Colonel  Purohit and retired Major Ramesh Upadhyay In Malegaon Blast Terror Case of 2008

April 24, 2025

Pragya Singh Thakur

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The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has urged a special court to impose the death penalty on all seven accused in the 2008 Malegaon bomb blast case, including former BJP MP Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur. The agency submitted its final written arguments, exceeding 1,500 pages, on Saturday, invoking Section 16 of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) to seek the harshest punishment. The blast, which occurred on September 29, 2008, in Malegaon, Maharashtra, claimed six lives—all Muslims—and left over 100 people injured, shaking the small town known for its communal harmony.

The NIA’s plea marks a significant development in a case that has spanned 17 years, marred by complex investigations and political controversies. The agency alleges that the accused, including Sadhvi Pragya, Lt. Col. Prasad Purohit, and five others, conspired to execute a “Hindutva-driven” terror attack aimed at targeting the Muslim community. According to the NIA, the group meticulously planned the bombing to advance a radical ideological agenda, using a motorcycle rigged with explosives to devastating effect.

The 2008 Malegaon blast initially baffled investigators, with early suspicions pointing to Islamist groups. However, the probe took a dramatic turn when the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) uncovered evidence suggesting the involvement of right-wing Hindu extremists. The case was later transferred to the NIA, which built a detailed case against the accused, relying on forensic evidence, intercepted communications, and witness testimonies. The agency’s arguments emphasize the premeditated nature of the attack and its intent to sow communal discord.

Sadhvi Pragya, a prominent figure in the case, has consistently denied the charges, claiming she was falsely implicated due to political vendettas. Her supporters argue that the case is an attempt to defame Hindu nationalist causes. However, the NIA’s submission paints a starkly different picture, portraying her as a key conspirator in the terror plot. The agency has urged the court to consider the gravity of the offense, arguing that the loss of lives and the attack’s communal motives warrant capital punishment.

The special court is now tasked with reviewing the voluminous arguments before delivering its verdict. The case’s outcome is likely to have far-reaching implications, given its sensitive communal and political undertones. As the nation awaits the judgment, the Malegaon blast case remains a stark reminder of the challenges in addressing ideologically motivated violence in India’s diverse society.

Source: muslimmirror.com

https://muslimmirror.com/nia-seeks-death-penalty-for-pragya-thakur-in-malegaon-blast-case/

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Syrian militants enslaving Alawite women in Idlib governorate: Report

23 April 2025

Syria has witnessed an alarming wave of kidnappings of young women from the Alawite community since December in the Idlib governorate. (File picture)

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Syria has witnessed an alarming wave of kidnappings of young women from the Alawite community since December, when the former Al-Qaeda affiliate Syria's Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) toppled the government of President Bashar al-Assad.

The Cradle reported on Wednesday that evidence suggests that these women, primarily from the Alawite religious sect, have been abducted by armed militants affiliated with the new Syrian government and taken to live as sex slaves in Idlib governorate, which is the traditional HTS stronghold.

The report said the mass kidnapping and enslavement of Alawite women is similar to the enslavement of the thousands of Yezidi women by Daesh during the 2014 genocide in Sinjar, Iraq.

Hiba Ezzedeen, a Syrian activist from Idlib, in a Facebook post described her encounter with a woman who was captured and taken to the governorate as a sex slave during the massacre of Alawites in the country's coastal areas on March 7.

"During my last visit to Idlib, I was at a place with my brother when I saw a man I knew with a woman I had never met before," Ezzedeen explained in the now-deleted Facebook post.

"This man had been married multiple times before and is believed to currently have three wives. What caught my attention was the woman’s appearance—specifically, it was clear she didn’t know how to wear a hijab properly, and her scarf was draped haphazardly," she added.

Ezzedeen learned that the woman was from the coastal areas where the March 7 massacres took place.

"This man had brought her to the village and married her, with no further details available. No one knew what had happened to her or how she got there, and naturally, the young woman was too afraid to speak," Ezzedeen added.

Ezzedeen made further inquiries about the abduction of Alawite women from the coast.

"Unfortunately, many confirmed that this had indeed happened, and not just by one faction. Based on what friends said, accusations point to factions of the National Army and some foreign fighters, with varying motives," she reported.

Syria's new HTS-led forces have incorporated armed extremist groups, including factions of the Turkey-backed Syrian National Army (SNA), into their ranks since coming to power in Damascus.

Many SNA commanders and foreign extremists have been appointed to top positions in the Syrian Ministry of Defense.

Mostly former SNA and foreign fighter factions are believed to have carried out the 7 March massacres.

Militants went door to door in Alawite villages and neighborhoods, and executing all military-aged men they could find, and at times killing women, children, and the elderly.

Ezzedeen concluded her post by stating, "This is a serious issue that cannot be ignored. The government must immediately reveal the fate of these women and release them."

Ezzedeen's courageous reporting exposed the fate of many young women from minority communities who had mysteriously disappeared in recent months.

The HTS-appointed governor of Idlib issued an order for Ezzedeen's arrest, claiming she had “insulted the hijab."

The HTS militant group seized control of Damascus on December 8 last year, culminating a swift offensive that had begun in the northwestern province of Aleppo just two weeks earlier and ultimately brought an end to Assad’s 24-year rule.

The HTS administration has since been involved in flagrant violations of human rights in Syria, particularly against minorities, namely Syria's Alawite minority, drawing widespread condemnations from the international community.

Over the past two weeks, at least 42 Alawites have been killed, following the massacre of approximately 1,700 members of the community in coastal areas last month.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) reported that these killings, which began escalating on March 7, have shifted from mass executions to individual acts of violence.

Source: presstv.ir

https://www.presstv.ir/Detail/2025/04/23/746733/Syrian-militants-enslave-Alawite-women-in-Idlib-governorate--Report

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Women in Iran increasingly deciding not to wear headscarves in public

23 April 2025

Women in Iran are increasingly deciding not to wear the veil in public, a senior journalist who visited Tehran has said.

Speaking on Sky News podcast The World with Richard Engel and Yalda Hakim, NBC News's chief foreign correspondent Richard Engel said women's issues are "one of the most sensitive issues and one of the issues that's really at the cultural and political heart of the regime".

Women in Iran are required to cover their hair and wear long, loose-fitting clothes to disguise their hair in public under Iran's Sharia law.

Mr Engel said although there are signs in restaurants, cafes and hotels telling them they have to wear Islamic dress according to the law, women are "brazenly" not listening to them anymore.

"You walk down the street and I would say just by observation, maybe 30-40% of women are not wearing headscarves anymore," he said.

Instead, the women would wear a little scarf around their necks "in case there's an issue", allowing them to "quickly just pull it over their hair".

"They're walking by the police stations, they're walking by government ministries. I've seen people walking with the women with their hair out, walking right past groups of what you would consider the morality police, and they don't say anything.

"They have stopped enforcing it on a daily basis and that is a significant change."

'I'm not sure this is the end of the road'

But he added: "I don't think they have given up. I'm not sure that this is the end of the road."

Mr Engel said protests across the country following the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in September 2023, which were countered with a "brutal" crackdown, "seem to have made a difference".

"The government, at least right now, has decided it doesn't want to fight that fight and it is not picking that fight. And people here are hoping that that is the start of significant changes."

'People are talking about it'

The reprieve could be temporary, he added, explaining: "It could be that the government has other priorities right now and therefore has put this one on the back burner, but it is happening and it's obvious and people are talking about it."

He said one woman had done a TV interview without her headscarf on with her "long hair down to below her shoulders" - something that would have been "unthinkable" a few years ago.

"Even in north Tehran years ago, people may not have been wearing them, or they were barely wearing them, but if we interviewed them on camera, they would quickly wrap themselves up so they wouldn't get in trouble, even if they found it personally annoying.

"Now she said 'let's do it' and didn't care. That's a sense of confidence that I've never seen in this country."

'Incredibly brave'

Yalda Hakim, Sky News's lead world news presenter, said it was "incredibly brave".

"We can't overstate how brave it is because it was a death sentence before for these women. It was unthinkable for them not to have their headscarves on," she said.

Source: news.sky.com

https://news.sky.com/story/women-in-iran-increasingly-deciding-not-to-wear-headscarves-in-public-13354450

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Iranian Teachers Condemn New Police Powers in Schools Under Hijab Agreement

APRIL 23, 2025

An agreement between Education Minister AlirezaKazemi and Police Chief AhmadrezaRadan has triggered protests from teacher unions and civil activists.

Iranian media reported on Sunday that, under the agreement, police forces will be allowed to intervene in schools to “strengthen the culture of hijab and chastity.”

During the signing, Kazemi referred to hijab as a “cultural damage” requiring “cultural work.”

He called himself “proudly Radan’s soldier.”

Mohammad Habibi, spokesperson for the Coordinating Council of Iranian Teachers’ Associations, said, “The Council condemns this humiliating position in the strongest terms.”

Habibi added, “The Ministry of Education is neither the minister’s personal property nor a parade ground for military forces.”

He called the potential police entry into schools “illegal, repressive, and a violation of the rights of students and teachers.”

Teacher and former political prisoner Mahmoud Beheshti wrote: “Any agreement allowing police into schools will undermine the psychological security of students and teachers.”

He added, “School is no place for batons and coercive forces.”

Source: iranwire.com

https://iranwire.com/en/news/140591-iranian-teachers-condemn-new-police-powers-in-schools-under-hijab-agreement/

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Widow’s Rights Are ‘Not State Charity’But Legal Entitlements: Pakistan SC

Nasir Iqbal

April 24, 2025

ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court on Wednesday ruled that the rights of widows are not acts of state generosity, but legal entitlements rooted in constitutional guarantees, statutory protections and evolving judicial principles.

“Widows, like all citizens, are entitled to employment, dignity, equality, and autonomy without discrimination or reprisal,” observed Acting Chief Justice Syed Mansoor Ali Shah while heading a two-judge SC bench that had taken up an appeal by the chief commissioner of Regional Tax Office, Bahawalpur, against the Dec 21, 2022 judgement issued by the Lahore High Court’s Bahawalpur bench.

Petitioner Shaheen Yousaf’s husband, who was an employee of the Income Tax Department, had passed away while in service on Feb 14, 2006. Under the Prime Minister’s Assistance Package for the Families of Deceased Government Employees, the widow was appointed as a lower division clerk (LDC) on a two-year contract on May 26, 2010.

The contract was extended multiple times, but on January 4, 2016, her servi­ces were terminated via an office memorandum (OM) dated December 15, 2015. The memorandum stated that upon rema­r­riage, a widow becomes ineligible for co­m­passionate employment under the PM’s assistance package and is, therefore, to be terminated from the date of remarriage.

The widow challenged the OM the LHC, which disposed of the matter with a directive for the member (administration), Federal Board of Revenue (FBR), to treat it as a representation and address her grievances through a speaking order.

In compliance with the court’s directive, the FBR reviewed the matter and rejected her representation on May 11, 2017. The respondent then filed a second writ petition in the LHC, challenging the departmental order. The petition was allowed on Dec 21, 2022, and the widow was reinstated in service.

In a five-page order, ACJ Mansoor Ali Shah observed that any policy that makes public employment contingent upon a woman’s marital status not only entrenches dependency but also effectively penalises her for exercising a fundamental liberty. The law must serve as a shield against exclusion, not a tool for reinforcing outdated social hierarchies, he emphasised, adding that it was critical to consider the social context in which such executive decisions operate.

“Widowhood, in its simplest sense, refers to the status of a woman whose spouse has died. However, in many societies it carries a layered social identity often accompanied by stigma, isolation, and a diminished sense of social worth. Widows are too often viewed through the prism of loss and dependence, rather than as individuals with agency and resilience,” Justice Shah regretted, adding that this perception restricts their choices, particularly when it comes to remarriage or economic independence.

“The law must reject these harmful cultural narratives and affirm that widowhood is not a diminution of identity but a life circumstance deserving of dignity, protection, and equal opportunity. It is incumbent upon courts to ensure that public policy reflects this understanding and shields widows from both overt and covert forms of systemic discrimination,” the ACJ emphasised.

The judgement declared the OM manifestly discriminatory as it singles out widows, the female spouses of deceased government employees for disqualification from compassionate employment upon remarriage, without imposing a corresponding restriction on widowers, notwithstanding the assistance package which offers compassionate employment to both a widow and a widower.

Source: dawn.com

https://www.dawn.com/news/1906201/widows-rights-are-not-state-charity-sc

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Muslimah Fest In Delhi Spotlights Muslim Women’s Resistance And Solidarity

April 24, 2025

The Aiwane Ghalib Auditorium in Delhi turned into a space of dialogue, dissent, and cultural expression on 19 April as the Muslim Students Federation (MSF) Delhi hosted Muslimah Fest ’25, an event exclusively for Muslim women students.

Inaugurated by veteran Muslim women leader and national president of the Indian Union Muslim League Women’s Wing, Fathima Muzaffer, the day-long gathering brought together students, lawyers, poets, and activists to reflect on the lived experiences and political journeys of Muslim women in India.

In one of the key sessions, Awaaz, a panel discussion, speakers addressed themes of incarceration, political awakening, and everyday resistance. Fathima Muzaffer opened the session with a reflection on the legacy of the anti-CAA protests in Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh. Student activist Safoora Zargar shared her personal narrative titled “Dissent, Incarceration, and Defiance: A Muslim Woman’s Fight for Justice”, recounting her arrest under the draconian UAPA during anti-CAA movement and the broader implications for student activism.

Lawyer and Muslim Youth League secretary Adv Fathima Thahliya spoke on the growing political awareness among young Muslim women, while Adv Noor Mehvish highlighted structural and social challenges that continue to shape their daily realities.

In Ufuq, a paper presentation session focused on the theme “Assertive Leadership and Activism of Muslim Women in Contemporary India,” students FarsanaKaliyar, Nehda, and Hiba Nasrin presented their work, bringing academic insights into conversations around activism and representation.

Another session, Guftuguu, hosted a cross-disciplinary dialogue featuring speakers like Adv Najma Thabsheera, Azba Rehman, Hina Saifi, Ramseena Rasheed, and Sumayya Farwi KK. The discussion explored how faith, identity, and power intersect in personal and public spaces and how Muslim women navigate these tensions.

The final session of the day, Zubaan, began with a talk by poet Bushra Alvi Razzack and moved into a cultural showcase. Students performed a silent mime act, Kerala’s traditional Oppana, and Muttippaattu — highlighting the artistic heritage of Muslim communities and reclaiming cultural space through performance.

Solidarity with Palestine was also a visible theme at the event, with many attendees wearing the keffiyeh, a symbol of Palestinian resistance. MSF national leaders Ahmad Saju and Ateeb Khan were present among the guests.

Source: maktoobmedia.com

https://maktoobmedia.com/india/north-india/muslimah-fest-in-delhi-spotlights-muslim-womens-resistance-and-solidarity/

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The Waqf (Amendment) Act’s insincere promise to India’s Muslim women

23 Apr 2025

THE WAQF (AMENDMENT) ACT, 2025 (‘the Act’) is currently under a rigorous constitutional scrutiny before a Division Bench led by Chief Justice Sanjiv Khanna in the Supreme Court. One question we have not explored enough is what this Act means for Muslim women of this country.

What I aim to explore is the legislation’s envisioning of women’s representation through mandatory inclusion as members on both the Central Waqf Council and each State Waqf Board, as well as through the provision related to Muslim women’s inheritance before Waqf can be made. But the most important question that emerges is whether these provisions and new conditions have the practicability to genuinely translate into empowerment.

The politics of visibility

Historically, the politics revolving around Muslim women in India has been marked by complicated dynamics, and deep contestations have ensured that it is a conversation with many fissures. Be it marriage, divorce (triple talaq), maintenance, or how Muslim women dress, we have routinely witnessed a systematic politicisation of their issues  even as Muslim women have been peripheralised. The women are put upfront as part of legal reform discourse, but not as active stakeholders. They are always framed as subjects of state-led empowerment, yet their religious identity has often been instrumentalised to infringe their right to autonomy while simultaneously contributing to a broader dispossession of the Muslim community. Much of this dispossession is exhibited in the language of inclusiveness and empowerment. 

On inclusiveness and progressiveness

Let us begin by examining the argument that the Waqf (Amendment) Act promotes a progressive vision of inclusion and empowerment. In the Central Waqf Council, out of an estimated twenty two members, only eight must be Muslims, and of those, at least two are required to be Muslim women.

Section 10 of the Waqf (Amendment) Act incorporates a new proviso which states that “Provided that two members appointed under clause (c) (which discusses Muslim appointees of the Central government) shall be women.”

Similarly, the Waqf (Amendment) Act also notes in reference to the State Waqf Boards that “Provided that two members of the Board appointed under clause (c) shall be women.”

While there is ambiguity regarding whether the provisos mandate a minimum representation of two women or a fixed one, in practice we may expect that the representation would not exceed the minimum mandate of two.

The amendment does not even mandate representation through a percentage figure. The mandated representation is also not proportional to the demographic population that these Muslim women members would represent. The Act essentially only guarantees to Muslim women a representation which is less than ten percent of the total strength of the members in the bodies.

It is rather clear that these two Muslim women members would be handpicked in the absence of any organised criteria, and the apprehension is that their appointment will be a tokenistic one to showcase diversity commitments. The Act fails to specify a set procedure with regards to the qualifications desired of these women members. Further, it does not address the serious implications of ensuring that their voices are heard.

Will the women members have a say in the decision-making process? It seems unlikely with the representation being merely a formality (although presented as a progressive move) without actually having any overall impact. The only progress it appears to make is in effectuating a shift from complete invisibility to tokenised invisibility.

The irony of ignorance

The ironic aspect of this amendment is the lack of awareness among Muslim women regarding the new inclusion. There is no comprehensive data available indicating how many Muslim women were consulted before this framework of mandating a minimal representation of only two Muslim women was arrived at. No data has been presented on how the stakeholders were consulted or how their opinions were incorporated.

The intersectional marginalisation of Muslim women  also exacerbates the issue, as Muslim women have been confronted with oppressive structures of gender, caste, class and their minority identity, resulting in poor access to literacy. This educational disenfranchisement has been caused in part by family and social structures as well as State actions (consider for instance how the Karnataka Hijab ban in 2022 deprived several Muslim girls from exercising their right to education).

Hence, it appears that these reforms have been implemented neither through consultation with Muslim women at the grassroots level nor with women’s rights advocates or scholars. The complete absence of targeted outreach programs, educational initiatives, and awareness campaigns aimed at informing Muslim women about their roles and rights under the new Waqf (Amendment) Act indicates that this inclusion is more symbolic than substantive. Although these women are at times made the focal point of modernising personal law, they are marginalised in both community and state structures.

On securing inheritance for women

The second key argument that has been raised in favour of the Act in reference to Muslim women’s interests has been that female legal heirs would get their shares first before any property is dedicated to a Waqf, including Waqf-alal-aulad.

Section 5 of the Amendment Act included the provision which states that,

“The creation of waqf-alal-aulad shall not result in denial of inheritance rights to heirs, including women heirs, of the waqif or any other rights of persons with lawful claims”

Let us unpack this:

First, the original concept of a classic waqf is for charity-oriented donations (which includes for religious, educational, and charitable purposes). There is no mention of waqf-ul-aulad in the primary sources of Muslim law (Quran, sunnah/hadith, Ijma or Qiyas). The concept of waqf-ul-aulad was alien at the time of the Prophet Muhammad. It emerged through a judicial opinion/fatwa from only one school of thought (Hanafi).

The idea was to make the property for the family member until they cease to exist, and finally, the property goes to the public. This meant that the family benefits from the waqf eventually go for charitable purposes. Here, in the concept of waqf-ul-aulad, family members were not confined to men in any form of relationship with the deceased. Waqf-ul-aulad is gender neutral in theory and is not even confined to just the descendants. It can include spouses and parents as well. Islamic scholars have varied opinions on this concept. The Hanafi school of thought allowed this, provided that it ended in charity.

Under the principle of inheritance under Muslim law, property devolves to the legal heirs after the death of the owner of the property. This is because under Muslim law, you cannot determine the shares of legal heirs before death, as the shares may fluctuate depending on how many legal heirs survive the deceased. Meanwhile, waqf is made during the lifetime.

This creates a fundamental contradiction: if inheritance must occur first and waqf can only be declared in life, the two conditions can never co-exist. The provision thus makes the creation of waqf-ul-aulad practically impossible.

The timing trap

Hence, the Act, while on the surface may appear to be giving rights to female legal heirs, it is really of a colourable nature since the Waqf cannot come into existence as the two conditions which have been tied together are diametrically opposite. It ensures that the two conditions can never be fulfilled.

It is a structural flaw, one that is so fundamental against the basic principles of Muslim law, in terms of the timing of inheritance and waqf, that it can never be fulfilled. By putting this mandate, the Waqf (Amendment) Act is merely conflating the two different legal processes. The misalignment makes the execution of the provision legally challenging and practically impossible. This clearly shows how the inclusion of Muslim women is only symbolic and is being used to further the State’s agenda for ensuring no Waqf-ul-aulad comes into existence.

Even assuming that putting such a provision stating how women legal heirs shall be given priority in inheritance was well-intended, it does not define its execution as the Act does not have any mechanism or operation attached to it.

Who is going to ensure the female legal heirs get their shares? Is there any appointed official? How are these to be enforced? If the female heirs do not get the share, who will have the burden of proof? Considering how Muslim women are at the intersection of gender and religious marginalisation, would the State provide programs to ensure Muslim women are made aware of this?

Such far-reaching reformative measures when effectuated without substantial deliberation furthers the conditions of patriarchy.

Tokenism in disguise

Essentially, we are left with an amendment which appears progressive but would collapse under the heavy weight of its own misalignment and contradictions. Any law that ignores justice, progress and inclusion, and expects a celebration by mere showcasing of women as decorative tokens would result in a complete disorientation on this concept of Waqf.

But the real question which we should really be asked is this: How many more laws would be reformed in a superficial manner which would continue to only exploit the identity of Muslim women in this country without aiming for any systemic change in their and their community’s lived experiences?

Source: theleaflet.in

https://theleaflet.in/religion/the-waqf-amendment-acts-insincere-promise-to-indias-muslim-women

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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/national-investigation-agency-malegaon-blast/d/135295

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